Antinicene
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Author(s): Athanasius Schaff, Philip (1819-1893) (Editor)
Publisher: Grand Rapids, MI: Christian Classics Ethereal Library
Description: With over twenty volumes, the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers is a momentous achievement. Originally gathered by Philip Schaff, the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers is a collection of writings by classical and medieval Christian theologians.The purpose of such a collection is to make their writings readily available. The entire work is divided into two series, each with fourteen volumes. The second series focuses on a variety of important Church Fathers, ranging from the fourth century to the eighth century.This particular volume contains a selection of works from St. Athanasius of Alexandria. St. Athanasius was a fourth century church father, who is well-known for his role in the Arian controversy.The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers are comprehensive in scope, and provide keen translations of instructive and illuminating texts from some of the great theologians of the Christian church. These spiritually enlightening texts have aided Christians for over a thousand years, and remain instructive and fruitful even today! Tim Perrine CCEL Staff Writer
Subjects: Christianity Early Christian Literature. Fathers of the Church, etc.
Title Page. 1
Editorial Preface. 2
Second Title Page. 3
Preface. 4
Prolegomena. 8
Literature. 8
Editions, U+0026c. 8
Translations 11
Biographies. 12
History of the Period, and of the Arian Controversy. 14
History of Doctrine. 15
Patristic Monographs. 16
Life of St. Athanasius and Account of Arianism. 17
Early years, 298-319. 17
The Arian Controversy before Nicæa, 319-325. 21
The Council of Nicæa. 25
The situation after the Council of Nicæa. 33
Early years of his Episcopate. The Anti-Nicene reaction, 328-335. 70
The Council of Tyre and First Exile of Athanasius, 335-337. 75
Renewal of Troubles. Second Exile. Pistus and Gregory, Culmination of Eusebian 80
Intrigue. Rome and Sardica. (337-346). The Golden Decade, 346-356. 92
The Third Exile, 356-362. 98
Athanasius under Julian and his successors; Fourth and Fifth Exiles. Feb. 21, 114
362, to Feb. 1, 366. Last Years, Feb. 1, 366-May 2, 373. 122
Writings and Personal Characteristics of S. Athanasius. 125
List of Writings. 125
Athanasius as an Author. Style and Characteristics. 132
Personal characteristics (see Stanley's Eastern Church, Lect. vii.). 134
The Theology of S. Athanasius. 137
General Considerations. 137
Fundamental ideas of man and his redemption. 140
Fundamental Ideas of God, the World, and Creation. 145
Vehicles of Revelation; Scripture, the Church, Tradition. 147
Content of Revelation. God Three in One and the Incarnation. 154
Derivative Doctrines. Grace and the Means of Grace; The Christian Life; The Last Things. 158
Chronology and Tables. 161
Sources. 161
Principles and Method. 162
Applications. 163
General Chronological Table of the Life of S. Athanasius. 170
Synoptical Table of the Bishops of the Chief Sees. 178
Appendix. The Civil and Military Government of Egypt in the Lifetime of Athanasius. 182
Against the Heathen. (Contra Gentes.) 186
Introduction. 186
Contra Gentes. (Against the Heathen.) 191
Part I 191
Introduction:--The purpose of the book a vindication of Christian doctrine, 191 and especially of the Cross, against the scoffing objection of Gentiles. The effects of this doctrine its main vindication. Evil no part of the essential nature of things. The original creation and constitution of man in grace and in the knowledge of God. 193
The decline of man from the above condition, owing to his absorption in material things.194
The gradual abasement of the Soul from Truth to Falsehood by the abuse of her freedom of Choice.195
Evil, then consists essentially in the choice of what is lower in preference to what is higher.196
False views of the nature of evil: viz., that evil is something in the nature of things, and has substantive existence. (a) Heathen thinkers: (evil resides in matter). Their refutation. (b) Heretical teachers: (Dualism). Refutation from Scripture.197
Refutation of dualism from reason. Impossibility of two Gods. The truth as to evil is that which the Church teaches: that it originates, and resides, in the perverted choice of the darkened soul.198
The origin of idolatry is similar. The soul, materialised by forgetting God, and engrossed in earthly things, makes them into gods. The race of men descends into a hopeless depth of delusion and superstition.199
The various developments of idolatry: worship of the heavenly bodies, the elements, natural objects, fabulous creatures, personified lusts, men living and dead. The case of Antinous, and of the deified Emperors.
Similar human origin of the Greek gods, by decree of Theseus. The process by which mortals became deified.202
The deeds of heathen deities, and particularly of Zeus. 204
Other shameful actions ascribed to heathen deities. All prove that they are but men of former times, and not even good men.205
The folly of image worship and its dishonour to art. 206
Image worship condemned by Scripture. 207
The details about the gods conveyed in the representations of them by poets and artists shew that they are without life, and that they are not gods, nor even decent men and women.208
Heathen arguments in palliation of the above: and (1) 'the poets are responsible for these unedifying tales.' But are the names and existence of the gods any better authenticated? Both stand or fall together. Either the actions must be defended or the deity of the gods given up. And the heroes are not credited with acts inconsistent with their nature, as, on this plea, the gods are.209
The truth probably is, that the scandalous tales are true, while the divine attributes ascribed to them are due to the flattery of the poets.211
Heathen defence continued. (2) 'The gods are worshipped for having invented the Arts of Life.' But this is a human and natural, not a divine, achievement. And why, on this principle, are not all inventors deified?
The inconsistency of image worship. Arguments in palliation. (1) The divine nature must be expressed in a visible sign. (2) The image a means of supernatural communications to men through angels.213
But where does this supposed virtue of the image reside? in the material, or in the form, or in the maker's skill? Untenability of all these views.215
The idea of communications through angels involves yet wilder inconsistency, nor does it, even if true, justify the worship of the image.216
The image cannot represent the true form of God, else God would be corruptible.217
The variety of idolatrous cults proves that they are false. 218
The so-called gods of one place are used as victims in another. 220
Human sacrifice. Its absurdity. Its prevalence. Its calamitous results. 221
The moral corruptions of Paganism all admittedly originated with the gods. 222
The refutation of popular Paganism being taken as conclusive, we come to the higher form of nature-worship. How Nature witnesses to God by the mutual dependence of all her parts, which forbid us to think of any one of them as the supreme God. This shewn at length. 223
But neither can the cosmic organism be God. For that would make God consist of dissimilar parts, and subject Him to possible dissolution. 225
The balance of powers in Nature shews that it is not God, either collectively, or in parts. 226
Part II 227
The soul of man, being intellectual, can know God of itself, if it be true to its own nature.227
Proof of the existence of the rational soul. (1) Difference of man from the brutes. (2) Man's power of objective thought. Thought is to sense as the musician to his instrument. The phenomena of dreams bear this out.228
(3) The body cannot originate such phenomena; and in fact the action of the rational soul is seen in its over-ruling the instincts of the bodily organs.229
§33. The soul immortal. Proved by (1) its being distinct from the body, (2) its being the source of motion, (3) its power to go beyond the body in imagination and thought.230
§34. The soul, then, if only it get rid of the stains of sin is able to know God directly, its own rational nature imaging back the Word of God, after whose image it was created. But even if it cannot pierce the cloud which sin draws over its vision, it is confronted by the witness of creation to God.231
Part III 232
Creation a revelation of God; especially in the order and harmony pervading the whole.232
This the more striking, if we consider the opposing forces out of which this order is produced.234
The same subject continued. 235
The Unity of God shewn by the Harmony of the order of Nature. 236
Impossibility of a plurality of Gods. 237
The rationality and order of the Universe proves that it is the work of the Reason or Word of God.238
The Presence of the Word in nature necessary, not only for its original Creation, but also for its permanence.240
This function of the Word described at length. 241
Three similes to illustrate the Word's relation to the Universe. 242
The similes applied to the whole Universe, seen and unseen. 243
Conclusion. Doctrine of Scripture on the subject of Part I. 244
Doctrine of Scripture on the subject of Part 3. 246 Necessity of a return to the Word if our corrupt nature is to be restored. 248
The Incarnation of the Word. 249
Introduction. 249
On the Incarnation of the Word. 258
Introductory.--The subject of this treatise: the humiliation and incarnation of the Word. Presupposes the doctrine of Creation, and that by the Word. The Father has saved the world by Him through Whom he first made it.258
Erroneous views of Creation rejected. (1) Epicurean (fortuitous generation). But diversity of bodies and parts argues a creating intellect. (2.) Platonists (pre-existent matter.) But this subjects God to human limitations, making Him not a creator but a mechanic. (3) Gnostics (an alien Demiurge). Rejected from Scripture.260
The true doctrine. Creation out of nothing, of God's lavish bounty of being. Man created above the rest, but incapable of independent perseverance. Hence the exceptional and supra-natural gift of being in God's Image, with the promise of bliss conditionally upon his perseverance in grace.262
Our creation and God's Incarnation most intimately connected. As by the Word
man was called from non-existence into being, and further received the grace
For God has not only made us out of nothing; but He gave us freely, by the Grace of the Word, a life in correspondence with God.266
The human race then was wasting, God's image was being effaced, and His work ruined. Either, then, God must forego His spoken word by which man had incurred ruin; or that which had shared in the being of the Word must sink back again into destruction, in which case God's design would be defeated. What then? was God's goodness to suffer this? But if so, why had man been made? It could have been weakness, not goodness on God's part.267
On the other hand there was the consistency of God's nature, not to be sacrificed for our profit. Were men, then, to be called upon to repent? But repentance cannot avert the execution of a law; still less can it remedy a fallen nature. We have incurred corruption and need to be restored to the Grace of God's Image. None could renew but He Who had created. He alone could (1) recreate all, (2) suffer for all, (3) represent all to the Father.268
The Word, then, visited that earth in which He was yet always present ; and saw all these evils. He takes a body of our Nature, and that of a spotless Virgin, in whose womb He makes it His own, wherein to reveal Himself, conquer death, and restore life.269
The Word, since death alone could stay the plague, took a mortal body which, united with Him, should avail for all, and by partaking of His immortality stay the corruption of the Race. By being above all, He made His Flesh an offering for our souls; by being one with us all, he clothed us with immortality. Simile to illustrate this.271
By a like simile, the reasonableness of the work of redemption is shewn. How Christ wiped away our ruin, and provided its antidote by His own teaching. Scripture proofs of the Incarnation of the Word, and of the Sacrifice He wrought.272
Second reason for the Incarnation. God, knowing that man was not by nature sufficient to know Him, gave him, in order that he might have some profit in being, a knowledge of Himself. He made them in the Image of the Word, that thus they might know the Word, and through Him the Father. Yet man, despising this, fell into idolatry, leaving the unseen God for magic and astrology; and all this in spite of God's manifold revelation of Himself.
For though man was created in grace, God, foreseeing his forgetfulness, provided also the works of creation to remind man of him. Yet further, He ordained a Law and Prophets, whose ministry was meant for all the world. Yet men heeded only their own lusts.276
Here again, was God to keep silence? to allow to false gods the worship He made us to render to Himself? A king whose subjects had revolted would, after sending letters and messages, go to them in person. How much more shall God restore in us the grace of His image. This men, themselves but copies, could not do. Hence the Word Himself must come (1) to recreate, (2) to destroy death in the Body.277
A portrait once effaced must be restored from the original. Thus the Son of the Father came to seek, save, and regenerate. No other way was possible. Blinded himself, man could not see to heal. The witness of creation had failed to preserve him, and could not bring him back. The Word alone could do so. But how? Only by revealing Himself as Man.272
Thus the Word condescended to man's engrossment in corporeal things, by even taking a body. All man's superstitions He met halfway; whether men were inclined to worship Nature, Man, Demons, or the dead, He shewed Himself Lord of all these.280
He came then to attract man's sense-bound attention to Himself as man, and so to lead him on to know Him as God.281
How the Incarnation did not limit the ubiquity of the Word, nor diminish His Purity. (Simile of the Sun.)282
How the Word and Power of God works in His human actions: by casting out devils, by Miracles, by His Birth of the Virgin.283
Man, unmoved by nature, was to be taught to know God by that sacred Manhood, Whose deity all nature confessed, especially in His Death.285
None, then, could bestow incorruption, but He Who had made, none restore the likeness of God, save His Own Image, none quicken, but the Life, none teach, but the Word. And He, to pay our debt of death, must also die for us, and rise again as our first-fruits from the grave. Mortal therefore His Body must be; corruptible, His Body could not be.286
Death brought to nought by the death of Christ. Why then did not Christ die privately, or in a more honourable way? He was not subject to natural death, but had to die at the hands of others. Why then did He die? Nay but for that purpose He came, and but for that, He could not have risen.288
But why did He not withdraw His body from the Jews, and so guard its immortality? (1) It became Him not to inflict death on Himself, and yet not to shun it. (2) He came to receive death as the due of others, therefore it should come to Him from without. (3) His death must be certain, to guarantee the truth of His Resurrection. Also, He could not die from infirmity, lest He should be mocked in His healing of others.290
Necessity of a public death for the doctrine of the Resurrection. 291
Further objections anticipated. He did not choose His manner of death; for He was to prove Conqueror of death in all or any of its forms: (simile of a good wrestler). The death chosen to disgrace Him proved the Trophy against death: moreover it preserved His body undivided.292
Why the Cross, of all deaths? (1) He had to bear the curse for us. (2) On it He held out His hands to unite all, Jews and Gentiles, in Himself. (3) He defeated the “Prince of the powers of the air” in His own region, clearing the way to heaven and opening for us the everlasting doors.293
Reasons for His rising on the Third Day. (1) Not sooner for else His real death would be denied, nor (2) later; to (a) guard the identity of His body, (b) not to keep His disciples too long in suspense, nor (c) to wait till the witnesses of His death were dispersed, or its memory faded.295
The change wrought by the Cross in the relation of Death to Man. 296
This exceptional fact must be tested by experience. Let those who doubt it become Christians.297
Here then are wonderful effects, and a sufficient cause, the Cross, to account for them, as sunrise accounts for daylight.298
The reality of the resurrection proved by facts: (1) the victory over death described above: (2) the Wonders of Grace are the work of One Living, of One who is God: (3) if the gods be (as alleged) real and living, a fortiori He Who shatters their power is alive.299
If Power is the sign of life, what do we learn from the impotence of idols, for good or evil, and the constraining power of Christ and of the Sign of the Cross? Death and the demons are by this proved to have lost their sovereignty. Coincidence of the above argument from facts with that from the Personality of Christ.300
But who is to see Him risen, so as to believe? Nay, God is ever invisible and known by His works only: and here the works cry out in proof. If you do not believe, look at those who do, and perceive the Godhead of Christ. The demons see this, though men be blind. Summary of the argument so far.301
Unbelief of Jews and scoffing of Greeks. The former confounded by their own Scriptures. Prophecies of His coming as God and as Man.302
Prophecies of His passion and death in all its circumstances. 303
Prophecies of the Cross. How these prophecies are satisfied in Christ alone. 304
Prophecies of Christ's sovereignty, flight into Egypt, U+0026c. 306
Psalm xxii. 16, U+0026c. Majesty of His birth and death. Confusion of oracles and demons in Egypt.307
Other clear prophecies of the coming of God in the flesh. Christ's miracles unprecedented.309
Do you look for another? But Daniel foretells the exact time. Objections to this removed.311
Argument (1) from the withdrawal of prophecy and destruction of Jerusalem, (2) from the conversion of the Gentiles, and that to the God of Moses. What more remains for the Messiah to do, that Christ has not done?312
Answer to the Greeks. Do they recognise the Logos? If He manifests Himself in the organism of the Universe, why not in one Body? for a human body is a part of the same whole.314
His union with the body is based upon His relation to Creation as a whole. He used a human body, since to man it was that He wished to reveal Himself.315
He came in human rather than in any nobler form, because (I) He came to save, not to impress ; (2) man alone of creatures had sinned. As men would not recognise His works in the Universe, He came and worked among them as Man; in the sphere to which they had limited themselves.317
As God made man by a word, why not restore him by a word? But (1) creation out of nothing is different from reparation of what already exists. (2) Man was there with a definite need, calling for a definite remedy. Death was ingrained in man's nature: He then must wind life closely to human nature. Therefore the Word became Incarnate that He might meet and conquer death in His usurped territory. (Simile of straw and asbestos.)319
Thus once again every part of creation manifests the glory of God. Nature, the witness to her Creator, yields (by miracles) a second testimony to God Incarnate. The witness of Nature, perverted by man's sin, was thus forced back to truth. If these reasons suffice not, let the Greeks look at facts.321
Discredit, from the date of the Incarnation, of idol-cultus, oracles, mythologies, demoniacal energy, magic, and Gentile philosophy. And whereas the old cults were strictly local and independent, the worship of Christ is catholic and uniform.322
The numerous oracles,--fancied apparitions in sacred places, U+0026c., dispelled by the sign of the Cross. The old gods prove to have been mere men. Magic is exposed. And whereas Philosophy could only persuade select and local cliques of Immortality, and goodness,--men of little intellect have infused into the multitudes of the churches the principle of a supernatural life.323
Further facts. Christian continence of virgins and ascetics. Martyrs. The power
of the Cross against demons and magic. Christ by His Power shews Himself
His Birth and Miracles. You call Asclepius, Heracles, and Dionysus gods for their works. Contrast their works with His, and the wonders at His death, U+0026c. 327
Impotence and rivalries of the Sophists put to shame by the Death of Christ. 328
His Resurrection unparalleled even in Greek legend. The new virtue of continence. Revolution of Society, purified and pacified by Christianity.329
Wars, U+0026c., roused by demons, lulled by Christianity. 330
The whole fabric of Gentilism levelled at a blow by Christ secretly addressing the conscience of Man.331
The Word Incarnate, as is the case with the Invisible God, is known to us by His works. By them we recognise His deifying mission. Let us be content to enumerate a few of them, leaving their dazzling plentitude to him who will behold.332
Summary of foregoing. Cessation of pagan oracles, U+0026c.: propagation of the faith. 333
The true King has come forth and silenced all usurpers. Search then, the Scriptures, if you can, and so fill up this sketch. Learn to look for the Second Advent and Judgment.334
Above all, so live that you may have the right to eat of this tree of knowledge and life, and so come to eternal joys. Doxology.335
Deposition of Arius. (Depositio Arii.) 336
Introduction. 336
Deposition of Arius. 338
Letter of Eusebius. (Epistola Eusebii.) 347
Introduction. 347
Letter of Eusebius. (Epistola Eusebii.) 348
Excursus A. 355
Statement of Faith. (Expositio Fidei.) 362
Introduction. 362
Expositio Fidei. (Statement of Faith.) 364
On Luke x. 22. (Illud Omnia, U+0026c.) 367
Introduction. 367
Illud Omnia, U+0026c. (On Luke x. 22.) 368
This text refers not to the eternal Word but to the Incarnate. 368
Sense in which, and end for which all things were delivered to the Incarnate Son.369
By 'all things' is meant the redemptive attributes and power of Christ. 371
The text John xvi. 15, shews clearly the essential relation of the Son to the Father. 372
The same text further explained. 373
The Trisagion wrongly explained by Arians. Its true significance. 374
Encyclical Letter. (Epistola Encyclica.) 375 Introduction. 375
Epistola Encyclica. (Encyclical Letter.) 377 Circular Letter. 377
Violent and Uncanonical Intrusion of Gregory. 379
Outrages which took place at the time of Gregory's arrival. 381
Outrages on Good Friday and Easter Day, 339. 383 Retirement of Athanasius, and tyranny of Gregory and Philagrius. 384
All the above illegalities were carried on in the interest of Arianism. 386
Appeal to the bishops of the whole Church to unite against Gregory. 387
Defence Against the Arians. (Apologia Contra Arianos.) 389
Introduction. 389
Apologia Contra Arianos. (Defence Against the Arians.) 394
Part I 394
Introduction. 394
Letter of Julius to the Eusebians at Antioch. 413
Letters of the Council of Sardica to the Churches of Egypt and of Alexandria, and to all Churches.429
Imperial and Ecclesiastical Acts in Consequence of the Decision of the Council of Sardica.445
Part II 452
Documents connected with the charges of the Meletians against S. Athanasius. 452
Documents connected with the Council of Tyre. 463
Additional Note on Apol. C. Arianos, §50. 482
Defence of the Nicene Definition. (De Decretis.) 485
Introduction. 485
De Decretis. (Defence of the Nicene Definition.) 487
Introduction. The complaint of the Arians against the Nicene Council; their fickleness; they are like Jews; their employment of force instead of reason.487
Conduct of the Arians towards the Nicene Council. Ignorant as well as irreligious to attempt to reverse an Ecumenical Council: proceedings at Nicæa: Eusebians then signed what they now complain of: on the unanimity of true teachers and the process of tradition: changes of the Arians.491
Two senses of the word Son, 1. adoptive; 2. essential; attempts of Arians to find a third meaning between these; e.g. that our Lord only was created immediately by God (Asterius's view), or that our Lord alone partakes the Father. The second and true sense; God begets as He makes, really; though His creation and generation are not like man's; His generation independent of time; generation implies an internal, and therefore an eternal, act in God; explanation of Prov. viii. 22.495
Proof of the Catholic Sense of the Word Son. Power, Word or Reason, and Wisdom, the names of the Son, imply eternity; as well as the Father's title of Fountain. The Arians reply, that these do not formally belong to the essence of the Son, but are names given Him; that God has many words, powers, U+0026c. Why there is but one Son and Word, U+0026c. All the titles of the Son coincide in Him.507
Defence of the Council's Phrases, “from the essence,” And “one in essence.” Objection that the phrases are not scriptural; we ought to look at the sense more than the wording; evasion of the Arians as to the phrase “of God” which is in Scripture; their evasion of all explanations but those which the Council selected, which were intended to negative the Arian formulæ; protest against their conveying any material sense.512
Authorities in Support of the Council. Theognostus; Dionysius of Alexandria; Dionysius of Rome; Origen.523
On the Arian Symbol “Unoriginate.” This term afterwards adopted by them; and why; three senses of it. A fourth sense. Unoriginate denotes God in contrast to His creatures, not to His Son; Father the scriptural title instead; Conclusion.530
Defence of Dionysius. (De Sententia Dionysii.) 537
Introduction. 537
De Sententia Dionysii. (Defence of Dionysius.) 541
Life of Antony. (Vita Antoni.) 560
Introduction. 560
Life of Antony. (Vita Antoni.) 570
Prologue. 570
Preface. 572
Birth and beginnings of Antony. 574
His early ascetic life. 575
Early conflicts with the devil. 577
Details of his life at this time (271-285?) 579
His life in the tombs, and combats with demons there. 581
He goes to the desert and overcomes temptations on the way. 583
How Antony took up his abode in a ruined fort across the Nile, and how he defeated the demons. His twenty years' sojourn there.584
How he left the fort, and how monasticism began to flourish in Egypt. Antony its leader.585
His address to monks, rendered from Coptic, exhorting them to perseverance, 586 and encouraging them against the wiles of Satan.586
The growth of the monastic life at this time (about A.D. 305). 600
How Antony renewed his ascetic endeavours at this time. 601
How he sought martyrdom at Alexandria during the Persecution (311). 602
How he lived at this time. 603
How he delivered a woman from an evil spirit. 604
How at this time he betook himself to his 'inner mountain.' 605
How he there combated the demons. 607
Of the miraculous spring, and how he edified the monks of the 'outer' mountain, and of Antony's sister.608
How humanely he counselled those who resorted to him. 609
Of the case of Fronto, healed by faith and prayer. 611
Of a certain virgin, and of Paphnutius the confessor. 612
Of the two brethren, and how one perished of thirst. 613
Of the death of Amun, and Antony's vision thereof. 614
Of Count Archelaus and the virgin Polycration. 615
Strange tales of the casting out of demons. 616
Of Antony's vision concerning the forgiveness of his sins. 617
Of the passage of souls, and how some were hindered of Satan. 618
How Antony reverenced all ordained persons. 619
How he rejected the schism of Meletius and the heresies of Manes and Arius. 620
How he confuted the Arians. 621
How he visited Alexandria, and healed and converted many, and how Athanasius escorted him from the city.622
How he reasoned with divers Greeks and philosophers at the 'outer' mountain. 623
How he confuted the philosophers by healing certain vexed with demons. 627
How the Emperors wrote to Antony, and of his answer. 628
How he saw in a vision the present doings of the Arians. 629
That his healings were done by Christ alone, through prayer. 631
How wisely he answered a certain duke. 632
Of the Duke Balacius, and how, warned by Antony, he met with a miserable end.633
How he bore the infirmities of the weak, and of his great benefits to all Egypt. 634
Of his discernment, and how he was a counsellor to all. 635
How, when now 105 years old, he counselled the monks, and gave advice concerning burial.636
Of his sickness and his last will. 637
Of Antony's death. 638
How Antony remained hale until his death, and how the fame of him filled all the world.639
The end. 640
Circular to Bishops of Egypt and Libya. (Ad Episcopos Ægypti Et Libyæ Epistola Encyclica.)641
Introduction. 641
To the Bishops of Egypt. 643
Chapter I 643
Chapter II 654
Apology to the Emperor. (Apologia Ad Constantium.) 667
Introduction. 667
Apology to the Emperor. (Apologia Ad Constantium.) 670
Defence Before Constantius 670
The first charge, of setting Constans against Constantius. 671
He never saw Constans alone. 672
The movements of Athanasius refute this charge. 674
No possible time or place for the alleged offence. 675
The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius. 676
This charge utterly incredible and absurd. 677
Disproof of It. 678
Athanasius could not write to one who did not even know him. 679
His loyalty towards Constantius and his brother. 680
Challenge to the accusers as to the alleged letter. 681
Truth the defence of Thrones. 682
This charge rests on forgery. 683
The third charge, of using an undedicated Church. 684
Want of room the cause, precedent the justification. 685
Better to pray together than separately. 686
Better to pray in a building than in the desert. 687
Prayers first do not interfere with dedication afterwards. 688
Fourth charge, of having disobeyed an Imperial order. 689
History of his disobeying it. 690
Section 21 691
Arrivals of Diogenes and of Syrianus. 692
A copy of the letter as follows: 693
Why Athanasius did not obey the Imperial Order. 694
The irruption of Syrianus. 695
How Athanasius acted when this took place. 696
Athanasius leaves Alexandria to go to Constantius, but is stopped by the news of the banishment of the Bishops.697
The news of the intrusion of George. 698
Athanasius has heard of his own proscription. 699
A copy of the letter of Constantius against Athanasius. 700
Letter of Constantius to the Ethiopians against Frumentius. 702
He defends his Flight. 704
Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins. 706
He expostulates with Constantius. 707
Section 35 708
Defence of His Flight. (Apologia de Fuga.) 709
Introduction. 709
Defence of His Flight. (Apologia de Fuga.) 711
Athanasius charged with cowardice for escaping. 711
Insincerity of this charge. 712
Outrages of the Arians against the Bishops. 713
Proceedings after the Council of Milan. 714
In praise of Hosius. 715
Outrages of George upon the Alexandrians. 716
Outrages of George. 717
If it is wrong to flee, it is worse to persecute. 718
The accusation shews the mind of the accusers. 719
Their real grievance is not that Athanasius is a
coward, but that he is free. 720
Examples of Scripture Saints in defence of flight. 721
The Lord an example of timely flight. 722
Example of Our Lord. 723
An hour and a time for all men. 724
The Lord's hour and time. 725
The Lord's example followed by the Saints. 726
A time to flee and a time to stay. 727
The Saints who fled were no cowards. 728
The Saints courageous in their flight, and divinely favoured. 729
Same Subject Continued. 730
The Saints fled for our sakes. 732
Same subject concluded. 734
Persecution is from the Devil. 735
Irruption of Syrianus. 736
Athanasius's wonderful escape. 737
He acted according to the example of the Saints. Character of his accusers. 738
Conclusion. 739
Arian History. (Historia Arianorum ad Monachos.) 740
Introduction. 740
Arian History. (Historia Arianorum ad Monachos.) 746
Arian Persecution Under Constantine. 746
First Arian Persecution under Constantius. 751
Restoration of the Catholics on the Council of Sardica. 755
Second Arian Persecution under Constantius. 765
Persecution and Lapse of Liberius. 771
Persecution and Lapse of Hosius. 777
Persecution at Alexandria. 783
Persecution in Egypt. 795
Against the Arians. (Orationes contra Arianos IV.) 812
Introduction. 812
Against the Arians. (Orationes contra Arianos IV.) 817
Discourse I 817
Introduction. Reason for writing; certain persons indifferent about Arianism; 817
Arians not Christians, because sectaries always take the name of their founder. Extracts from the Thalia of Arius. Arius maintains that God became a Father, and the Son was not always; the Son out of nothing; once He was not; He was not before his generation; He was created; named Wisdom and Word after God's attributes; made that He might make us; one out of many powers of God; alterable; exalted on God's foreknowledge of what He was to be; not very God; but called so as others by participation; foreign in essence from the Father; does not know or see the Father; does not know Himself.822
The Importance of the Subject. The Arians affect Scripture language, but their doctrine new, as well as unscriptural. Statement of the Catholic doctrine, that the Son is proper to the Father's substance, and eternal. Restatement of Arianism in contrast, that He is a creature with a beginning: the controversy comes to this issue, whether one whom we are to believe in as God, can be so in name only, and is merely a creature. What pretence then for being indifferent in the controversy? The Arians rely on state patronage, and dare not avow their tenets.826
That the Son is Eternal and Increate. These attributes, being the points in
dispute, are first proved by direct texts of Scripture. Concerning the 'eternal
power' of God in Rom. i. 20, which is shewn to mean the Son. Remarks on
Subject Continued. Objection, that the Son's eternity makes Him coordinate with the Father, introduces the subject of His Divine Sonship, as a second proof of His eternity. The word Son is introduced in a secondary, but is to be understood in real sense. Since all things partake of the Father in partaking of the Son, He is the whole participation of the Father, that is, He is the Son by nature; for to be wholly participated is to beget.836
Subject Continued. Third proof of the Son's eternity, viz. from other titles indicative of His coessentiality; as the Creator; One of the Blessed Trinity; as Wisdom; as Word; as Image. If the Son is a perfect Image of the Father, why is He not a Father also? because God, being perfect, is not the origin of a race. Only the Father a Father because the Only Father, only the Son a Son because the Only Son. Men are not really fathers and really sons, but shadows of the True. The Son does not become a Father, because He has received from the Father to be immutable and ever the same.841
Objections to the Foregoing Proof. Whether, in the generation of the Son, God made One that was already, or One that was not.848
Objections Continued. Whether we may decide the question by the parallel of human sons, which are born later than their parents. No, for the force of the analogy lies in the idea of connaturality. Time is not involved in the idea of Son, but is adventitious to it, and does not attach to God, because He is without parts and passions. The titles Word and Wisdom guard our thoughts of Him and His Son from this misconception. God not a Father, as a Creator, in posse from eternity, because creation does not relate to the essence of God, as generation does.852
Objections Continued. Whether is the Unoriginate one or two? Inconsistent in Arians to use an unscriptural word; necessary to define its meaning. Different senses of the word. If it means 'without Father,' there is but One Unoriginate; if 'without beginning or creation,' there are two. Inconsistency of Asterius. 'Unoriginate' a title of God, not in contrast with the Son, but with creatures, as is 'Almighty,' or 'Lord of powers.' 'Father' is the truer title, as not only Scriptural, but implying a Son, and our adoption as sons.857
Objections Continued. How the Word has free will, yet without being alterable. He is unalterable because the Image of the Father, proved from texts.862
Texts Explained; And First, Phil. II. 9, 10. Various texts which are alleged
against the Catholic doctrine: e.g. Phil. ii. 9, 10. Whether the words 'Wherefore
God hath highly exalted' prove moral probation and advancement. Argued
against, first, from the force of the word 'Son;' which is inconsistent with such
Texts Explained; Secondly, Psalm xlv. 7, 8. Whether the words 'therefore,' 'anointed,' U+0026c., imply that the Word has been rewarded. Argued against first from the word 'fellows' or 'partakers.' He is anointed with the Spirit in His manhood to sanctify human nature. Therefore the Spirit descended on Him in Jordan, when in the flesh. And He is said to sanctify Himself for us, and give us the glory He has received. The word 'wherefore' implies His divinity. 'Thou hast loved righteousness,' O+0026c., do not imply trial or choice.876
Texts Explained; Thirdly, Hebrews i. 4. Additional texts brought as objections; e.g. Heb. i. 4; vii. 22. Whether the word 'better' implies likeness to the Angels; and 'made' or 'become' implies creation. Necessary to consider the circumstances under which Scripture speaks. Difference between 'better' and 'greater;' texts in proof. 'Made' or 'become' a general word. Contrast in Heb. i. 4, between the Son and the Works in point of nature. The difference of the punishments under the two Covenants shews the difference of the natures of the Son and the Angels. 'Become' relates not to the nature of the Word, but to His manhood and office and relation towards us. Parallel passages in which the term is applied to the Eternal Father.885
Excursus B. On §22 (Note 3). 897
Discourse II 906
Texts explained; Fourthly, Hebrews iii. 2. Introduction; the Regula Fidei counter to an Arian sense of the text; which is not supported by the word 'servant,' nor by 'made' which occurs in it; (how can the Judge be among the 'works' which 'God will bring into judgment?') nor by 'faithful;' and is confuted by the immediate context, which is about Priesthood; and by the foregoing passage, which explains the word 'faithful' as meaning trustworthy, as do 1 Pet. iv. fin. and other texts. On the whole made may safely be understood either of the divine generation or the human creation.897
Texts explained; Fifthly, Acts ii. 36. The Regula Fidei must be observed; made applies to our Lord's manhood; and to His manifestation; and to His office relative to us; and is relative to the Jews. Parallel instance in Gen. xxvii. 29, 37. The context contradicts the Arian interpretation.918
Chapter XVI.--Introductory to Proverbs viii. 22, that the Son is not a Creature.
Arian formula, a creature but not as one of the creatures; but each creature
Introduction to Proverbs viii. 22 continued. Absurdity of supposing a Son or Word created in order to the creation of other creatures; as to the creation being unable to bear God's immediate hand, God condescends to the lowest. Moreover, if the Son a creature, He too could not bear God's hand, and an infinite series of media will be necessary. Objected, that, as Moses who led out the Israelites was a man, so our Lord; but Moses was not the Agent in creation:--again, that unity is found in created ministrations, but all such ministrations are defective and dependent:--again, that He learned to create, yet could God's Wisdom need teaching? and why should He learn, if the Father worketh hitherto? If the Son was created to create us, He is for our sake, not we for His.933
Introduction to Proverbs viii. 22 continued. Contrast between the Father's operations immediately and naturally in the Son, instrumentally by the creatures; Scripture terms illustrative of this. Explanation of these illustrations; which should be interpreted by the doctrine of the Church; perverse sense put on them by the Arians, refuted. Mystery of Divine Generation. Contrast between God's Word and man's word drawn out at length. Asterius betrayed into holding two Unoriginates; his inconsistency. Baptism how by the Son as well as by the Father. On the Baptism of heretics. Why Arian worse than other heresies.940
Texts explained; Sixthly, Proverbs viii. 22. Proverbs are of a figurative nature, and must be interpreted as such. We must interpret them, and in particular this passage, by the Regula Fidei. 'He created me' not equivalent to 'I am a creature.' Wisdom a creature so far forth as Its human body. Again, if He is a creature, it is as 'a beginning of ways,' an office which, though not an attribute, is a consequence, of a higher and divine nature. And it is 'for the works,' which implied the works existed, and therefore much more He, before He was created. Also 'the Lord' not the Father 'created' Him, which implies the creation was that of a servant.956
Texts Explained; Sixthly, Proverbs viii. 22 Continued. Our Lord is said to be created 'for the works,' i.e. with a particular purpose, which no mere creatures are ever said to be. Parallel of Isai. xlix. 5, U+0026c. When His manhood is spoken of, a reason for it is added; not so when His Divine Nature; Texts in proof.964
Texts Explained; Sixthly, Proverbs viii. 22, Continued. Our Lord not said in
Scripture to be 'created,' or the works to be 'begotten.' 'In the beginning' means
Texts Explained; Sixthly, the Context of Proverbs viii. 22 Vz. 22-30. It is right to interpret this passage by the Regula Fidei. 'Founded' is used in contrast to superstructure; and it implies, as in the case of stones in building, previous existence. 'Before the world' signifies the divine intention and purpose. Recurrence to Prov. viii. 22, and application of it to created Wisdom as seen in the works. The Son reveals the Father, first by the works, then by the Incarnation.989
Discourse III 1000
Texts Explained; Seventhly, John xiv. 10. Introduction. The doctrine of the coinherence. The Father and the Son Each whole and perfect God. They are in Each Other, because their Essence is One and the Same. They are Each Perfect and have One Essence, because the Second Person is the Son of the First. Asterius's evasive explanation of the text under review; refuted. Since the Son has all that the Father has, He is His Image; and the Father is the One God, because the Son is in the Father.1000
Texts Explained; Eighthly, John xvii. 3. and the Like. Our Lord's divinity cannot interfere with His Father's prerogatives, as the One God, which were so earnestly upheld by the Son. 'One' is used in contrast to false gods and idols, not to the Son, through whom the Father spoke. Our Lord adds His Name to the Father's, as included in Him. The Father the First, not as if the Son were not First too, but as Origin.1009
Texts Explained; Ninthly, John x. 30; xvii. 11, U+0026c. Arian explanation, that the Son is one with the Father in will and judgment; but so are all good men, nay things inanimate; contrast of the Son. Oneness between Them is in nature, because oneness in operation. Angels not objects of prayer, because they do not work together with God, but the Son; texts quoted. Seeing an Angel, is not seeing God. Arians in fact hold two Gods, and tend to Gentile polytheism. Arian explanation that the Father and Son are one as we are one with Christ, is put aside by the Regula Fidei, and shewn invalid by the usage of Scripture in illustrations; the true force of the comparison; force of the terms used. Force of 'in us;' force of 'as;' confirmed by S. John. In what sense we are 'in God' and His 'sons.'1013
Introductory to Texts from the Gospels on the Incarnation. Enumeration of texts still to be explained. Arians compared to the Jews. We must recur to the Regula Fidei. Our Lord did not come into, but became, man, and therefore had the acts and affections of the flesh. The same works divine and human. Thus the flesh was purified, and men were made immortal. Reference to I Pet. iv. 1.1031
Texts Explained; Tenthly, Matthew xi. 27; John iii. 35, U+0026c. These texts intended to preclude the Sabellian notion of the Son; they fall in with the Catholic doctrine concerning the Son; they are explained by 'so' in John v. 26. (Anticipation of the next chapter.) Again they are used with reference to our Lord's human nature; for our sake, that we might receive and not lose, as receiving in Him. And consistently with other parts of Scripture, which shew that He had the power, U+0026c., before He received it. He was God and man, and His actions are often at once divine and human.1043
Texts Explained; Eleventhly, Mark xiii. 32 and Luke ii. 52. Arian explanation
of the former text is against the Regula Fidei; and against the context. Our
Lord said He was ignorant of the Day, by reason of His human nature. If the
Holy Spirit knows the Day, therefore the Son knows; if the Son knows the
Father, therefore He knows the Day; if He has all that is the Father's, therefore
knowledge of the Day; if in the Father, He knows the Day in the Father; if He
created and upholds all things, He knows when they will cease to be. He knows
not as Man, argued from Matt. xxiv. 42. As He asked about Lazarus's grave,
U+0026c., yet knew, so He knows; as S. Paul says, 'whether in the body I know not,'
U+0026c., yet knew, so He knows. He said He knew not for our profit, that we be
not curious (as in Acts i. 7, where on the contrary He did not say He knew
not). As the Almighty asks of Adam and of Cain, yet knew, so the Son knowsas
God. Again, He advanced in wisdom also as man, else He made Angels perfect
before Himself. He advanced, in that the Godhead was manifested in Him
more fully as time went on.1049
Texts Explained; Twelfthly, Matthew xxvi. 39; John xii. 27, U+0026c. Arian inferences are against the Regula Fidei, as before. He wept and the like, as man. Other texts prove Him God. God could not fear. He feared because His flesh feared.1063
Objections continued, as in Chapters vii.--x. Whether the Son is begotten of
the Father's will? This virtually the same as whether once He was not? and
used by the Arians to introduce the latter question. The Regula Fidei answers
it at once in the negative by contrary texts. The Arians follow the Valentinians
in maintaining a precedent will; which really is only exercised by God towards
creatures. Instances from Scripture. Inconsistency of Asterius. If the Son by
will, there must be another Word before Him. If God is good, or exist, by His
will, then is the Son by His will. If He willed to have reason or wisdom, then
Excursus C. Introductory to the Fourth Discourse against the Arians. 1081
Discourse IV 1084
The substantiality of the Word proved from Scripture. If the One Origin be substantial, Its Word is substantial. Unless the Word and Son be a second Origin, or a work, or an attribute (and so God be compounded), or at the same time Father, or involve a second nature in God, He is from the Father's Essence and distinct from Him. Illustration of John x. 30, drawn from Deut. iv. 4.1084
When the Word and Son hungered, wept, and was wearied, He acted as our Mediator, taking on Him what was ours, that He might impart to us what was His.1089
Arians date the Son's beginning earlier than Marcellus, U+0026c. 1091
Unless Father and Son are two in name only, or as parts and so each imperfect, or two gods, they are coessential, one in Godhead, and the Son from the Father.1092
Marcellus and his disciples, like Arians, say that the Word was, not indeed created, but issued, to create us, as if the Divine silence were a state of inaction, and when God spake by the Word, He acted; or that there was a going forth and return of the Word; a doctrine which implies change and imperfection in Father and Son.1093
Such a doctrine precludes all real distinctions of personality in the Divine Nature. Illustration of the Scripture doctrine from 2 Cor. vi. 11, U+0026c. 1095
Since the Word is from God, He must be Son. Since the Son is from everlasting, He must be the Word; else either He is superior to the Word, or the Word is the Father. Texts of the New Testament which state the unity of the Son with the Father; therefore the Son is the Word. Three hypotheses refuted--1. That the Man is the Son; 2. That the Word and Man together are the Son; 3. That the Word became Son on His incarnation. Texts of the Old Testament which speak of the Son. If they are merely prophetical, then those concerning the Word may be such also.1097
Marcellian illustration from 1 Cor. xii. 4, refuted. 1106
That the Son is the Co-existing Word, argued from the New Testament. Texts
from the Old Testament continued; especially Ps. cx. 3. Besides, the Word in
Old Testament may be Son in New, as Spirit in Old Testament is Paraclete in
New. Objection from Acts x. 36; answered by parallels, such as 1 Cor. i. 5.
On the Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia. (De Synodis.) 1116
Introduction. 1116
On the Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia. (De Synodis.) 1122
History of the Councils. 1122
History of Arian Opinions. 1135
On the Symbols 'Of the Essence' And 'Coessential.' 1162
Synodal Letter to the People of Antioch. (Tomus ad Antiochenos.) 1185
Introduction. 1185
Synodal Letter to the People of Antioch. (Tomus ad Antiochenos.) 1188
Appendix. Exile of Athanasius under Julian, 362-363. 1196
Synodal Letter to the Bishops of Africa. (Ad Afros
Epistola Synodica.) 1199
Introduction. 1199
Synodal Letter to the Bishops of Africa. (Ad Afros
Epistola Synodica.) 1201
Letters of Athanasius with Two Ancient Chronicles of His Life. 1212
Introduction. 1212
The Historia Acephala. 1213
Introduction. 1213
The Historia Acephala. 1217
The Festal Letters, and their Index. 1226
Introduction. 1226
Index. 1235
Festal Letters. 1244
For 329. Easter-day xi Pharmuthi; viii Id. April; Ær. Dioclet. 45; Coss. Constantinus Aug. VIII. Constantinus Cæs. IV; Præfect. Septimius Zenius; Indict. II.1244
For 330. Easter-day xxiv Pharmuthi; xiii Kal. Mai; Æra Dioclet. 46; Coss. Gallicianus, Valerius Symmachus; Præfect, Magninianus; Indict. iii.1252
For 331. Easter-day xvi Pharmuthi; iii Id. April; Æra Dioclet. 47; Coss. Annius Bassus, Ablabius; Præfect, Florentius; Indict. iv.1258
For 332. Easter-day vii Pharmuthi, iv Non. Apr.; Æra Dioclet. 48; Coss. Fabius Pacatianus, Mæcilius Hilarianus; Præfect, Hyginus; Indict. v.1264
For 333. Easter-day, Coss. Dalmatius and Zenophilus; Præfect, Paternus; vi Indict.; xvii Kal. Maii, xx Pharmuthi; xv Moon; vii Gods; Æra Dioclet. 49.1268
For 334. Easter-day, xii Pharmuthi, vii Id. April; xvii Moon; Æra Dioclet. 50; Coss. Optatus Patricius, Anicius Paulinus; Præfect, Philagrius, the Cappadocian; vii Indict.1273
For 335. Easter-day iv Pharmuthi, iii Kal. April; xx Moon; Ær. Dioclet. 51; Coss. Julius Constantius, the brother of Augustus, Rufinus Albinus; Præfect, the same Philagrius; viii Indict.1281
For 338. Coss. Ursus and Polemius; Præf. the same Theodorus, of Heliopolis, and of the Catholics. After him, for the second year, Philagrius; Indict. xi; Easter-day, vii Kal. Ap. xxx Phamenoth; Moon 18½; Æra Dioclet. 54.1290
For 339. Coss. Constantius Augustus II, Constans I; Præfect, Philagrius the Cappadocian, for the second time; Indict. xii; Easter-day xvii Kal. Mai, xx Pharmuthi; Æra Dioclet. 55.1299
(Probably for 340 A.D.) To the Beloved Brother, and our fellow Minister Serapion.1311
(For 341.) Coss. Marcellinus, Probinus; Præf. Longinus; Indict. xiv; Easter-day, xiii Kal. Maii, xxiv Pharmuthi; Æra Dioclet. 57.1313
(For 342.) Coss. Augustus Constantius III, Constans II, Præf. the same Longinus; Indict. xv; Easter-day iii Id. Apr., xvi Pharmuthi; Æra Dioclet. 58.1318
(For 345.) Coss. Amantius, Albinus; Præf. Nestorius of Gaza; Indict. iii; Easter-day, vii Id. Apr., xii Pharmuthi; Moon 19; Æra Dioclet. 61.1323
(For 346.) Coss. Augustus Constantius IV, Constans III; Præf. the same Nestorius; Indict. iv; Easter-day iii Kal. Apr., iv Pharmuthi; Moon 21; Æra Dioclet. 62.1324
(For 347.) Coss. Rufinus, Eusebius; Præf. the same Nestorius; Indict. v; Easter-day, Prid. Id. Apr., Pharmuthi xvii; Æra Dioclet. 63; Moon 15.1325
(For 348.) Coss. Philippus, Salia; Præfect the same Nestorius; Indict. vi; Easter-day iii Non. Apr., viii Pharmuthi; Æra Dioclet. 64; Moon 18.1333
(For 350.) 1336
(For 352.) 1337
(For 355.) From the twenty-seventh Festal Letter of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria and Confessor; of which the commencement is, 'Again the season of the day of the living Passover.'1338
(For 356.) 1339
Another Fragment. 1340
(For 357.) From the twenty-ninth Letter, of which the beginning is, 'Sufficient for this present time is that which we have already written.'1341
Another Fragment. 1342
Another Fragment. 1343
(For 367.) Of the particular books and their number, which are accepted by the Church. From the thirty-ninth Letter of Holy Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, on the Paschal festival; wherein he defines canonically what are the divine books which are accepted by the Church.1345
(For 368.) 1348
(For 370.) 1349
(For 371.) 1350
(For 372.) And again, from the forty-fourth Letter, of which the commencement is, 'All that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ did instead of us and for us.'1351
(For 373.) 1352
Personal Letters. 1353
Letter to the Mareotis from Sardica, A.D. 343-4. 1353
To the Church of Alexandria on the same occasion. 1355
Letter to Amun. Written before 354 A.D. 1358
Letter to Dracontius. Written A.D. 354 or 355. 1361
First Letter to Lucifer. 1367
Second Letter to Lucifer. 1369
First Letter to Monks. (Written 358-360). 1372
Second Letter to Monks. 1375
To Serapion, concerning the death of Arius. 1377
Letter to Rufinianus. 1380
To the Emperor Jovian. 1382
First Letter to Orsisius. 1387
Second Letter to Orsisius. 1388
To Epictetus. 1390
To Adelphius, Bishop and Confessor: against the Arians. 1399
Letter to Maximus. (Written about 371 A.D.) 1406
To John and Antiochus. 1410
Letter to the Presbyter Palladius. 1411
To Diodorus (fragment). 1412
Memorandum. 1413
Indexes 1414
Index of Scripture References 1415
Greek Words and Phrases 1424
Index of Pages of the Print Edition 1467
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A SELECT LIBRARY OF THE NICENE AND POST-NICENE FATHERS OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.
SECOND SERIES TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH WITH PROLEGOMENA AND EXPLANATORY NOTES. VOLUMES I–VII. UNDER THE EDITORIAL SUPERVISION OF PHILIP SCHAFF, D.D., LL.D., PROFESSOR OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THE UNION THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK. AND HENRY WACE, D.D., PRINCIPAL OF KING’S COLLEGE, LONDON. VOLUME IV ATHANASIUS: SELECT WORKS AND LETTERS TU+0026T CLARK EDINBURGH
WM. B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN
It is with a sense of deep obligation to Mr. Robertson, the special editor, that this volume of the Post-Nicene series of the Fathers is presented to the subscribers and the public. It will furnish, as is believed, a more comprehensive and thorough introduction to the study of Athanasius than is elsewhere accessible, and the labour and devotion bestowed upon it are beyond all acknowledgment. Thanks must also be expressed to the publishers, by whose liberality the ordinary limits of the volumes of this series have been extended, in order that so important a Father as Athanasius might be represented with as much fulness as possible.
Mr. Robertson’s Preface explains the care and respect with which the translation and notes of Cardinal Newman have been treated, in reprinting them for the purpose of this edition. But there appeared in some parts of the translation inaccuracies which could not be reproduced consistently with a faithful representation of the original; and so far, therefore, and so far only, it has been corrected. Where any correction has been made in the Cardinal’s notes, it is of course distinctly specified.
I must add an expression of particular gratitude to my friend, the Rev. J. H. Lupton, Surmaster of St. Paul’s School, for his generous help in reading the translations throughout, and for various valuable suggestions. The assistance of his scholarly learning gives me additional confidence in presenting this volume to the public.
I must take the opportunity of expressing my great regret that there has been so considerable an interruption in the issue of the series. But by the sudden failure, partly from illness, and partly from other unforeseen causes, of two important contributions at the very moment when they were needed, the editor and the publishers were exposed to difficulties which were for the time insuperable. But other volumes of the series are now steadily progressing, and it is believed there will be no further interruptions in the publication.
Henry Wace.
King’s College, London, 21 Nov. 1891.
SELECT WRITINGS AND LETTERS OF ATHANASIUS, BISHOP OF ALEXANDRIA. Edited, with Prolegomena, Indices, and Tables, by ARCHIBALD ROBERTSON PRINCIPAL OF BISHOP HATFIELD’S HALL, DURHAM, LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD
In preparing the present volume the Editor has aimed at providing the English reader with the most complete apparatus for the study of Athanasius, his life, and his theological influence, which could be brought within the compass of a single volume of the ‘Nicene and Post-Nicene Library.’ The volume contains all the most important treatises of Athanasius (in as nearly as possible their exact chronological order), with the exception of the ad Serapionem, the contra Apollinarium, the ad Marcellinum, and the exegetical remains. On these and other treatises omitted from the present collection the reader is referred to the Prolegomena, ch. iii.
A great part of the volume, including the bulk of the historical and anti-Arian works, and the Festal Letters, consists of a revision of translations and notes comprised in the Oxford Library of the Fathers. The notes to all, and the translation of most, of the works in question, excepting the Festal Letters, were prepared for that series by Mr. (since Cardinal) Newman. It was at first intended to incorporate his work without any change; but as the volume began to take shape this intention was inevitably to some extent modified; moreover, the limits of space demanded the sacrifice of some of the less important matter. The principles upon which the necessary changes have been made will be found stated on pp. 304, 305, 450. What is there said applies also to the de Decretis and Letter of Eusebius, as well as to the notes to the historical pieces; it may be added that the translation of the ‘Fourth Discourse’ has been very carefully revised, in order to secure the utmost closeness to the somewhat difficult original. In all the new translations, as well as in the revision of earlier work, the aim has been to secure the strictest fidelity compatible with clearness. The easy assumption that distinctions of tenses, constructions, U+0026c., count for little or nothing in patristic Greek has been steadily resisted. Doubtless there are passages where the distinction, for example, of aorist and perfect, seems to fade away; but generally speaking, Athanasius is fully sensitive to this and other points of grammar.
The incorporation in this volume of so much of the ample patristic learning of Cardinal
Newman has inevitably involved some sacrifice of uniformity. To provide the new matter
with illustrative notes on anything like the same scale, even had it been within the present
editor’s power, would have involved the crowding out of many works which the reader will
certainly prefer to have before him. Again, many opinions are expressed by Cardinal Newman
which the present editor is unable to accept. It may not be invidious to specify as an example
the many cases in which the notes enforce views of Church authority, especially of papal
authority, or again of the justifiableness of religious persecution, which appear to be at any
rate foreign to the mind of Athanasius; or the tacit assumption that the men of the fourth
century can be divided by a broad and fast line into orthodox and heretical, and that while
But this has made it inevitable that many matters are regarded in one way in the notes of Newman, and in quite another where the present editor speaks for himself. What the great Cardinal says of his ‘Historical Sketches’ (Preface to vol. ii.) holds good to a large extent of his expositions of Athanasius. ‘Though mainly historical, they are in their form and character polemical, as being directed against certain Protestant ideas and opinions.’ The aim of the present editor has been throughout exclusively historical. He has regarded any polemical purpose as foreign to the spirit in which this series was undertaken, and moreover as fated in the long run to defeat its own aim. Whatever results may ultimately be reaped from the field of patristic studies, whether practical, dogmatic, or controversial, they must be resolutely postponed or rather ignored, pending the application of strict method to the criticism and interpretation of the texts, and to the reconstruction of the history whether of the life or of the doctrine of the Church. For the latter purpose, ‘lucifera experimenta, non fructifera quærenda.’ To follow this method, without concealing, but without obtruding, his personal convictions, has been the endeavour of the present editor. That he has succeeded, it is not for him to claim: but his work has been in this respect disinterested, and he ventures to hope that readers of all opinions will at least recognise in it ‘un livre de bonne foy.’
The Prolegomena are not intended to be anything approaching to a complete treatise upon the history, writings, or theology of S. Athanasius. They are simply what their title implies, an attempt to furnish in a connected form a preliminary account of the matters comprised in the text of the volume, such as on the one hand to reduce the necessity for a running historical commentary, on the other hand to prepare the reader for the study of the text itself.
Full indices have been added for the same purpose. The general index comprises the
leading theological and historical topics, and a complete register of all personal names. This
latter seemed requisite in order to escape the arbitrariness of any line which might have
been drawn between important and insignificant characters. The nobodies of history may
occasionally be important witnesses. The index of Scripture texts has been made with
painful attention to detail, and contains no unverified reference. To draw the line in each
case between formal citation and mere reminiscence would have involved too great an expenditure
of time and space; moreover there are many probable reminiscences of Scripture
For the original matter comprised in this volume the editor disclaims any credit of his own. He has aimed simply at consulting and comparing the best authorities, at sifting their conclusions, and at following those which seem best founded. That in doing so the original sources are ready to hand throughout is the peculiar good fortune of those who work at Athanasius. It remains, then, for the editor to express his principal obligations to modern writers. To mention those of earlier date, such as Montfaucon and Tillemont, is merely to say that he has not neglected the indispensable foundations of his task. But Athanasius has also attracted to the study of his works much of the best patristic scholarship of recent times. Among the names mentioned in the first chapter of the Prolegomena, that of Cardinal Newman speaks for itself. No English student will neglect his Arians, however much some of its views may require modification. Pre-eminent for accurate knowledge of the texts and for vivid presentment of the history is Dr. Bright, whose works have been constantly open before the present editor, and have secured him from many an oversight. His occasional divergence from Dr. Bright’s views, especially on points of chronology, has gone along with grateful appreciation of this scholar’s genuine historical interest, large theological grasp, and perhaps unequalled personal sympathy with Athanasius as a man and as a writer. (On the use made in this volume of his Later Treatises of S. Athanasius, the reader is referred to what is said, infr. p. 482.)
Last, but not least, the editor must acknowledge his obligations to Mr. Gwatkin. To say that that writer’s Studies of Arianism have done more than any one work with which he is acquainted to place the intricate story of the period on a secure historical footing is saying a great deal, but by no means too much. To say that whatever historical accuracy has been attained in this volume has been rendered possible by Mr. Gwatkin’s previous labours is to the present writer a matter of mere honest acknowledgment. Especially this is the case in chronological questions. Here Mr. Gwatkin has in no single instance been blindly followed, or without the attempt to interrogate the sources independently. But in nearly all cases Mr. Gwatkin’s results, which, it should be added, are those accepted by the best continental students also, have held their own. It has been the editor’s misfortune to differ from Mr. Gwatkin now and then, for example with regard to the Life of Antony: but even where he has differed as to conclusions, he has received help and instruction from Mr. Gwatkin’s ample command of material, and genuinely scientific method.
In addition to the above writers, the manifold obligations of the editor are recorded in
the introductions and notes: if any have been passed over, it has been due to inadvertence
or to the necessity of condensation. For the suggestions and help of personal friends the
A.R.
The University, Durham, 1891.
Literature
§1. Editions, U+0026c. (A) Before 1601 only Latin translations. The first, at Vicenza, 1482, completed by Barnabas Celsanus after the death of the translator Omnibonus of Lonigo; dedicated to Paul II. Contained a few works only, viz. the ‘two books c. Gentes,’ the letter to Serapion de Morte Arii, the De Incarn. adv. Arian. and adv. Apollin., ‘the Dispute with Arius at the Council of Nicæa.’ (2) Paris, 1520, pub. by Jean Petit: two books c. Gent. fragment of the ad Marcellin. and some ‘spuria.’ (3) Second edition at Strassburg, 1522. (4) Basel, 1527, by Eramus: Serap. ill. and iv., de Decr., Apol. Fug., Apol. c. Ar. (part of), ‘ad Monach.,’ and some ‘spuria’ (he rejected Serap. i. as unworthy of Athan.!). (5) Lyons, 1532, same contents as numbers (2) and (4), but with renderings by Politian, Reuchlin, Erasmus, U+0026c. (6) Cologne, 1632, similar contents. (7) 1556, Basel (‘apud Frobenium’), by P. Nannius, in 4 volumes; great advance on previous editions. 3 vols. contain the version by Nannius of the ‘genuina,’ the fourth ‘spuria,’ rendered by others. The Nannian version was ably tested, and found wanting, under the direction of the congregation of the Index (Migne xxv. pp. xviii. sqq.). (8) 1564 (or 1584?) Basel (substantially the same). (9) 1570, Paris, Vita Antonii and ‘five dialogues de Trin.,’ version of Beza. (10) 1572, Paris, five volumes, combining Nos. 7 and 9. (II) 1574, Paris, Letter ad Amun, Letter 39 (fragment), Letter ad Rufinianum. (12) 1581, Paris, incorporating the latter with No. 10. (13) Rome, 1623, the spurious de variis quæstionibus.
(B) The first Greek Edition (14) 1601 at Heidelberg by Commelinus, with the Nannian
Latin version (2 vols. fo. with a supplement of fragments, letters, U+0026c., communicated by P.
Felckmann). This edition was founded upon Felckmann’s collation of numerous mss., of
which the chief were (α) that in the Public Library at Basel (sæc. xiv., not ix.–x. as Felck.
states; formerly belonged to the Dominican Friary there). (β) The ‘Codex Christophorsoni,’
now at Trin. Coll., Camb., sæc. xvi. ineunt. (γ) A ‘Codex Goblerianus’ dated 1319, formerly
τῆς μονῆς τοῦ κυρίζου, and principally used by Nannius. Neither this nor the remaining
mss. of Felckmann are as yet, I believe, identified. (Particulars, Migne, P.G. xxv. p. xliii.)
(15) 1608, Paris, pub. by C. Chappelet, edited by Fronton le Duc, S.J., Latin only. (17) 1612,
Paris, No. 15, with Vit. Ant. in Greek and Latin, from an edition (16) of 1611, Augsburg, by
Höschel, 4º. (18) 1627, Paris, Greek text of 1601 with version of Nannius from edition No.
17, both injudiciously revised by Jean le Pescheur, from the critical notes of Felckmann
himself, which however are omitted in this edition. (19) ‘Cologne,’ or rather Leipzig, 1686,
(C) All the above were entirely superseded by the great (20) 1698 Paris Benedictine Edition by Bernard de Montfaucon, aided, for part of vol. 1, by Jacques Loppin, 3 volumes fol. (i.e. vol. 1, parts 1 and 2, ‘genuina,’ vol. 2 ‘dubia et spuria’), with a new Latin Version and ample prolegomena, U+0026c. Montfaucon took over, apparently without revision, the critical data of Felckmann (including his mistake as to the age of the Basel ms. but collated very many fresh mss. (principally Parisian, full particulars in Migne xxvi. pp. 1449, sqq.), and for the first time put the text on a fairly satisfactory footing. The Works of Athanasius were freshly arranged with an attempt at chronological order, and a ‘Monitum’ or short introduction prefixed to each. Critical, and a few explanatory, notes throughout; also an ‘onomasticon’ or glossary. This splendid edition was far more complete than its predecessors, and beautifully printed. After its completion, Montfaucon discovered fresh material, most of which he published in vol. 2 of his ‘Collectio Nova Patrum,’ Paris, 1706, with some further supplementary matter to his Prolegomena, partly in reply to Tillemont upon various critical questions; small additions in his Biblioth. Coisliniana, 1715. (The letters to Lucifer, included in Montfaucon’s edition, had already seen the light in vol. iv. of the Bibliotheca Maxima Patrum (Lyons, 1677, Greek fathers in Latin only), and the two notes to Orsisius were taken from the life of Pachomius in the Acta SS. for May.)
(21) 1746, Rome, the de Titulis Psalmorum, edited from Barberini and Vatican mss. by Cardinal Niccolo Antonelli. (22) 1769, Venice, vol. v. of the ‘Bibliotheca Patrum’ of the Oratorian Andrea Gallandi. Contains the works omitted in No. 20, chiefly from Montf. Coll. Nov., but with a few minor additions, and with the fragments and letters found by Maffei at Verona (see below, pp. 495, 554). (23) 1777, Padua, by Giustiniani, in four volumes, containing firstly Montfaucon’s ‘genuina’ in two volumes, the ‘dubia’ and ‘spuria’ in the third, and the supplementary matter from (21) and (22) in the fourth. The printing of this standard edition is not equal to that of No. 20. (24) ‘1884’ (1857), Paris, vols. xxv.–xxviii. of Migne’s Patrologia Græca, a reprint of No. 23, but in a new order (see vol. xxviii. p. 1650), and with the addition of the Festal Letters from Mai (see below, p. 501). The merits and demerits of this series are well known. Of the latter, the most serious are the misprints, with which every page literally teems.
(D) With Migne’s edition the publication of a complete Athanasius (so far as his works
are known to be extant) is attained, although there is still everything to be done towards the
revision of the text on a critical basis. Among modern editions of large portions of Athanasius
from the Benedictine text may be mentioned (25) Thilo, Athan. Opp. dogm. Selecta,
Leipz. 1853. (26) Bright, Orations against the Arians (1873 2nd ed. 1883), and Historical
§2. Translations. The principal Latin versions have been referred to in §1. Of those in foreign languages it is not easy to procure adequate information. Fialon, in the work mentioned below, translates Apol. Const. and Apol. Fug.; in German the ‘Bibliothek der Kirchenväter,’ vols. 13–18, Ausgew. Schriften des h. Ath., contains translations of several works by Fisch, Kempten from 1872. The principal English Translations are those in the ‘Library of the Fathers.’ Of these, those edited or translated by Newman are incorporated in this volume. Some letters included in this volume, as well as the work against Apollinarianism, are also comprised in the volume (Lib. Fath. 46, 1881) by Bright, with excellent notes, U+0026c., and with a preface by Dr. Pusey (see below, p. 482). Translations of single books will be noticed in the respective Introductions.
§3. Biographies. (a.) Ancient. The writings of Athanasius himself, while seldom furnishing precise chronological data, furnish almost all the primary information as to the facts of his eventful life. The earliest ‘Life’ is the panegyric of Gregory of Nazianzus (Or. 21), delivered at CP. 379 or 380, rich in praises, but less so in historical material. More important in the latter respect is the Historia Acephala (probably earlier than 390) printed in this volume, pp. 496, sqq. (The Edition by Sievers in Ztschr. für Hist. Theol. for 1868 is referred to in this volume as ‘Sievers’ simply.) It is a priceless source of chronological information, especially where it coincides with and confirms the data of the Festal Index (pp. 503, sqq.), a document probably earlier than 400. A secondary place is occupied by the Church historians, especially Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret, who draw largely from Athanasius himself, and from Rufinus, also in part from the Hist. Aceph. (especially Sozomen), and from Arian sources, which are mainly used by Philostorgius. More scattered notices in later ecclesiastical writers of the fourth century, especially Epiphanius; also Synesius, Jerome, Basil, U+0026c., in the documents of the Councils, U+0026c., and in the Life of Pachomius and other early documents relating to Egyptian Monasticism (see below, Introd. to Vit. Anton. and Appendix, pp. 188, 487).
(b) Medieval. Under this head we may notice the Lives printed by Montfaucon among his Prolegomena. The first, ‘Incerto Auctore,’ is dependent on the fifth-century historians and of no value. A second, preserved by Photius (c. 840) is in the judgment of that scholar, which Montfaucon endorses ‘unparalleled rubbish.’ That by the Metaphrast †967) is a patchwork from earlier writers made with little skill, and not of use to the historian. An Arabic Life current in the Coptic Church, communicated to Montf. by Renandot, is given by Montf., as he says, that his readers may appreciate the ‘stupendous ignorance and triviality’ of that nation. Montf. mentions Latin ‘Lives’ compiled from Rufinus and from the Hist. Tripartita, ‘of no value whatever.’ Of the Life of Athanasius ‘by Pachomius,’ mentioned by Archd. Farrar (infra), I can obtain no particulars.
(c) Modern. The first was that by Tortelius prefixed to the edition of 1520 (§1 (2)), but
compiled in the previous century and dedicated to Pope Eugenius IV. (‘good for its time,’
M.). Montf. mentions a valueless life by Lipomanus and a worse one of unknown origin
prefixed to other early editions. In 1671 Hermant made the first attempt at a critical biography
(Paris); in 1664 an English work, “History of the Life and Actions of St. Athanasius by N.B.
P.C. Catholick,” with the imprimatur of Abp. Sheldon, had been published at London, in
1677 the biography in Cave, Lives of the Fathers, and in 1686–1704 du Pin, Nouvelle Bibliothèque.
About the same date appeared the first volume of the Acta SS. for May, which contains
a careful life by Paperbroch (1685; ded. to Innocent XI.). But all previous (to say nothing of
subsequent) labours were cast into the shade by the appearance of the ‘Vita’ of Montfaucon
(Prolegg. to Tom. 1) in 1698, in which the chronology was reduced to order, and every
particle of information lucidly digested; and by the ‘Memoires’ of ‘M. Lenain de Tillemont’
(vol. viii. in 1702), which go over the ground with quite equal thoroughness, and on many
§4. History of the Period, and of the Arian Controversy. (a) Conflict of the Church with Heathenism. On the later persecutions Aubé, Les Chrétiens dans l’Emp. romain, Paris, 1881, id. ‘L’église et l’état,’ ib. 1886, Uhlhorn Der Kampf des Christentums, U+0026c. (4th ed.), 1886, Bernhardt Gesch. Roms von Valerian bis Dioklet., 1876, Görres, Licinianische Christenverfolgung, 1875. On Diocletian, Mason, Persec. of Diocl., 1876, Monographs by Vogel, 1857, Preuss, 1869. On the general subject of the decline of paganism, Lasaulx Untergang des Hellenismus, 1854, Merivale’s Boyle Lectures, 1864–5, Chastel, Destruction du Paganisme, 1850, Schultze Gesch. des Untergangs des G.-R. Heidentums, 1887 (not praised), Döllinger, Gentile and Jew (E. Tr.), 1862. On the revival of paganism under Julian, Rendall, Julian 1879, Bp. J. Wordsworth in D.C.B., vol. iii., lives of Julian by Neander, 1813, Rode, 1877, Mücke, 1879, Naville, 1877, Strauss, der Romantiker, u.s.w., 1847, Julian’s works, ed. Hertlein, 1875, and Neumann, 1880. Monographs by Auer, 1855, Mangold, 1862, Semisch, 1862, Lübker, 1864; Capes, University Life in Ancient Athens, 1877, Sievers, Leben des Libanius, 1868.
(b) The Christian Empire. Keim, Uebertritt Konstantins, 1862, Brieger, Konst. der G., 1880, Gibbon’s chapters on the subject should be carefully read. Chawner’s Legisl. of Constantine, De Broglie, L’église et L’emp. romain, iii., Ranke, Weltgesch. iv. pp. 1–100 (important), 1884, Schiller, Gesch. der röm. Kaiserzeit (ii), 1887. See also the full bibliography in vol. 1 of this series, p. 445–465.
(c) General History of the Church. It is unnecessary to enumerate the well-known genxiii eral histories, all of which devote special pains to Athanasius and the Arian controversy. This is especially the case with Schaff, Nicene Christ. ii. 616–678, 884–893, with full bibliography. See also supra §3. Bright’s Notes on the Canons (Oxf. 1882), and Hefele, vol. 2 (E. Tra.), are most useful: also Kaye, Council of Nicæa (Works, vol. v. ed. 1888). Card. Hergenröther’s Kirchengeschichte (allowing for the natural bias of the writer) is fair and able, with good bibliographical references in the notes (ed. 1884). By far the best modern historical monograph on the Arian period is that of Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, 1882, constantly referred to in this volume, and indispensable. His Arian Controversy, 1889, is an abridgement, but with supplementary discussions of importance on one or two points; very useful bibliography prefixed to both. (Cf. also below, Chap. v. §1) Kölling’s Geschichte der Arianischen Häresie (1st vol., 1874, 2nd, 1883) is pretentious and uncritical.
§5. History of Doctrine. For ancient sources see articles Heresiology and Person of Christ in D.C.B., vols. iii., iv. The modern classics are the works of Petavius, de Trinitate (in vols. ii. and iii. of his De dogmat. Theol.) of Thomassinus, Dogmata Theologica, and of Bull, Defensio fidei Nicænæ (maintaining against Petav. the fixity of pre-Nicene doctrine). Under this head we include Newman’s Arians of the Fourth Century, an English classic, unrivalled as a dogmatic and religious study of Arianism, although unsatisfactory on its purely historical side. (Obsolete chronology retained in all editions.) The general histories of Doctrine are of course full on the subject of Arianism; for an enumeration of them, see Harnack, §2 of his Prolegomena. In English we have Shedd (N.Y., 1863, Edinb., 1884), Hagenbach (Clark’s Foreign Theol. Lib.), and the great work of Dorner (id.). The most important recent works are those of Harnack, Dogmengeschichte (1886, third vol., 1890), a most able work and (allowing for the prepossessions of the Ritschl school) impartial and philosophical; and Loofs, Leitfaden zur Dogmengeschichte (2 ed., 1890), on similar lines, but studiously temperate and fair. Both works are much used in this volume (quoted commonly as ‘Harnack,’ ‘Loofs,’ simply. Harnack, vol. i., is quoted from the first edition, but the later editions give comparative tables of the pages). For Councils and Creeds, in addition to the works of Hefele and Bright mentioned §4 c., see Heurtley Harmonia Symbolica; Hahn, Bibliothek der Symbole; Hort, Two Dissertations (1876), indispensable for history of the Nicene Creed; Swainson, Nicene and Apostles’ Creed, 1875; Caspari, Ungedruckte u.s.w. Quellen zum Taufsymbol u.s.w. (3 vols. in 2, Christiania, 1866–1875), and Alte und Neue Quellen, ib. 1879; one of the most important of modern patristic works.
§6. Patristic Monographs. (a) Among the very numerous works of this kind, the most useful for our purpose are Zahn, Marcellus von Ancyra, 1867, very important for doctrinal history; Reinkens, Hilarius von Poitiers, 1864; Fialon, St. Basile, 1868; Ullmann, Gregorius von Nazianz (2 ed., 1867, part of earlier ed. trans. by Cox, 1855); Krüger, Lucifer von Calaris (excellent, especially for the Council of 362). Under this head may be mentioned the numerous excellent articles in Dict. Chr. Biog. referred to in their respective connexions.
(b) On the doctrine of Athanasius. In addition to the works of Ceillier and Möhler referred to above, Atzberger, Die Logoslehre des h. Ath. (Munich, 1880); Voigt, Die Lehre des Athan. (Bremen, 1861); Pell, Lehre des h. Ath. von der Sünde und Erlösung (Passau, 1888, a careful and meritorious analysis, candidly in the interest of Roman Catholicism. Difficulties not always faced).
The above list of authorities, U+0026c., does not pretend to completeness, nor to enumerate the sources for general secular or Church history. But in what relates specially to Athanasius it is hoped that an approximation to either requirement has been attained. Works bearing on more special points are referred to in their proper places. In particular, a special Brief Bibliography is prefixed to the Vita Antonii.
Life of St. Athanasius and Account of Arianism
A. §§1–3. To the Council of Nicæa, 298–325.
§1. Early years, 298–319.
§2. The Arian controversy before Nicæa (319–325).
§3. (1.) The Council of Nicæa (325).
§3. (2.) Situation at the close of the Council (325–328).
a. Novelty of Arianism. Its Antecedents in the history of doctrine.
b. The ‘Ομοούσιον.’
c. Materials for reaction. 1. Persecuted Arians. 2. Eusebius and the Court.
3. Ecclesiastical conservatism. Marcellus and Photinus.
B. §§4–8. The Conflict with Arianism (328–361).
§4. Early years of his Episcopate (328–335), and first troubles.
§5. The Council of Tyre and First Exile (335–337).
§6. Renewed troubles and Second Exile (337–346).
(1) At Alexandria (337–339).
(2) At Rome. Council of Antioch, U+0026c. (339–342).
(3) Constans; Council of Sardica, and its sequel (342–346).
§7. The golden Decade (346–356).
(1) Athanasius as bishop.
(2) Sequel of the death of Constans.
§8. The Third Exile (356–361).
(1) Expulsion of Athanasius.
(2) State of the Arian controversy:—(a) ‘Anomoeans’; (b) ‘Homoeans’; (c) ‘Semi-Arians.’
(3) Athanasius in his retirement.
C. §§9, 10. Athanasius in Victory (362–373).
§9. Under Julian and his successors; Fourth and Fifth Exiles (362–366).
§10. Last years. Basil, Marcellus, Apollinarius (366–373).
Id primum scitu opus est in proposito nobis minime fuisse ut omnia ad Arium Arianos aliosque haereticos illius aetatis itidemque Alexandrum Alexandrinum Hosium Marcellum Serapionem aliosque Athanasii familiares aut synodos spectantia recensere sed solummodo ea quæ uel ad Athanasii Vitam pertinent uel ad eam proxime accedunt.—Montfaucon.
Athanasius was born between 296 and 2981. His parents, according to later writers, were of high rank and wealthy. At any rate, their son received a liberal education. In his most youthful work we find him repeatedly quoting Plato, and ready with a definition from the Organon of Aristotle. He is also familiar with the theories of various philosophical schools, and in particular with the developments of Neo-Platonism. In later works, he quotes Homer more than once (Hist. Ar. 68, Orat. iv. 29), he addresses to Constantius a defence bearing unmistakeable traces of a study of Demosthenes de Corona (Fialon, pp. 286 sq. 293). His education was that of a Greek: Egyptian antiquities and religion, the monuments and their history, have no special interest for him: he nowhere betrays any trace of Egyptian national feeling. But from early years another element had taken a first place in his training and in his interest. It was in the Holy Scriptures that his martyr teachers had instructed him, and in the Scriptures his mind and writings are saturated. Ignorant of Hebrew, and only rarely appealing to other Greek versions (to Aquila once in the Ecthesis, to other versions once or twice upon the Psalms), his knowledge of the Old Testament is limited to the Septuagint. But of it, as well as of the New Testament, he has an astonishing command, ᾽Αλεξανδρεὺς τῷ γένει, ἀνὴρ λόγιος, δυνατὸς ὢν ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς. The combination of Scriptural study and of Greek learning was what one expects in a pupil of the famous Alexandrian School; and it was in this School, the School of Clement and Origen, of Dionysius and Theognostus, that young Athanasius learned, possibly at first from the lips of Peter the bishop and martyr of 3112. The influence of Origen still coloured the traditions of the theological school of Alexandria. It was from Alexander, Bishop of Alexandria 312–328, himself an Origenist ‘of the right wing,’ that Athanasius received his moulding at the critical period of his later teens.
Of his first introduction to Alexander a famous story is told by Rufinus (Hist. Eccl. I. xiv.). The Bishop, on the anniversary of the martyrdom of his predecessor, Peter, was expecting some clergy to dinner after service in a house by the sea. Out of the window, he saw some boys at play on the shore: as he watched, he saw that they were imitating the sacred rites of the Church. Thinking at last that they were going too far, he sent some of his clergy to bring them in. At first his enquiries of the little fellows produced an alarmed denial. But at length he elicited that one of them had acted the Bishop and had baptized some of the others in the character of catechumens. On ascertaining that all details had been duly observed, he consulted his clergy, and decided that the baptisms should be treated as valid, and that the boy-bishop and his clergy had given such plain proof of their vocation that their parents must be instructed to hand them over to be educated for the sacred profession. Young Athanasius accordingly, after a further course of elementary studies, was handed over to the bishop to be brought up, like Samuel, in the Temple of God. This, adds Sozomen (ii. 17), was the origin of his subsequent attachment to Alexander as deacon and secretary. The story is credited by some writers of weight (most recently, by Archdeacon Farrar), but seems highly improbable. It depends on the single authority of a writer not famed for historical judgment, and on the very first anniversary of Peter’s martyrdom, when Alexander had hardly ascended the episcopal throne, Athanasius was at least fourteen years old. The probability that the anniversary would have been other than the first, and the possibility that Athanasius was even older, coupled with the certainty that his theological study began before Peter’s martyrdom, compel us to mark the story with at least a strong note of interrogation. But it may be allowed to confirm us in the belief that Alexander early singled out the promise of ability and devotion which marked Athanasius for his right-hand man long before the crisis which first proved his unique value.
His years of study and work in the bishop’s household bore rich fruit in the two youthful
works already alluded to. These works more than any later writings of Athanasius bear traces
of the Alexandrian theology and of the influence of Origenism: but in them already we trace
the independent grasp of Christian principles which mark Athanasius as the representative
of something more than a school, however noble and many-sided. It was not as a theologian,
but as a believing soul in need of a Saviour, that Athanasius approached the mystery of
Christ. Throughout the mazes of the Arian controversy his tenacious hold upon this fundamental
principle steered his course and balanced his theology. And it is this that above all
else characterises the golden treatise on the Incarnation of the Word. There is, however,
one element in the influence of Origen and his successors which already comes out, and
which never lost its hold upon Athanasius,—the principle of asceticism. Although the ascetic
tendency was present in Christianity from the first, and had already burst forth into extravagance
in such men as Tertullian, it was reserved for the school of Origen, influenced by
Platonist ideas of the world and life, to give to it the rank of an acknowledged principle of
§2. The Arian Controversy before Nicæa, 319–325.
At the time when Athanasius first appeared as an author, the condition of Christian Egypt was not peaceful. Meletius, bishop of Lycopolis, was accused of having sacrificed during the persecution in 301 (pp. 131, 234); condemned by a synod under bishop Peter, he had carried on schismatical intrigues under Peter, Achillas, and Alexander, and by this time had a large following, especially in Upper Egypt. Many cities had Meletian bishops: many of the hermits, and even communities of monks (p. 135), were on his side.
The Meletian account of the matter (preserved by Epiphan. Hær. 58) was different from this. Meletius had been in prison along with Peter, and had differed from him on the question of the lapsed, taking the sterner view, in which most of the imprisoned clergy supported him. It would not be without a parallel (D.C.B. art. Donatists, Novatian) in the history of the burning question of the lapsi to suppose that Meletius recoiled from a compromised position to the advocacy of impossible strictness. At any rate (de Incarn. 24. 4) the Egyptian Church was rent by a formidable schism. No doctrinal question, however, was involved. The alliance of Meletians and Arians belongs to a later date.
It is doubtful whether the outbreak of the Arian controversy at Alexandria was directly connected with the previous Christological controversies in the same Church. The great Dionysius some half-century before had been involved in controversy with members of his Church both in Alexandria and in the suffragan dioceses of Libya (infr. p. 173). Of the sequel of that controversy we have no direct knowledge: but we find several bishops and numerous clergy and laity in Alexandria and Libya4 ready to side with Arius against his bishop.
The origin of the controversy is obscure. It certainly must be placed as early as 318 or
319, to leave sufficient time before the final deposition of Arius in the council of 321 (infr.
p. 234). We are told that Arius, a native of Libya, had settled in Alexandria soon after the
origin of the Meletian schism, and had from motives of ambition sided at first with Meletius,
then with Peter, who ordained him deacon, but afterwards was compelled to depose him
(Epiph. Hær. 69, Sozom. i. 15). He became reconciled to Achillas, who raised him to the
presbyterate. Disappointed of the bishopric at the election of Alexander, he nurtured a
private grudge (Thdt. H. E. i. 2), which eventually culminated in opposition to his teaching.
These tales deserve little credit: they are unsupported by Athanasius, and bear every trace
of invention ex post facto. That Arius was a vain person we see from his Thalia (infr. p. 308):
but he certainly possessed claims to personal respect, and we find him not only in charge
of the urban parish of Baucalis, but entrusted with the duties of a professor of scriptural
In all this confusion Athanasius was ready with his convictions. His sure instinct and powerful grasp of the centre of the question made him the mainstay of his Bishop in the painful conflict. At a stage5 of it difficult to determine with precision, Alexander sent out to the bishops of the Church at large a concise and carefully-worded memorandum of the decision of the Egyptian Synod of 321, fortified by the signatures of the clergy of Alexandria and the Mareotis (see infra, pp. 68–71).
This weighty document, so different in thought and style from the letter of Alexander preserved by Theodoret, bears the clear stamp of the mind and character of Athanasius: it contains the germ of which his whole series of anti-Arian writings are the expansion (see introd. and notes, pp. 68–71), and is a significant comment on the hint of the Egyptian. bishops (Apol. c. Ar. 6 ad init.).
Early in 324 a new actor came upon the scene. Hosius, bishop of Cordova and confessor
(he is referred to, not by name, Vit. Const. ii. 63, 73, cf. iii. 7, ὁ πάνυ βοώμενος; by name,
Socr. i. 7), arrived with a letter from the Emperor himself, intreating both parties to make
§3 (1) The Council of Nicæa.
An ecumenical council was a new experiment. Local councils had long since grown to
be a recognised organ of the Church both for legislation and for judicial proceedings. But
no precedent as yet prescribed, no ecclesiastical law or theological principle had as yet enthroned,
the ‘General Council’ as the supreme expression of the Church’s mind. Constantine
had already referred the case of the Donatists first to a select council at Rome under bishop
Miltiades, then to what Augustine (Ep. 43) has been understood to call a ‘plenarium ecclesiæ
universæ concilium’ at Arles in 314. This remedy for schism was now to be tried on a grander
scale. That the heads of all the Churches of Christendom should meet in free and brotherly
deliberation, and should testify to all the world their agreement in the Faith handed down
independently but harmoniously from the earliest times in Churches widely remote in
situation, and separated by differences of language, race, and civilisation, is a grand and
impressive idea, an idea approximately realised at Nicæa as in no other assembly that has
ever met. The testimony of such an assembly carries the strongest evidential weight; and
the almost unanimous horror of the Nicene Bishops at the novelty and profaneness of
Arianism condemns it irrevocably as alien to the immemorial belief of the Churches. But
it was one thing to perceive this, another to formulate the positive belief of the Church in
such a way as to exclude the heresy; one thing to agree in condemning Arian formulæ, another
to agree upon an adequate test of orthodoxy. This was the problem which lay before
the council, and with which only its more clearsighted members tenaciously grappled: this
is the explanation of the reaction which followed, and which for more than a generation,
for well nigh half a century after, placed its results in jeopardy. The number of bishops who
met at Nicæa was over 2506. They represented many nationalities (Euseb. ubi supra.), but
only a handful came from the West, the chief being Hosius, Cæcilian of Carthage, and the
presbyters sent by Silvester of Rome, whose age prevented his presence in person. The
council lasted from the end of May till Aug. 25 (see D.C.A., 1389). With the many picturesque
stories told of its incidents we have nothing to do (Stanley’s Eastern Church, Socr. i. 10–12,
Soz. i. 17, 18, Rufin. H. E. i. 3–5); but it may be well to note the division of parties. (1) Of
thoroughgoing partisans of Arius, Secundus7 and Theonas alone scorned all compromise.
The test formula of Nicæa was the work of two concurrent influences, that of the anti-
Origenists of the East, especially Marcellus of Ancyra, Eustathius of Antioch, supported by
Macarius of ‘Ælia,’ Hellanicus of Tripolis, and Asclepas of Gaza, and that of the Western
bishops, especially Hosius of Cordova. The latter fact explains the energetic intervention of
Constantine at the critical moment on behalf of the test (see below, and Ep. Eus. p. 75); the
word was commended to the Fathers by Constantine, but Constantine was ‘prompted’ by
Hosius (Harnack, Dogmg. ii. 226); οὗτος τὴν ἐν ΝικαίU+0026 139· πίοτιν ἐξέθετο (infr. p. 285,
§42). Alexander (the Origenist) had been prepared for this by Hosius beforehand (Soc. iii.
7; Philost. i. 7; cf. Zahn Marcell. p. 23, and Harnack’s important note, p. 229). Least of all
was Athanasius the author of the ὁμοούσιον; his whole attitude toward the famous test
(infr. p. 303) is that of loyal acceptance and assimilation rather than of native inward affinity.
‘He was moulded by the Nicene Creed, did not mould it himself’ (Loofs, p. 134). The theological
keynote of the council was struck by a small minority; Eustathius, Marcellus, perhaps
Macarius, and the Westerns, above all Hosius; the numbers were doubtless contributed by
the Egyptian bishops who had condemned Arius in 321. The signatures, which seem partly
incorrect, preserve a list of about 20. The party then which rallied round Alexander in
formal opposition to the Arians may be put down at over thirty. ‘The men who best understood
Arianism were most decided on the necessity of its formal condemnation.’ (Gwatkin.)
To this compact and determined group the result of the council was due, and in their struggle
they owed much—how much it is hard to determine—to the energy and eloquence of the
deacon Athanasius, who had accompanied his bishop to the council as an indispensable
companion (infr. p. 103; Soz. i. 17 fin.). (3) Between the convinced Arians and their reasoned
opponents lay the great mass of the bishops, 200 and more, nearly all from Syria and Asia
Minor, who wished for nothing more than that they might hand on to those who came after
them the faith they had received at baptism, and had learned from their predecessors. These
But the ‘conservatism’ of the great mass of bishops rejected Arianism more promptly than had been expected by its adherents or patrons.
The real work of the council did not begin at once. The way was blocked by innumerable
applications to the Christian Emperor from bishops and clergy, mainly for the redress of
personal grievances. Commonplace men often fail to see the proportion of things, and to
rise to the magnitude of the events in which they play their part. At last Constantine appointed
a day for the formal and final reception of all personal complaints, and burnt the ‘libelli’
in the presence of the assembled fathers. He then named a day by which the bishops were
to be ready for a formal decision of the matters in dispute. The way was now open for the
leaders to set to work. Quasi-formal meetings were held, Arius and his supporters met the
bishops, and the situation began to clear (Soz. i. 17). To their dismay (de Decr. 3) the Arian
leaders realised that they could only count on some seventeen supporters out of the entire
body of bishops. They would seem to have seriously and honestly underrated the novelty
of their own teaching (cf. the letter of Arius in Thdt. i. 5), and to have come to the council
with the expectation of victory over the party of Alexander. But they discovered their mistake:
‘Fallere et effugere’ was in fact the problem which now confronted them. It seems to
have been agreed at an early stage, perhaps it was understood from the first, that some formula
of the unanimous belief of the Church must be fixed upon to make an end of controversy.
The Alexandrians and ‘Conservatives’ confronted the Arians with the traditional
Scriptural phrases (pp. 163, 491) which appeared to leave no doubt as to the eternal Godhead
of the Son. But to their surprise they were met with perfect acquiescence. Only as each test
was propounded, it was observed that the suspected party whispered and gesticulated to
one another, evidently hinting that each could be safely accepted, since it admitted of evasion.
If their assent was asked to the formula ‘like to the Father in all things,’ it was given with
the reservation that man as such is ‘the image and glory of God.’ The ‘power of God’ elicited
the whispered explanation that the host of Israel was spoken of as δύναμις κυρίου, and that
even the locust and caterpillar are called the ‘power of God.’ The ‘eternity’ of the Son was
countered by the text, ‘We that live are alway (2 Cor. iv. 11)!’ The fathers were baffled, and
the test of ὁμοούσιον, with which the minority had been ready from the first, was being
forced (p. 172) upon the majority by the evasions of the Arians. When the day for the decisive
meeting arrived it was felt that the choice lay between the adoption of the word, cost what
it might, and the admission of Arianism to a position of toleration and influence in the
Church. But then, was Arianism all that Alexander and Eustathius made it out to be? was
Arianism so very intolerable, that this novel test must be imposed on the Church? The answer
All was now ready; the creed, the result of minute and careful deliberations (we do not
know their history, nor even how long they occupied12), lay before the council. We are told
‘the council paused.’ The evidence fails us; but it may well have been so. All the bishops who
The council broke up after being entertained by the Emperor at a sumptuous banquet in honour of his Vicennalia. The recalcitrant bishops with Arius and some others were sent into exile (an unhappy and fateful precedent), a fate which soon after overtook Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis (see the discussion in D.C.B. ii. 364 sq.). But in 329 ‘we find Eusebius once more in high favour with Constantine, discharging his episcopal functions, persuading Constantine that he and Arius held substantially the Creed of Nicæa.’
The council also dealt with the Paschal question (see Vit. Const. iii. 18; so far as the
question bears on Athanasius see below, p. 500), and with the Meletian schism in Egypt.
The latter was the main subject of a letter (Soc. i. 9; Thdt. i. 9) to the Alexandrian Church.
Meletius himself was to retain the honorary title of bishop, to remain strictly at home, and
to be in lay communion for the rest of his life. The bishops and clergy of his party were to
receive a μυστικωτέρα χειροτονία (see Bright, Notes on Canons, pp. 25 sqq.; Gore, The
Church and the Ministry, ed. 1, p. 192 note), and to be allowed to discharge their office, but
in the strictest subordination to the Catholic Clergy of Alexander. But on vacancies occurring,
the Meletian incumbents were to succeed subject to (1) their fitness, (2) the wishes of the
people, (3) the approval of the Bishop of Alexandria. The terms were mild, and even the
gentle nature of Alexander seems to have feared that immediate peace might have been
purchased at the expense of future trouble (his successor openly blames the compromise,
p. 131, and more strongly p. 137); accordingly, before carrying out the settlement he required
Meletius to draw up an exact list of his clergy at the time of the council, so as to bar an in
Five months after the conclusion of the negotiations, Alexander having now died, the flame of schism broke out afresh (infr. p. 131. Montfaucon, in Migne xxv. p. lvii., shews conclusively that the above is the meaning of the μῆνας πέντε.) On his death-bed, Alexander called for Athanasius. He was away from Alexandria, but the other deacon of that name (see signatures p. 71), stepped forward in answer to the call. But without noticing him, the Bishop repeated the name, adding, ‘You think to escape, but it cannot be.’ (Sozom. ii. 17.) Alexander had already written his Easter Letter for the year 328 (it was apparently still extant at the end of the century, p. 503). He died on April 17 of that year (Pharmuthi 22), and on the eighth of June Athanasius was chosen bishop in his stead.
§3 (2). The situation after the Council of Nicæa.
The council (a) had testified, by its horrified and spontaneous rejection of it, that Arianism was a novelty subversive of the Christian faith as they had received it from their fathers. They had (b) banished it from the Church by an inexorable test, which even the leading supporters of Arius had been induced to subscribe. In the years immediately following, we find (c) a large majority of the Eastern bishops, especially of Syria and Asia Minor, the very regions whence the numerical strength of the council was drawn, in full reaction against the council; first against the leaders of the victorious party, eventually and for nearly a whole generation against the symbol itself; the final victory of the latter in the East being the result of the slow growth of conviction, a growth independent of the authority of the council which it eventually was led to recognise. To understand this paradox of history, which determines the whole story of the life of Athanasius as bishop, it is necessary to estimate at some length the theological and ecclesiastical situation at the close of the council: this will best be done by examining each point in turn (a) the novelty of Arianism, (b) the ὁμοούσιον as a theological formula, (c) the materials for reaction.
(a) ‘Arianism was a new doctrine in the Church’ (Harnack, p. 218); but it claimed to be no novelty. And it was successful for a long time in gaining ‘conservative’ patronage. Its novelty, as observed above, is sufficiently shewn by its reception at the Council of Nicæa. But no novelty springs into existence without antecedents. What were the antecedents of Arianism? How does it stand related to the history within the Church of the momentous question, ‘What think ye of Christ?’
In examining such a question, two methods are possible. We may take as our point of departure the formulated dogma say of Nicæa, and examine in the light of it variations in theological statements in preceding periods, to shew that they do not warrant us in regarding the dogma as an innovation. That is the dogmatic method. Or we may take our start from the beginning, and trace the history of doctrine in the order of cause and effect, so as to detect the divergence and convergence of streams of influence, and arrive at an answer to the question, How came men to think and speak as they did? That is the historical method. Both methods have their recommendations, and either has been ably applied to the problem before us. In electing the latter I choose the more difficult road; but I do so with the conviction, firstly, that the former has tended (and especially in the ablest hands) to obscure our perception of the actual facts, secondly, that the saving faith of Christ has everything to gain from a method which appeals directly to our sense of historical truth, and satisfies, not merely overawes, the mind.
Let us then go back to ‘the beginning of the Gospel.’ Taking the synoptic gospels as our
primary evidence, we ask, what did Christ our Lord teach about Himself? We do not find
formal definitions of doctrine concerning His Person. Doubtless it may seem that such a
definition on His part would have saved infinite dispute and searchings of heart in the history
who the Son is, save the Father,
neither knoweth any man who the Father is save the Son, and he to whomsoever the
Son will (βούληται) reveal Him.’ Observe the reciprocity of knowledge between the Son and
the Father. This claim is a decisive instantia foederis between the Synoptics and the Fourth
Gospel, e.g. John xvi. 15; xiv. 9, U+0026c. Fourthly, we observe the claim made by Him throughout
the synoptic record to absolute confidence, absolute faith, obedience, self-surrender, such
as no frail man is justified in claiming from another; the absence of any trace in the mind
of the ‘meek and lowly’ one of that consciousness of sin, that need of reconciliation with
God, which is to us an indispensable condition of the religious temper, and the startingpoint
of Christian faith (contrast Isa. vi. 5).
We now turn to the Apostles. Here a few brief remarks must suffice. (A suggestive
summary in Sanday, ‘What the first Christians thought about Christ,’ Oxford House Papers,
First Series.) That S. Paul’s summary of the Gospel (1 Cor. xv. 3 sqq.) is given by him as
common ground between himself and the older Apostles follows strictly from the fact that
the verb used (παρέλαβον) links the facts of Redemption (v. 3, 4) with the personal experiences
of the original disciples (5 sqq.). In fact it is not in dispute that the original Jewish
nucleus of the Apostolic Church preached Jesus as the Messiah, and His death as the ground
of forgiveness of sins (Pfleiderer, Urchrist. p. 20; Acts ii. 36, 38; iii. 26; iv. 12, U+0026c.; the ‘Hebraic
colouring’ of these early chapters is very characteristic and important). The question
The apostles of the circumcision, however, stood between S. Paul and the zealot mass of Jewish Christians (Acts xxi. 20), many of whom were far from acquiescing in the recognition of S. Paul’s Gospel. On the same principle that we have used to determine the belief of the Στῦλοι with regard to Christ, we must needs recognise that where the gospel of the uncircumcision was still assailed or disparaged, the Divinity of Christ was apprehended faintly, or not at all.
The name of the ‘Ebionite’ sect testifies to its continuity with a section of the Jerusalem
Church (see Lightfoot’s Galatians, S. Paul and the Three). It should be observed, however,
firstly that between the clear-sighted Apostle of the Gentiles and the straitest of the zealots,
there lay every conceivable gradation of intermediate positions (Loofs, Leitf. §11. 2, 3);
secondly, that while emancipation from legalism in the Apostolic Church implied what has
The divinity of Christ then was firmly held by S. Paul (the most remarkable passage is Rom. x. 9, 11, 13, where Κύριον ᾽Ιησοῦν = αὐτόν = Κύριον = Joel ii. 32), and his belief was held by him in common with the Jewish Apostles, although with a clearer illumination as to its consequences. That this belief was absolutely universal in the Church is not to be maintained, the elimination of Ebionism was only gradual (Justin, Dial. xlviii. ad fin.); but that it, and not Ebionism, represented the common belief of the Apostles and New Testament writers is not to be doubted.
But taking this as proved, we do not find an equally clear answer to the question In what sense is Christ God? The synoptic record makes no explicit reference to the pre-existence of Christ: but the witness of John and descent of the Spirit (Mark i. 7–11) at His baptism, coupled with the Virginal Birth (Mt., Lk.), and with the traits of the synoptic portrait of Christ as collected above, if they do not compel us to assert, yet forbid us to deny the presence of this doctrine to the minds of the Evangelists. In the Pauline (including Hebrews) and Johannine writings the doctrine is strongly marked, and in the latter (Joh. i. 1, 14, 18, μονογενὴς Θεός) Jesus Christ is expressly identified with the creative Word (Palestinian Memra, rather than Alexandrian or from Philo; see also Rev. xix. 13), and the Word with God. Moreover such passages as Philipp. ii. 6 sqq., 2 Cor. xiii. 14 (the Apostolic benediction), U+0026c., U+0026c., are significant of the impression left upon the mind of the infant Churches as they started upon their history no longer under the personal guidance of the Apostles of the Lord.
Jesus Christ was God, was one with the Father and with the Spirit: that was enough for the faith, the love, the conduct of the primitive Church. The Church was nothing so little as a society of theologians; monotheists and worshippers of Christ by the same instinct, to analyse their faith as an intellectual problem was far from their thoughts: God Himself (and there is but one God) had suffered for them (Ign. Rom. vi.; Tat. Gr. 13; Melito Fr. 7), God’s sufferings were before their eyes (Clem. R. I. ii. 1), they desired the drink of God, even His blood (Ign. Rom. vii., cf. Acts xx. 28); if enthusiastic devotion gave way for a moment to reflexion ‘we must think of Jesus Christ as of God’ (‘Clem. R.’ II. 1).
The ‘Apostolic fathers’ are not theological in their aim or method. The earliest seat of
theological reflexion in the primitive Church appears to have been Asia Minor, or rather
Western Asia from Antioch to the Ægean. From this region proceed the Ignatian letters,
which stand alone among the literature of their day in theological depth and reflexion. Their
theology ‘is wonderfully mature in spite of its immaturity, full of reflexions, and yet at the
same time full of intuitive originality’ (Loofs, p. 61). The central idea is that of the renovation
of man (Eph. 20), now under the power of Satan and Death (ib. 3, 19), which are undone
(κατάλυσις) in Christ, the risen Saviour (Smyrn. 3), who is ‘our true Life,’ and endows us
with immortality (Smyrn. 4, Magn. 6, Eph. 17). This is by virtue of His Divinity (Eph. 19,
It was in fact the controversies of the second century that produced a theology in the Catholic Church,—that in a sense produced the Catholic Church itself. The idea of the Church as distinct from and embracing the Churches is a New Testament idea (Eph. v. 25, cf. 1 Cor. xv. 9, U+0026c.), and the name ‘Catholic’ occurs at the beginning of the second century (Lightfoot’s note on Ign. Smyrn. 8); but the Gnostic and Montanist controversies compelled the Churches which held fast to the παράδοσις of the Apostles to close their ranks (episcopal federation) and to reflect upon their creed. The Baptismal Creed (Rom. x. 9, Acts viii. 37, Text. Rec., cf. 1 Cor. xv. 3–4) began to serve as a tessera or passport of right belief, and as a regulative standard, a ‘rule of faith.’ The ‘limits of the Christian Church’ began to be more clearly defined (Stanton, ubi supr. p. 167).
Another influence which during the same period led to a gradual formation of theology
was the necessity of defending the Church against heathenism. If the Gnostics were ‘the
first Christian theologians’ (Harnack), the Apologists (120–200) are more directly important
for our present enquiry. The usual title of Justin ‘Philosopher and Martyr’ is significant of
his position and typical of the class of writers to which he belongs. On the one hand the
Apologists are philosophers rather than theologians. Christianity is ‘the only true philosophy’
(Justin); its doctrines are found piecemeal among the philosophers (λόγος σπερματικός),
who are so far Christians, just as the Christians are the true philosophers (Justin and Minuc.
Felix). But the Logos, who is imparted fragmentarily to the philosophers, is revealed in His
entire divine Personality in Christ (so Justin beyond the others, Apol. ii. 8, 10). In the doctrine
of God, their thought is coloured by the eclectic Platonism of the age before Plotinus. God,
the Father of all things, is Creator, Lord, Master, and as such known to man, but in Himself
Unoriginate (ἀγένητος), ineffable, mysterious (ἄρρητος), without a name, One and alone,
incapable of Incarnation (for references to Justin and to Plato, D.C.B. iii. 572). His ‘goodness’
is metaphysical perfection, or beneficence to man, His ‘righteousness’ that of Moral Governor
We must now glance at the important period of developed Catholicism marked especially
by the names of Irenæus, Tertullian, and Clement, the period of a consolidated organisation,
a (relatively) fixed Canon of the New Testament, and a catholic rule of faith (see above, and
We must now examine more closely the history of Monarchian tendencies, and firstly
in Rome. The sub-Apostolic Church, simply holding the Divinity of Christ and the Unity
The third great name associated with the end of the second century, that of Clement, is important to us chiefly as that of the teacher of Origen, whose influence we must now attempt to estimate. Origen (185–254) was the first theologian in the full sense of the term; the first, that is, to erect upon the basis of the rule of faith (Preface to de Princ.) a complete theological system, synthesising revealed religion with a theory of the Universe, of God, of man, which should take into account the entire range of truth and knowledge, of faith and philosophy. And in this sense for the Eastern Church he was the last theologian as well. In the case of Origen the Vincentian epigram, absolvuntur magistri condemnantur discipuli (too often applicable in the history of doctrine) is reversed. In a modified form his theology from the first took possession of the Eastern Church; in the Cappadocian fathers it took out a new lease of power, in spite of many vicissitudes it conquered opposing forces (the sixth general council crushed the party who had prevailed at the fifth); John of Damascus, in whom the Eastern Church says its last word, depends upon the Origenist theology of Basil and the Gregories. But this theology was Origenism with a difference. What was the Origenism of Origen? To condense into the compass of our present purpose the many-sidedness of Origen is a hopeless task. The reader will turn to the fifth and sixth of Bigg’s Bampton Lectures for the best recent presentation; to Newman’s Arians (I. §3), especially the ‘apology’ at the end); to Harnack (ed. 1, pp. 510–556) and Loofs (§28); Shedd (vol. i. 288–305, should be read before Bigg and corrected by him) and Dorner; to the sections in Bull (Defens. ii. 9, iii. 3) and Petavius (who in Trin. I. iv. pursues with fluent malignity ‘omnigenis errorum portentis infamem scriptorem’); to the Origeniana of Huet and the dissertations of the standard editors; to the article Origenist Controversies, and to the comprehensive, exact, and sympathetic article Origen in the Dictionary of Christian Biography. The fundamental works of Origen for our purpose are the de Principiis, the contra Celsum, and the de Oratione; but the exegetical works are necessary to fill out and correct first impressions.
The general position of Origen with regard to the Person of Christ is akin to that of Hippolytus and Tertullian. It is to some extent determined by opposition to Gnosticism and to Monarchianism. His visit to Rome (Eus. H. E., vi. 14) coincided with the battle of Hippolytus against Zephyrinus and his destined successor: on practical as well as on doctrinal points he was at one with Hippolytus. His doctrine of God is reached by the soteriological rather than the cosmological method. God is known to us in the Incarnate Word; ‘his point of view is moral, not…pseudo-metaphysical.’ The impassibility of the abstract philosophical idea of God is broken into by ‘the passion of Love’ (Bigg, p. 158). In opposition to the perfection of God lies the material world, conditioned by evil, the result of the exercise of will. This cause of evil is antecedent to the genesis of the material universe, the καταβολὴ κόσμου; materiality is the penalty and measure of evil. (This part of Origen’s doctrine is markedly Platonic. Plotinus, we read, refused to observe his own birthday; in like manner Origen quaintly notes that only wicked men are recorded in Scripture to have kept their birthdays; Bigg, 203, note; cf. Harnack, p. 523, note.) The soul (ψυχή as if from ψύχεσθαι) has in a previous state ‘waxed cold,’ i.e. lost its original integrity, and in this condition enters the body, i.e. ‘is subjected to vanity’ in common with the rest of the creature, and needs redemption (qualify this by Bigg, pp. 202 sqq., on Origen’s belief in Original Sin). To meet this need the Word takes a Soul (but one that has never swerved from Him in its pre-existent state: on this antinomy Bigg, 190, note, 199) and mediante Anima, or rather mediante hac substantia animæ (Prin. II. vi.) unites the nature of God and of Man in One. (On the union of the two natures in the θεάνθρωπος, in Ezek. iii. 3, he is as precise as Tertullian: we find the Hypostatic Union and Communicatio Idiomatum formally explicit; Bigg, 190.) The Word ‘deifies’ Human Nature, first His Own, then in others as well (Cels. iii. 28, ἵνα γένητυι θεία: he does not use θεοποιεῖσθαι; the thought is subtly but really different from that which we found in Irenæus: see Harnack, p. 551), by that perfect apprehension of Him ὅπερ ἦν πρὶν γένηται σάρξ, of which faith in the Incarnate is the earliest but not the final stage (applying 2 Cor. v. 16; cf. the Commentary on the Song of Songs).
What account then does Origen give of the beginning and the end of the great Drama
of existence? He starts from the end, which is the more clearly revealed; ‘God shall be all in
all.’ But ‘the end must be like the beginning;’ One is the end of all, One is the beginning.
From 1 Cor. xv. he works back to Romans viii.: the one is his key to the eternity after, the
other, to the eternity before (Bigg pp. 193 sq.). Into this scheme he brings creation, evil, the
history of Revelation, the Church and its life, the final consummation of all things. The
Universe is eternal: God is prior to it in conception, yet He was never other than Creator.
But in the history of the Universe the material world which we know is but a small episode.
It began, and will end. It began with the estrangement of Will from God, will end with its
reconciliation: God, from Whom is the beginning of all, ‘will be all in all.’ (For Origen’s
eschatology see Bigg, 228–234.) From this point of view we must approach the two-sided
The above slender sketch of the leading thoughts of Origen will suffice to show how
intimately his doctrine of the Person of Christ hangs together with his philosophy of Religion
Now it is evident that the mere intellectual apprehension of a system which combines so many opposite tendencies, which touches every variety of the theological thought of the age (even modalism, for to Origen the Father is the Μονάς, the αὐτόθεος, while yet He is no abstraction but a God who exists in moral activity, supra) and subtly harmonises them all, must have involved no ordinary philosophical power. When we add to this fact the further consideration that precisely the fundamental ideas of Origen were those which called forth the liveliest opposition and were gradually dropped by his followers, we can easily understand that in the next generation Origenism was no longer either the system of Origen, or a single system at all.
In one direction it could lend itself to no compromise; in spite of the justice done by
Origen to the fundamental ideas both of modalism and of emanative adoptionism (cf.
Harnack, pp. 548, note, and 586), to Monarchianism in either form he is diametrically opposed.
The hypostatic distinctness of Son and Spirit is once for all made good for the theology
of Eastern Christendom. We see his disciples exterminate Monarchianism in the East. On
the left wing Dionysius refutes the Sabellians of Libya, on the right Gregory Thaumaturgus,
Firmilian, and their brethren, after a long struggle, oust the adoptionist Paul from the See
of Antioch. But its influence on the existing Catholic theology, however great (and in the
East it was very great), inevitably made its way in the face of opposition, and at the cost of
its original subtle consistency. The principal opposition came from Asia Minor, where the
traditions of theological thought (see above, on Ignatius and Irenæus, below on Marcellus)
were not in sympathy21 with Origen. We cannot demonstrate the existence of a continuous
theological school in Asia; but Methodius (270–300) certainly speaks with the voice of Ignatius
and Irenæus. He deals with Origen much as Irenæus dealt with the Gnostics, defending
against him the current sense of the regula fidei, and especially the literal meaning of
Scripture, the origination of the soul along with the body, the resurrection of the body in
the material sense, and generally opposing realism to the spiritualism of Origen. But in thus
opposing Origen, Methodius is not uninfluenced by him (see Socr. vi. 13). He, too, is a student
of Plato (with ‘little of his style or spirit’); his ‘realism’ is ‘speculative.’ He no longer defends
the Asiatic Chiliasm, his doctrine of the Logos is coloured by Origen as that of Irenæus was
by the Apologists. The legacy of Methodius and of his Origenist contemporaries to the Eastern
Church was a modified Origenism, that is a theology systematised on the intellectual basis
of the Platonic philosophy, but expurgated by the standard of the regula fidei. This result
was a compromise, and was at first attended with great confusion. Origen’s immediate following
seized some one side, some another of his system; some were more, some less influenced
by the ‘orthodox’ reaction against his teaching. We may distinguish an Origenist
‘right’ and an Origenist ‘left.’ If the Origenist view of the Universe was given up, the coeternity
of the Son and Spirit with the Father was less firmly grasped. Origen had, if we may use the
expression, ‘levelled up.’ The Son was mediator between the Ingenerate God and the created,
but eternal Universe. If the latter was not eternal, and if at the same time the Word stood
in some essential correlation to the creative energy of God, Origen’s system no longer implied
the strict coeternity of the Word. Accordingly we find Dionysius (see below, p. 173 sqq.)
uncertain on this point, and on the essential relation of the Son to the Father. More cautious
On the other hand, very many of Origen’s pupils, especially among the bishops, started
from the other side of Origen’s teaching, and held tenaciously to the coeternity of the Son,
while they abandoned the Origenist ‘paradoxes’ with regard to the Universe, matter, preexistence,
and restitution. Typical of this class is Gregory Thaumaturgus, also Peter the
martyr bishop of Alexandria, who expressly opposed many of Origen’s positions (though
hardly with the violence ascribed to him in certain supposed fragments in Routh, Rell. iv.
81) and Alexander himself. It was this ‘wing’ of the Origenist following that, in combination
with the opposition represented by Methodius, bequeathed to the generation contemporary
with Nicæa its average theological tone. The coeternity of the Son with the Father was not
(as a rule) questioned, but the essential relation of the Logos to the Creation involved a
strong subordination of the Son to the Father, and by consequence of the Spirit to the Son.
Monarchianism was the heresy most dreaded, the theology of the Church was based on the
philosophical categories of Plato applied to the explanation and systematisation of the rule
of faith. This was very far from Arianism. It lacked the logical definiteness of that system
on the one hand, it rested on the other hand on a different conception of God; the hypostatic
subordination of the Son was insisted upon, but His true Sonship as of one Nature with the
Father, was held fast. In the slow process of time this neo-Asiatic theology found its way
partly to the Nicene formula, partly to the illogical acceptance of it with regard to the Son,
with refusal to apply it to the Spirit (Macedonius). To the men who thought thus, the blunt
assertion that the Son was a creature, not coeternal, alien to the Essence of the Father, was
a novelty, and wholly abhorrent. Arius drew a sharper line than they had been accustomed
to draw between God and the creature; so did Athanasius. But Arius drew his line without
flinching between the Father and the Son. This to the instinct of any Origenist was as revolting
as it would have been to the clear mind and Biblical sympathy of Origen himself. In theological
and philosophical principles alike Arius was opposed even to the tempered Origenism
of the Nicene age. The latter was at the furthest remove from Monarchianism, Arianism
was in its essential core Monarchian; the common theology borrowed its philosophical
The Origenist bishops of Syria and Asia Minor had in the years 269–272, after several
efforts, succeeded in deposing Paul of Samosata from the See of Antioch. This remarkable
man was the ablest pre-Nicene representative of Adoptionist Monarchianism. The Man
Jesus was inhabited by the ‘Word,’ i.e. by an impersonal power of God, distinct from the
Λόγος or reason (wisdom) inherent in God as an attribute, which descended upon him at
His Baptism. His union with God, a union of Will, was unswerving, and by virtue of it He
overcame the sin of mankind, worked miracles, and entered on a condition of Deification.
He is God ἐκ προκοπῆς (cf. Luke ii. 52) by virtue of progress in perfection. That is in brief
the system of Paul, and we cannot wonder at his deposition. For the striking points of contact
with Arianism (two ‘Wisdoms,’ two ‘Words,’ προκοπή: cf. Orat. c. Ar. i. 5, U+0026c.) we have to
account23. The theology of Arius is a compromise between the Origenist doctrine of the
Person of Christ and the pure Monarchian Adoptionism of Paul of Samosata; or rather it
engrafts the former upon the latter as the foundation principle, seriously modifying each
to suit the necessity of combining the two. This compromise was not due to Arius himself
but to his teacher, Lucian the Martyr. A native himself of Samosata, he stood in some relation
of attachment (not clearly defineable) to Paul. Under him, he was at the head of a critical,
exegetical, and theological school at Antioch. Upon the deposition of Paul he appears not
so much to have been formally excommunicated as to have refused to acquiesce in the new
The above account of Lucian is based on that of Harnack, Dogmg. ii. 184, sqq. It is at
once in harmony with all our somewhat scanty data (Alexander, Epiphanius, Philostorgius,
and the fragment of his last confession of faith preserved by Rufin. in Eus. H. E. ix. 9, Routh,
Rell. iv. pp. 5–7, from which Harnack rightly starts) and is the only one which accounts for
the phenomena of the rise of Arianism. We find a number of leading Churchmen in agreement
with Arius, but in no way dependent on him. They are Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris,
Theognis, Athanasius of Anazarba, Menophantus; all Lucianists. The first Arian writer,
Asterius (see below), is a Lucianist. (The Egyptian bishops Secundus and Theonas cannot
be put down to any school; we do not know their history; but they are distinguished from
the Lucianists by Philost. ii. 3.) It has been urged that, although Arius brought away heresy
from the school of Lucian, yet he was not the only one that did so. True; but then the heresy
was all of the same kind (list of pupils of Lucian in Philost. ii. 14, iii. 15). Aetius, the founder
of logical ultra-Arianism and teacher of Eunomius, was taught the exegesis of the New
Testament by the Lucianists Athanasius of Anazarba and Antony of Tarsus, of the Old by
the Lucianist Leontius. This fairly covers the area of Arianism proper. But it may be noted
that some Origenists of the ‘left wing,’ whose theology emphasized the subordination, and
vacillated as to the eternity of the Son, would find little to shock them in Arianism (Eusebius
of Cæsarea, Paulinus of Tyre), while on the other hand there are traces of a Lucianist ‘right
wing,’ men like Asterius, who while essentially Arian, made concessions to the ‘conservative’
position chiefly by emphasising the cosmic mediation of the Word and His ‘exact likeness’
to the Father27. The Theology of the Eastern Church was suffering from the effort to assimilate
the Origenist theology: it could not do so without eliminating the underlying and unifying
idea of Origenism; this done, the overwhelming influence of the great teacher remained,
while dissonant fragments of his system, vaguely comprehended in many cases, permeated
some here, some there28. Meanwhile the school of Lucian had a method and a system; they
knew their own minds, and relied on reason and exegesis. This was the secret of their power.
Arian Literature. Beside the above-mentioned letters and fragments of Arius, our early
Arian documents are scanty. Very important is the letter of Eus. Nic. to Paulinus, referred
to above, §3 (1), pp. xvi., xviii., other fragments of letters, p. 458 sq. The writings29 of Asterius,
Arianism was a novelty. Yet it combines in an inconsistent whole elements of almost every previous attempt to formulate the doctrine of the Person of Christ. Its sharpest antithesis was Modalism: yet with the modalist Arius maintained the strict personal unity of the Godhead. With dynamic monarchianism it held the adoptionist principle in addition; but it personified the Word and sacrificed the entire humanity of Christ. In this latter respect it sided with the Docetæ, most Gnostics, and Manichæans, to all of whom it yet opposes a sharply-cut doctrine of creation and of the transcendence of God. With Origen and the Apologists before him it made much of the cosmic mediation of the Word in contrast to the redemptive work of Jesus; with the Apologists, though not with Origen, it enthroned in the highest place the God of the Philosophers: but against both alike it drew a sharp broad line between the Creator and the Universe, and drew it between the Father and the Son. Least of all is Arianism in sympathy with the theology of Asia,—that of Ignatius, Irenæus, Methodius, founded upon the Joannine tradition. The profound Ignatian idea of Christ as the Λόγος ἀπὸ σιγῆς προελθών is in impressive contrast with the shallow challenge of the Thalia, ‘Many words hath God spoken, which of these was manifested in the flesh?’
Throughout the controversies of the pre-Nicene age the question felt rather than seen
in the background is that of the Idea of God. The question of Monotheism and Polytheism
which separated Christians from heathen was not so much a question of abstract theology
as of religion, not one of speculative belief, but of worship. The Gentile was prepared to recognise
in the background of his pantheon the shadowy form of one supreme God, Father
of gods and men, from whom all the rest derived their being. But his religion required the
pantheon as well; he could not worship a philosophic supreme abstraction. The Christian
on the other hand was prepared in many cases to recognise the existence of beings corresponding
to the gods of the heathen (whether 1 Cor. viii. 5 can be quoted here is open to
question). But such beings he would not worship. To him, as an object of religion, there was
Arianism stepped in with a summary answer. God is one, numerically and absolutely.
He is beyond the ken of any created intelligence. Even creation is too close a relation for
Him to enter into with the world. In order to create, he must create an instrument (pp. 360
sqq.), intermediate between Himself and all else. This instrument is called Son of God, i.e.
He is not coeternal (for what son was ever as old as his parent?), but the result of an act of
creative will. How then is He different from other creatures? This is the weak point of the
system; He is not really different, but a difference is created by investing Him with every
If Arianism failed to assist the thought of the Church to a solution of the great problem of God, its failure was not less conspicuous with regard to revelation and redemption. The revelation of the Gospel stopped short in the person of Christ, did not go back to the Father. God was not in Christ reconciling the world to Himself, we have access in Christ to a created intelligence, not to the love of God to usward, not to the everlasting Arms, but to a being neither divine nor human. Sinners against heaven and before God, we must accept an assurance of reconciliation from one who does not know Him whom we have offended; the kiss of the Father has never been given to the prodigal. Men have asked how we are justified in ascribing to the infinite God the attributes which we men call good: mercy, justice, love. If Christ is God, the answer lies near; if He is the Christ of Arius, we are left in moral agnosticism. Apart from Christ, the philosophical arguments for a God have their force; they proffer to us an ennobling belief, a grand ‘perhaps’; but the historical inability of Monotheism to retain a lasting hold among men apart from revelation is an impressive commentary on their compelling power. In Christ alone does God lay hold upon the soul with the assurance of His love (Rom. v. 5–8; Matt. xi. 28; John xvii. 3). The God of Arius has held out no hand toward us; he is a far-off abstraction, not a living nor a redeeming God.
The illogicality of Arianism has often been pointed out (Gwatkin, pp. 21 sqq. esp. p. 28); how, starting from the Sonship of Christ, it came round to a denial of His Sonship; how it started with an interest for Monotheism and landed in a vindication of polytheism; how it began from the incomprehensibility of God even to His Son, and ended (in its most pronounced form) with the assertion that the divine Nature is no mystery at all, even to us. It is an insult to the memory of Aristotle to call such shallow hasty syllogising from ill-selected and unsifted first principles by his name. Aristotle himself teaches a higher logic than this. But at this date Aristotelianism proper was extinct. It only survived in the form of ‘pure’ logic, adopted by the Platonists, but also studied for its own sake in connection with rhetoric and the art of arguing (cf. Socr. ii. 35). Such an instrument might well be a cause of confusion in the hands of men who used it without regard to the conditions of the subject-matter. An illogical compromise between the theology of Paul of Samosata and of Origen, the marvel is that Arianism satisfied any one even in the age of its birth. What has been said above with regard to the conception of God in the early Church may help to explain it; the germ of ethical insight which is latent in adoptionism, and which when neglected by the Church has always made itself felt by reaction, must also receive justice; once again, its inherent intellectualism was in harmony with the dominant theology of the Eastern Church, that is with one side of Origenism. Where analogous conditions have prevailed, as for example in the England of the early eighteenth century, Arianism has tended to reappear with no one of its attendant incongruities missing.
But for all that, the doom of Arianism was uttered at Nicæa and verified in the six decades which followed. Every possible alternative formula of belief as to the Person of Christ was forced upon the mind of the early Church, was fully tried, and was found wanting. Arianism above all was fully tried and above all found lacking. The Nicene formula alone has been found to render possible the life, to satisfy the instincts of the Church of Christ. The choice lies—nothing is clearer—between that and the doctrine of Paul of Samosata. The latter, it has been said, was misunderstood, was never fairly tried. As a claimant to represent the true sense of Christianity it was I think once for all rejected when the first Apostles gave the right hand of fellowship to S. Paul (see above, p. xxii.); its future trial must be in the form of naturalism, as a rival to Christianity, on the basis of a denial of the claim of Christ to be the One Saviour of the World, and of His Gospel to be the Absolute Religion. But Arianism, adding to all the difficulties of a supernatural Christology the spirit of the shallowest rationalism and the fundamental postulate of agnosticism, can surely count for nothing in the Armageddon of the latter days,
Spiacente a Dio ed a’ nemici suoi.
(b) The ὁμοούσιον as a theological formula33.
The distinction, which in the foregoing discussion we have frequently had under our notice, between the πίστις and γνῶσις of the early Church, the πίστις common to all, and formulated in the tessera or rule of faith, the γνῶσις the property of apologists and theologians aiming at the expression of faith in terms of the thought of their age, and at times, though for long only slightly, reacting upon the rule of faith itself (Aquileia, Cæsarea, Gregory Thaumaturgus), makes itself felt in the account of the Nicene Council. That the legacy of the first world-wide gathering of the Church’s rulers is a Rule of Faith moulded by theological reflexion, one in which the γνῶσις of the Church supplements her πίστις, is a momentous fact; a fact for which we have to thank not Athanasius but Arius. The πίστις of the Fathers repudiated Arianism as a novelty; but to exclude it from the Church some test was indispensable; and to find a test was the task of theology, of γνῶσις. The Nicene Confession is the Rule of Faith explained as against Arianism. Arianism started with the Christian profession of belief in our Lord’s Sonship. If the result was incompatible with such belief, it was inevitable that an explanation should be given, not indeed of the full meaning of divine Sonship, but of that element in the idea which was ignored or assailed by the misconception of Arius. Such an explanation is attempted in the words ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρός, ὁμοούσιαν τῷ Πατρί, and again in the condemnation of the formula ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας. This explanation was not adopted without hesitation, nor would it have been adopted had any other barrier against the heresy, which all but very few wished to exclude, appeared effective. We now have to examine firstly the grounds of this hesitation, secondly the justification of the formula itself.
The objections felt to the word ὁμοούσιον at the council were (1) philosophical, based on the identification of οὐσία with either εἶδος (i.e. as implying a ‘formal essence’ prior to Father and Son alike) or ὕλη; (2) dogmatic, based on the identification of οὐσία with τόδε τι, and on the consequent Sabellian sense of the ὁμοούσιον; (3) Scriptural, based on the nonoccurrence of the word in the Bible; (4) Ecclesiastical, based on the condemnation of the word by the Synod which deposed Paul at Antioch in 269.
All these objections were made and felt bona fide, although Arians would of course
make the most of them. The subsequent history will show that their force was outweighed
only for the moment with many of the fathers, and that to reconcile the ‘conservatism’ of
the Asiatic bishops to the new formula must be a matter of time. The third or Scriptural
The word means sharing in a joint or common essence, οὐσία (cf. ὁμώνυμος, sharing the same name, U+0026c. U+0026c.). What then is οὐσία? The word was introduced into philosophical use, so far as we know, by Plato, and its technical value was fixed for future ages by his pupil Aristotle. Setting aside its use to express ‘existence’ in the abstract, we take the more general use of the word as indicating that which exists in the concrete. In this sense it takes its place at the centre of his system of ‘categories,’ as the something to which all determinations of quality, quantity, relation and the rest attach, and which itself attaches to nothing; in Aristotle’s words it alone is self-existent, χωριστόν, whereas all that comes under any of the other categories is ἀχώριστον, non-existent except as a property of some οὐσία. But here the difficulty begins. We may look at a concrete term as denoting either this or that individual simply (τόδε τι), or as expressing its nature, and so as common to more individuals than one. Now properly (πρώτως) οὐσία is only appropriate to the former purpose. But it may be employed in a secondary sense to designate the latter; in this sense species and genera are δεύτεραι οὐσίαι, the wider class being less truly οὐσίαι than the narrower. In fact we here detect the transition of the idea of οὐσία from the category of οὐσία proper to that of ποιόν (cf. Athan. p. 478 sq.; he uses οὐσία freely in the secondary sense for non-theological purposes in contra Gentes, where it is often best rendered ‘nature’). Aristotle accordingly uses οὐσία freely to designate what we call substances, whether simple or compound, such as iron, gold, earth, the heavens, τὸ ἀκίνητον, U+0026c., U+0026c. Corresponding again, to the logical distinction of γένος and εἶδος is the metaphysical distinction (not exactly of matter and form, but) of matter simply, regarded as τὸ ὑποκειμένον, and matter regarded as existing in this or that form, τὸ ποιὸν τὸ ἐν τῇ οὐσίU+0026 139·, τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι, the meeting-point of logic and metaphysics in Aristotle’s system. Agreeably to this distinction, οὐσία is used sometimes of the latter—the concrete thing regarded in its essential nature, sometimes of the former ἡ ὑποκειμένη οὐσία ὡς ὕλη, ὕλη being in fact the summum genus of the material world.
Now the use of the word in Christian theology had exemplified nearly every one of the
above senses. In the quasi-material sense ὁμοούσιον had been used in the school of
Valentinian to express the homogeneity of the two factors in the fundamental dualism of
the Universe of intelligent beings. In a somewhat similar sense it is used in the Clementine
Homilies xx. 7. The Platonic phrase for the Divine Nature, ἐπέκεινα πάσης οὐσίας, adopted
This brings us to the question in what sense οὐσία is used in the Nicene definition. We
must remember the strong Western and anti-Origenist influence which prevailed in the
council (above, p. xvii.), and the use of ὑπόστασις and οὐσία as convertible terms in the
anathematism (see Excursus A, pp. 77, sqq. below). Now going back for a moment to the
correspondence of the two Dionysii, we see that Dionysius of Rome had contended not so
much against the subordination of the Son to the Father as against their undue separation
(μεμερισμέναι ὑποστάσεις). In other words he had pressed the ὁμοούσιον upon his namesake
in the interest rather of the unity than of the equality of the Persons in the Holy Trinity. At
Nicæa, the problem was (as shewn above) to explain (at least negatively) how the Church
understood the Generation of the Son. Accordingly we find Athanasius in later years explain-
The Nicene definition in this sense emphasized the Unity of the Godhead in Three
Persons, against the Arian division of the Son from the Father. How then did it escape the
danger of lending countenance to Monarchianism? Athanasius feels the difficulty without
solving it, for the distinction given by him, p. 84, between ὁμοούσιος and μονοούσιος is
without real meaning (we say with Tertullian ‘of one substance’). On the whole in mature
years he held that the title ‘Son’ was sufficient to secure the Trinity of Persons. ‘By the name
Father we confute Arius, by the name of Son we overthrow Sabellius’ (p. 434; cf. p. 413);
and we find that the council in its revision of the Cæsarean creed shifted υἱU+0026 231·ς to the
principal position where it took the place of λόγος. Beyond this the Creed imposed no addixxxiii
tional test in that direction (the ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας is important but not decisive in this respect).
This was felt as an objection to the Creed, and the objection was pointed by the influence
of Marcellus at the council. The historical position of Marcellus is in fact, as we shall see,
the principal key to the ‘conservative’ reaction which followed. The insertion into the conservative
creeds of a clause asserting the endlessness of Christ’s Kingdom, which eventually
received ecumenical authority, was an expression of this feeling. But a final explanation
between the Nicene doctrine and Monarchianism could not come about until the idea of
Personality had been tested in the light of the appearance of the Son in the Flesh. The solution,
The above account of the anti-Arian test formulated at Nicæa will suffice to explain the
motives for its adoption, the difficulties which made that adoption reluctant, and the fact
of the reaction which followed. One thing is clear, namely that given the actual conditions,
nothing short of the test adopted would have availed to exclude the Arian doctrine. It is also
I think clear, that not only was the current theology of the Eastern Church unable to cope
with Arianism, but that it was itself a danger to the Church and in need of the corrective
check of the Nicene definition. Hellenic as was the system of Origen, it was in its spirit
Christian, and saturated with the influence of Scripture. It could never have taken its place
as the expression of the whole mind of the Church; but it remains as the noblest monument
of a Christian intellect resolutely in love with truth for its own sake, and bent upon claiming
for Christ the whole range of the legitimate activity of the human spirit. But the age had
inherited only the wreck of Origenism, and its partial victory in the Church had brought
confusion in its train, the leaders of the Church were characterised by secular knowledge
rather than grasp of first principles, by dogmatic intellectualism rather than central apprehension
of God in Christ. Eusebius of Cæsarea is their typical representative. The Nicene
definition and the work of Athanasius which followed were a summons back to the simple
first principles of the Gospel and the Rule of Faith. What then is their value to ourselves?
Above all, this, that they have preserved to us what Arianism would have destroyed, that
assurance of Knowledge of, and Reconciliation to, God in Christ of which the divinity of
the Saviour is the indispensable condition; if we are now Christians in the sense of S. Paul
we owe it under God to the work of the great synod. Not that the synod explained all; or
did more than effectually ‘block off false forms of thought or avenues of unbalanced inference’
which ‘challenged the acceptance of Christian people.’ The decisions of councils are
‘primarily not the Church saying “yes” to fresh truths or developments or forms of consciousness;
but rather saying “no” to untrue and misleading modes of shaping and stating her
truth,’ (Lux Mundi, ed. i. p. 240, cf. p. 334). It is objected that the Nicene Formula, especially
as understood by Athanasius, is itself a ‘false form of thought,’ a flat contradiction in terms.
That the latter is true we do not dispute (see Newman’s notes infra, p. 336, note 1, U+0026c.). But
before pronouncing the form of thought for that reason a false one, we must consider what
the ‘terms’ are, and to what they are applied. To myself it appears that a religion which
brought the divine existence into the compass of the categories of any philosophy would by
that very fact forfeit its claim to the character of revelation. The categories of human thought
are the outcome of organised experience of a sensible world, and beyond the limits of that
world they fail us. This is true quite apart from revelation. The ideas of essence and substance,
personality and will, separateness and continuity, cause and effect, unity and plurality, are
all in different degrees helps which the mind uses in order to arrange its knowledge, and
The revelation of Christ is addressed primarily to the will not to the intellect, its appeal
is to Faith not to Theology. Theology is the endeavour of the Christian intellect to frame
for itself conceptions of matters belonging to the immediate consequences of our faith,
matters about which we must believe something, but as to which the Lord and His Apostles
have delivered nothing formally explicit. Theology has no doubt its certainties beyond the
express teaching of our Lord and the New Testament writers; but its work is subject to more
than the usual limitations of human thought: we deal with things outside the range of experience,
with celestial things; but ‘we have no celestial language.’ To abandon all theology
would be to acquiesce in a dumb faith: we are to teach, to explain, to defend; the λόγος
σοφίας and λόγος γνώσεως have from the first been gifts of the Spirit for the building up
of the Body. But we know in part and prophesy in part, and our terms begin to fail us just
in the region where the problem of guarding the faith of the simple ends and the inevitable
metaphysic, into which all pure reflexion merges, begins. Εἴτε οὖν φιλοσοφητέον εἴτε μὴ
φιλοσοφητέον, φιλοσοφητέον, ‘man is metaphysical nolens volens:’ only let us recollect
that when we find ourselves in the region of antinomies we are crossing the frontier line
between revelation and speculation, between the domain of theology and that of ontology.
That this line is approached in the definition of the great council no one will deny. But it
was reached by the council and by the subsequent consent of the Church reluctantly and
under compulsion. The bold assumption that we can argue from the revelation of God in
Christ to mysteries beyond our experience was made by the Gnostics, by Arius: the Church
met them by a denial of what struck at the root of her belief, not by the claim to erect formulæ
applied merely for the lack of better into a revealed ontology. In the terms Person, Hypostasis,
Will, Essence, Nature, Generation, Procession, we have the embodiment of ideas extracted
from experience, and, as applied to God, representing merely the best attempt we can make
to explain what we mean when we speak of God as Father and of Christ as His Son. Even
these last sacred names convey their full meaning to us only in view of the historical person
of Christ and of our relation to God through Him. That this meaning is based upon an absolute
relation of Christ to the Father is the rock of our faith. That relation is mirrored in
the name Son of God: but what it is in itself, when the empirical connotations of Sonship
are stripped away, we cannot possibly know. ‘Ομοούσιος τῷ Πατρί, ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρός’
these words assert at once our faith that such relation exists and our ignorance of its nature.
To the simplicity of faith it is enough to know (and this knowledge is what our formula se-
(c) Materials for Reaction.
‘The victory of Nicæa was rather a surprise than a solid conquest. As it was not the spontaneous and deliberate purpose of the bishops present, but a revolution which a minority had forced through by sheer strength of clearer Christian thought, a reaction was inevitable as soon as the half-convinced conservatives returned home’ (Gwatkin). The reaction, however, was not for a long time overtly doctrinal. The defeat, the moral humiliation of Arianism at the council was too signal, the prestige of the council itself too overpowering, the Emperor too resolute in supporting its definition, to permit of this. Not till after the death of Constantine in 337 does the policy become manifest of raising alternative symbols to a coordinate rank with that of Nicæa; not till six years after the establishment of Constantius as sole Emperor,—i.e. not till 357,—did Arianism once again set its mouth to the trumpet. During the reign of Constantine the reaction, though doctrinal in its motive, was personal in its ostensible grounds. The leaders of the victorious minority at Nicæa are one by one attacked on this or that pretence and removed from their Sees, till at the time of Constantine’s death the East is in the hands of their opponents. What were the forces at work which made this possible?
(1) Persecuted Arians. Foremost of all, the harsh measures adopted by Constantine with
at least the tacit approval of the Nicene leaders furnished material for reaction. Arius and
his principal friends were sent into exile, and as we have seen they went in bitterness of
spirit. Arius himself was banished to Illyricum, and would seem to have remained there five
or six years. (The chronology of his recall is obscure, but see D.C.B. ii. 364, and Gwatkin,
p. 86, note 2). It would be antecedently very unlikely that a religious exile would spare exertions
to gain sympathy for himself and converts to his opinions. As a matter of fact, Arianism
had no more active supporters during the next half-century than two bishops of the neighbouring
province of Pannonia, Valens of Mursa (Mitrowitz), and Ursacius35 of Singidunum
(Belgrade). Valens and Ursacius are described as pupils of Arius, and there is every reason
to trace their personal relations with the heresiarch to his Illyrian exile. The seeds sown in
Illyria at this time were still bearing fruit nearly 50 years later (pp. 489, 494, note). Secundus
nursed his bitterness fully thirty years (p. 294; cf. 456). Theognis grasped at revenge at Tyre
in 335 (pp. 104, 114). Eusebius of Nicomedia, recalled from exile with his friend and
neighbour Theognis, not long after the election of Athanasius in 328, was ready to move
heaven and earth to efface the results of the council. The harsh measures against the Arians
(2) The Eusebians and the Court. Until the council of Sardica (i.e. a short time after the
death of Eusebius of Nicomedia), the motive power of the reaction proceeded from the environment
of Eusebius, οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον. It should be observed once for all that the term
‘Eusebians’ is the later and inexact equivalent of the last named Greek phrase, which (excepting
perhaps p. 436) has reference to Eusebius of Nicomedia only, and not to his namesake
of Cæsarea. The latter, no doubt, lent his support to the action of the party, but ought not
to suffer in our estimation from the misfortune of his name. Again, the ‘Eusebians’ are not
a heresy, nor a theological party or school; they are the ‘ring,’ or personal entourage, of one
man, a master of intrigue, who succeeded in combining a very large number of men of very
different opinions in more or less close association for common ecclesiastical action. The
‘Eusebians’ sensu latiori are the majority of Asiatic bishops who were in reaction against the
council and its leaders; in the stricter sense the term denotes the pure Arians like Eusebius,
Theognis, and the rest, and those ‘political Arians’ who without settled adherence to Arian
principles, were, for all practical purposes, hand in glove with Eusebius and his fellows. To
the former class emphatically belong Valens and Ursacius, whose recantation in 347 is the
solitary and insufficient foundation for the sweeping generalisation of Socrates (ii. 37), that
they ‘always inclined to the party in power,’ and George, the presbyter of Alexandria, afterwards
bishop of the Syrian Laodicea, who, although he went through a phase of ‘conservatism,’
357–359, began and ended (Gwatkin, pp. 181–183) as an Arian, pure and simple.
Among ‘political Arians’ of this period Eusebius of Cæsarea is the chief. He was not, as we
have said above, an Arian theologically, yet whatever allowances may be made for his conduct
during this period (D.C.B., ii. 315, 316) it tended all in one direction. But on the whole,
political Arianism is more abundantly exemplified in the Homoeans of the next generation,
whose activity begins about the time of the death of Constans. The Eusebians proper were
political indeed εἴ τινες καὶ ἄλλοι, but their essential Arianism is the one element of principle
about them36. Above all, the employment of the term ‘Semi-Arians’ as a synonym for Eusebians,
or indeed as a designation of any party at this period, is to be strongly deprecated. It
is the (possibly somewhat misleading, but reasonable and accepted) term for the younger
generation of convinced ‘conservatives,’ whom we find in the sixth decade of the century
becoming conscious of their essential difference in principle from the Arians, whether
political or pure, and feeling their way toward fusion with the Nicenes. These are a definite
party, with a definite theological position, to which nothing in the earlier period exactly
corresponds. The Eusebians proper were not semi-, but real Arians. Eusebius of Cæsarea
The atmosphere of a court is seldom favourable to a high standard of moral or religious principle; and the place-hunters and hangers-on of the imperial courts of these days were an exceptionally worthless crew (see Gwatkin, p. 60, 100, 234). It is a tribute to the Nicene cause that their influence was steadily on the other side, and to the character of Constantine that he was able throughout the greater part of the period to resist it, at any rate as far as Athanasius was concerned. But on the whole the court was the centre whence the webs of Eusebian intrigue extended to Egypt, Antioch, and many other obscurer centres of attack.
The influences outside the Church were less directly operative in the campaign, but such as they were they served the Eusebian plans. The expulsion of a powerful bishop from the midst of a loyal flock was greatly assisted by the co-operation of a friendly mob; and Jews (pp. 94, 296), and heathen alike were willing to aid the Arian cause. The army, the civil service, education, the life of society were still largely heathen; the inevitable influx of heathen into the Church, now that the empire had become Christian, brought with it multitudes to whom Arianism was a more intelligible creed than that of Nicæa; the influence of the philosophers was a serious factor, they might well welcome Arianism as a ‘Selbstersetzung des Christentums.’ This is not inconsistent with the instances of persecution of heathenism by Arian bishops, and of savage heathen reprisals, associated with the names of George of Alexandria, Patrophilus, Mark of Arethusa, and others. (For a fuller discussion, with references, see Gwatkin, pp. 53–59.)
(3.) The Ecclesiastical Conservatives. Something has already been said in more than one
connection to explain how it came to pass that the very provinces whose bishops made up
the large numerical majority at Nicæa, also furnished the numbers which swelled the ranks
It follows from what has been said of the influence of Origen in moulding the current
theology of the Eastern Church, that the one theological principle which was most vividly
What strikes one throughout the scheme is the intense difficulty caused to Marcellus by the unsolved problem which underlies the whole theology of the Nicene leaders, the problem of personality. The Manhood of Christ was to Marcellus per se non-personal. The seat of its personality was the indwelling Logos. But in what sense was the Logos itself personal? Here Marcellus loses his footing: in what sense can any idea of personality attach to a merely potential existence? Again, if it was only in the ἐνέργεια δραστικὴ that the personality of the Word was realised, and this only reached its fulness in the Incarnation of Christ, was the transition difficult to the plain assertion that the personality of the Son, or of the Word, originated with the Incarnation? But if this were not so, and if the Person of the Word was to recede at the consummation of all things into the Unity of the Godhead, what was to become of the Nature He had assumed? That it too could merge into a potential existence within the Godhead was of course impossible; what then was its destiny? The answer of Marcellus was simple: he did not know (Zahn, 179); for Scripture taught nothing beyond 1 Cor. xv. 28.
We now perceive the subtle difference between Marcellus and Athanasius. Neither of
them could formulate the idea of Personality in the Holy Trinity. But Athanasius, apparently
on the basis of a more thorough intelligence of Scripture (for Marcellus, though a devout,
was a partial and somewhat ignorant biblical theologian), felt what Marcellus did not, the
steady inherent personal distinctness of the Father and the Son. Accordingly, while Athanasius
laid down and adhered to the doctrine of eternal γέννησις, Marcellus involved himself
in the mystical and confused idea of a divine πλατυσμὸς and συστολή. Moreover, while
Athanasius was clearsighted in his apprehension of the problem of the day, Marcellus was
after all merely conservative: he went behind the conservatism of the Origenists,—behind
even that of the West, where Tertullian had left a sharper sense of personal distinction in
the Godhead,—to an archaic conservatism akin to the ‘naive modalism’ of the early Church;
upon this he engrafted reflexion, in part that of the old Asiatic theology, in part his own. As
the result, his faith was such as Athanasius could not but recognise as sincere; but in his attempt
to give it theological expression he split upon the rocks of Personality, of Eschatology,
of the divine immutability. His theology was an honest and interesting but mistaken attempt
to grapple with a problem before he understood another which lay at its base. In doing so
he exposed himself justly to attack; but we may with Athanasius, while acknowledging this,
The feeling against Marcellus might have been less strong, at any rate it would have had less show of reason, but for the fact that he was the teacher of Photinus. This person became bishop of Sirmium between 330 and 340, gave great offence by his teaching, and was deposed by the Arian party ineffectually in 347, finally in 351. After his expulsion he occupied himself with writing books in Greek and in Latin, including a work ‘against all heresies,’ in which he expounded his own (Socr. ii. 30). None of his works have survived, and our information is very scanty (Zahn, Marc. 189–196 is the best account), but he seems to have solved the central difficulty of Marcellus by placing the seat of the Personality of Christ in His Human Soul. How much of the system of his master he retained is uncertain, but the result was in substance pure Unitarianism. It is instructive to observe that even Photinus was passively supported for a time by the Nicenes. He was apparently (Hil. Fr. ii. 19, sqq.) condemned at a council at Milan in 345, but not at Rome till 380. Athanasius (pp. 444–447) abstains from mentioning his name although he refutes his opinions; once only he mentions him as a heretic, and with apparent reluctance (c. Apoll. ii. 19, τοῦ λεγομένου φωτεινοῦ). The first41 condemnation of him on the Nicene side in the East is by Paulinus of Antioch in 362 (p. 486). On the other hand the Eusebians eagerly caught at so irresistible a weapon. Again and again they hurled anathemas at Photinus, at first simply identifying him with Marcellus, but afterwards with full appreciation of his position. And even to the last the new Nicene party in Asia were aggrieved at the refusal of the old Nicenes at Alexandria and Rome to anathematise the master of such a heretic. Photinus was the scandal of Marcellus, Marcellus of the Council of Nicæa.
§4. Early years of his Episcopate. The Anti-Nicene reaction, 328–335.
Athanasius was elected bishop by general consent. Alexander, as we have seen, had practically nominated him, and a large body of popular opinion clamoured for his election, as “the good, the pious, a Christian, one of the ascetics, a genuine bishop.” The actual election appears (p. 103) to have rested with the bishops of Egypt and Libya, who testify ten years later (ib.) that the majority42 of their body elected him.
The see to which he succeeded was the second in Christendom; it had long enjoyed direct jurisdiction over the bishops of all Egypt and Libya (p. 178, Socr. i. 9), the bishops of Alexandria enjoyed the position and power of secular potentates, although in a less degree than those of Rome, or of Alexandria itself in later times (Socr. vii. 11, cf. 7). The bishop had command of large funds, which, however, were fully claimed for church purposes and alms (see p. 105). In particular, the ‘pope’ of Alexandria had practically in his hands the appointment to the sees in his province: accordingly, as years go on, we find Arianism disappear entirely from the Egyptian episcopate. The bishop of Alexandria, like many other influential bishops in antiquity, was commonly spoken of as Papa or Pope; he also was known as the ᾽Αρχιεπίσκοπος, as we learn from a contemporary inscription (see p. 564, note 2).
The earliest biographer of Athanasius (see Introduction to Hist. Aceph. p. 495, 496, below) divides the episcopate of Athanasius into periods of ‘quiet’ and of exile, marking the periods of each according to what appears to be the reckoning officially preserved in the episcopal archives. His first period of ‘quiet’ lasts from June 8, 328, to July 11, 335 (departure for Tyre), a period of seven years, one month and three days; it is thus the third longest period of undisturbed occupancy of his see, the next being the last from his final restoration under Valens till his death (seven years and three months), and the longest of all being the golden decade (346–356, really nine years and a quarter) preceding the Third Exile.
Of the internal events of this first septennium of quiet we know little that is definite. At
the end of it, however, we find him supported by the solid body of the Egyptian episcopate:
and at the beginning one of his first steps (autumn of 329) was to make a visitation of the
Meanwhile, the anti-Nicene reaction was being skilfully fostered by the strategy of Eusebius
of Nicomedia. Within a year of the election of Athanasius we find him restored to
imperial favour, and at once the assault upon the Nicene strongholds begins. The controversy
between Marcellus and Eusebius of Cæsarea (supra, p. xxxv.), appears to have begun later,
but the latter was already, in conjunction with his friend Paulinus of Tyre and with Patrophilus,
at theological war with Eustathius of Antioch. A synod of Arian and reactionary
bishops assembled at Antioch, and deposed the latter on the two charges (equally de rigueur
in such cases) of Sabellianism and immorality. Backed by a complaint (possibly founded on
fact) that he had indiscreetly repeated a current tale (p. 271, n. 2) concerning Helena, the
Emperor’s mother, the sentence of the council had the full support of the civil arm, and
Eustathius lost his see for ever. Although he lived till about 358, no council ventured to ‘restore’
him (discussed by Gwatkin, pp. 73, 74, note), but the Christian public of Antioch violently
resented his extrusion, and a compact body of the Church-people steadily refused
to recognise any other bishop during, and even after, his lifetime (infr. p. 481). Asclepas of
Gaza was next disposed of, then Eutropius of Hadrianople, and many others (names, p.
271). Meanwhile everything was done to foment disturbance in Egypt. The Meletians had
been stirring ever since the death of Alexander, and Eusebius was not slow to use such an
opportune lever. The object in view was two-fold, the restoration of Arius to communion
in Alexandria, without which the moral triumph of the reaction would be unachieved, and
the extrusion of Athanasius. Accordingly a fusion took place43 between the Arians of Egypt
and the Meletians, now under the leadership of John ‘Arcaph,’ whom Meletius on his deathbed
had consecrated as his successor against the terms of the Nicene settlement. At any rate,
the Meletians were attached to the cause by Eusebius by means of large promises. At the
same time (330?) Eusebius, having obtained the recall of Arius from exile, wrote to Athanasius
requesting him to admit Arius and his friends (Euzoius, Pistus, U+0026c.) to communion; the
bearer of the letter conveyed the assurance of dire consequences in the event of his noncompliance
(p. 131). Athanasius refused to admit persons convicted of heresy at the Ecu-
The principal matters investigated by Constantine during the visit of Athanasius were certain charges made by the three Meletian bishops, whom Eusebius had detained for the purpose; one of these, the story of Macarius and the broken chalice, will be given at length presently. All alike were treated as frivolous, and Athanasius carried home with him a commendatory letter from Augustus himself. Defeated for the moment, the puppets of Eusebius matured their accusations, and in a year’s time two highly damaging stories were ripe for an ecclesiastical investigation.
(a) The case of Ischyras. This person had been ordained presbyter by Colluthus, and his
ordination had been, as we have seen (§2), pronounced null and void by the Alexandrian
Council of 324. In spite of this he had persisted in carrying on his ministrations at the village
where he lived (Irene Secontaruri, possibly the hamlet ‘Irene’ belonged to the township of
S., there was a presbyter for the township, pp. 133, 145, but none at Irene, p. 106). His place
of worship was a cottage inhabited only by an orphan child; of the few inhabitants of the
place, only seven, and those his own relations, would attend his services. During a visitation
of his diocese, Athanasius, had heard of this from the presbyter of the township, and had
(b) The case of Arsenius. Arsenius was Meletian bishop of Hypsele (not in the Meletian
catalogue of 327). By a large bribe, as it is stated, he was induced by John Arcaph to go into
hiding among the Meletian monks of the Thebaid; rumours were quietly set in motion that
Athanasius had had him murdered, and had procured one of his hands for magical purposes.
A hand was circulated purporting to be the very hand in question. A report of the case, including
the last version of the Ischyras scandal, was sent to Constantine, who, startled by
the new accusation, sent orders to his half-brother, Dalmatius, a high official at Antioch, to
enquire into the case. He appears to have suggested a council at Cæsarea under the presidency
of Eusebius, which was to meet at some time in the year 334 (πέρυσιν, p. 141, cf. note 2
there, also Gwatkin, p. 84 note; the ‘30 months’ of Soz. ii. 25 is an exaggeration). Athanasius,
however, obstinately declined a trial before a judge whom he regarded as biassed; his refusal
bitterly offended the aged historian. Accordingly the venue was fixed for Tyre in the succeeding
year; a Count Dionysius was to represent the Emperor, and see that all was conducted
fairly, and Athanasius was stringently (p. 137) summoned to attend. Meanwhile a trusted
deacon was on the tracks of the missing man. Arsenius was traced to a ‘monastery’ of Meletian
brethren in the nome of Antæopolis in Upper Egypt. Pinnes, the presbyter of the community,
got wind of the discovery, and smuggled Arsenius away down the Nile; presently he was
spirited away to Tyre. The deacon, however, very astutely made a sudden descent upon the
monastery in force, seized Pinnes, carried him to Alexandria, brought him before the ‘Duke,’
confronted him with the monk who had escorted Arsenius away, and forced them to confess
to the whole plot. As soon as he was able to do so, Pinnes wrote to John Arcaph, warning
him of the exposure, and suggesting that the charge had better be dropped (p. 135; the letter
is an amusingly naive exhibition of human rascality). Meanwhile (Socr. i. 29) Arsenius was
According to the Apology of Athanasius, all this took place some time before the council of Tyre; we cannot fix the date, except that it must have come after the Easter of 332 (see above). It appears most natural, from the language of Apol. Ar. 71, to fix the exposure of Arsenius not very long before the summoning of the council of Tyre, but long enough to allow for the renewed intrigues which led to its being convened. But this pushes us back behind the intended council of Cæsarea in 334; we seem therefore compelled to keep Arsenius waiting at Tyre from about 333 to the summer of 335.
It must be remembered that the Council of Tyre was merely a πάρεργον to the great Dedication Meeting at Jerusalem, which was to celebrate the Tricennalia of Constantine’s reign by consecrating his grand church on Mount Calvary. On their way to Jerusalem the bishops were to despatch at Tyre their business of quieting the Egyptian troubles46 (Eus. V. C. iv. 41). To Tyre accordingly Athanasius repaired. He left Alexandria on July 11, 335, and was absent, as it proved (according to the reckoning of the Hist. Aceph., below, p. 496), two years, four months and eleven days.
§5. The Council of Tyre and First Exile of Athanasius, 335–337.
Many of the bishops who were making their way to the great festival met at Tyre. The
Arian element was very strong. Eusebius of Nicomedia, Narcissus, Maris, Theognis, Patrophilus,
George, now bishop of Laodicea, are all familiar names. Ursacius and Valens, ‘young47
both in years and in mind’ make their first entrance on the stage of ecclesiastical intrigue;
Eusebius of Cæsarea headed a large body of ‘conservative’ malcontents: in the total number
of perhaps 150, the friends of Athanasius were outnumbered by nearly two to one. (See
Gwatkin’s note, p. 85, Hefele ii. 17, Eng Tra.) Eusebius of Cæsarea took the chair (yet see
D.C.B. ii. 316b). The proceedings of the Council were heated and disorderly; promiscuous
accusations were flung from side to side; the president himself was charged by an excited
Egyptian Confessor with having sacrificed to idols (p. 104, n. 2), while against Athanasius
every possible charge was raked up. The principal one was that of harshness and violence.
Callinicus, bishop of Pelusium, according to a later story48, had taken up the cause of Ischyras,
and been deposed by Athanasius in consequence. A certain Mark had been appointed to
supersede him, and he had been subjected to military force. Certain Meletian bishops who
had refused to communicate with Athanasius on account of his irregular election, had been
beaten and imprisoned. A document from Alexandria testified that the Churches were
emptied on account of the strong popular feeling against these proceedings. The number
of witnesses, and the evident readiness of the majority of bishops to believe the worst against
him, inspired Athanasius with profound misgivings as to his chance of obtaining justice.
He had in vain objected to certain bishops as biassed judges; when it was decided to investigate
the case of Ischyras on the spot, the commission of six was chosen from among the
very persons challenged (p. 138). Equally unsuccessful was the protest of the Egyptian
bishops against the credit of the Meletian witnesses (p. 140). But on one point the accusers
walked into a trap. The ‘hand of Arsenius’ was produced, and naturally made a deep impression
(Thdt. H. E. i. 30). But Athanasius was ready. ‘Did you know Arsenius personally?’
‘Yes’ is the eager reply from many sides. Promptly Arsenius is ushered in alive, wrapped up
in a cloak. The Synod expected an explanation of the way he had lost his hand. Athanasius
turned up his cloak and shewed that one hand at least was there. There was a moment of
suspense, artfully managed by Athanasius. Then the other hand was exposed, and the accusers
were requested to point out whence the third had been cut off (Socr. i. 29). This was too
much for John Arcaph, who precipitately fled (so Socr., he seems to have gone to Egypt with
the couriers mentioned below, cf. p. 142). But the Eusebians were made of sterner stuff: the
whole affair was a piece of magic; or there had been an attempt to murder Arsenius, who
Meanwhile the Mareotic Commission had proceeded with its task. Their report was
kept secret, but eventually sent to Julius of Rome, who handed it over to Athanasius in 339
(p. 143). Their enquiry was carried on with the aid of Philagrius the prefect, a strong Arian
sympathiser, whose guard pricked the witnesses if they failed to respond to the hints of the
commissioners and the threats of the prefect himself. The clergy of Alexandria and the
Mareotis were excluded from the court, and catechumens, Jews and heathen, none of whom
could properly have been present on the occasion, were examined as to the interruption of
the eucharistic service by Macarius (p. 119). Even with these precautions the evidence was
not all that could be wished. To begin with, it had all taken place on an ordinary week-day,
when there would be no Communion (pp. 115, 125, 143); secondly, when Macarius came
in Ischyras was in bed; thirdly, certain witnesses whom Athanasius had been accused of secreting
came forward in evidence of the contrary (p. 107). The prefect consoled himself by
letting loose the violence of the heathen mob (p. 108) against the ‘virgins’ of the Church.
The catholic party were helpless; all they could do was to protest in writing to the commission,
The commission returned to Tyre, where the council passed a resolution (Soz. ii. 25) deposing Athanasius. They then proceeded to Jerusalem for the Dedication49 of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Here Arius with certain others (probably including Euzoius) was received to communion on the strength of the confession of faith he had presented to Constantine a few years before, and the assembled bishops drew up a synodal letter announcing the fact to Egypt and the Church at large (pp. 144, 460). At this juncture the summons from Constantine arrived. The terms of it shewed that the Emperor was not disposed to hear more of the broken chalice or the murdered Arsenius: but the Eusebians were not at a loss. They advised the bishops to go quietly to their homes, while five of the inner circle, accompanied by Eusebius of Cæsarea, who had a panegyric to deliver in the imperial presence, responded to the summons of royalty. They made short work of Athanasius. The whole farrago of charges examined at Tyre was thrown aside. He had threatened to starve the πανευδαίμων πατρίς, the chosen capital of Constantine, by stopping the grain ships which regularly left Alexandria every autumn. It was in vain for Athanasius to protest that he had neither the means nor the power to do anything of the kind. ‘You are a rich man,’ replied Eusebius of Nicomedia, ‘and can do whatever you like.’ The Emperor was touched in a sore place50. He promptly ordered the banishment of Athanasius to Treveri, whither he started, as it would seem, on Feb. 5, 336 (pp. 105, 146, 503, note 11). The friends of Athanasius professed to regard the banishment as an act of imperial clemency, in view of what might have been treated as a capital matter, involving as it did the charge of treason (p. 105); and Constantine II., immediately after his father’s death, stated (pp. 146, 272, 288) in a letter (written before he became Augustus in Sept. 337) that he had been sent to Treveri merely to keep him out of danger, and that Constantine had been prevented only by death from carrying out his intention of restoring him. These charitable constructions need not be rudely ignored; but in all probability the anxiety to be rid of a cause of disturbance was at least one motive with the peace-loving Emperor. At any rate the Eusebians could not obtain the imperial sanction to their proposed election of a successor (Pistus?) to Athanasius. On his return after the death of Constantine he found his see waiting for him unoccupied (Apol. c. Ar. 29, p. 115).
The close of the Tricennalia was made the occasion of a council at Constantinople
(winter 335–336). Marcellus was deposed for heresy and Basil nominated to the see of Ancyra,
Death of Arius. From Jerusalem Arius had gone to Alexandria, but (Soz. ii. 29) had not succeeded in obtaining admission to the Communion of the Church there. Accordingly he repaired to the capital about the time of the Council just mentioned. The Eusebians resolved that here at any rate he should not be repelled. Arius appeared before the Emperor and satisfied him by a sworn profession of orthodoxy, and a day was fixed for his reception to communion. The story of the distress caused to the aged bishop Alexander is well known. He was heard to pray in the church that either Arius or himself might be taken away before such an outrage to the faith should be permitted. As a matter of fact Arius died suddenly the day before his intended reception. His friends ascribed his death to magic, those of Alexander to the judgment of God, the public generally to the effect of excitement on a diseased heart (Soz. l. c.). Athanasius, while taking the second view, describes the occurrence with becoming sobriety and reserve (pp. 233, 565). Alexander himself died very soon after, and Paul was elected in his place (D.C.B. art. Macedonius (2)), but was soon banished on some unknown charge, whereupon Eusebius of Nicomedia was translated to the capital see (between 336 and 340; date uncertain. Cf. D.C.B. ii. 367a).
Of the sojourn of Athanasius at Treveri, the noble home of the Emperors on the banks of the Mosel, we know few details, but his presence there appeals to the historic imagination. (See D.C.B. i. 186a.) He cannot have been there much above a year. He kept the Easter festival, probably of 336, certainly of 337, in the still unfinished Church (p. 244: the present Cathedral is said to occupy the site of what was then an Imperial palace: but the main palace is apparently represented by the ‘Roman baths).’ He was not suffered to want (p. 146): he had certain Egyptian brethren with him; and found a sympathetic friend in the good Bishop Maximinus (cf. p. 239). The tenth festal letter, §1, preserves a short extract from a letter written from Trier to his clergy.
Constantine died at Nicomedia, having previously received baptism from the hands of
Eusebius, on Whit-Sunday, May 22, 337. None of his sons were present, and the will is said
to have been entrusted to the Arian chaplain mentioned above (p. xxxiv). Couriers carried
the news to the three Cæsars, and at a very moderate51 rate of reckoning, it may have been
known at Trier by about June 4. Constantine, as the eldest son, probably expected more
§6. Renewal of Troubles. Second Exile. Pistus and Gregory, Culmination of Eusebian Intrigue. Rome and Sardica. (337–346).
(1). The stay of Athanasius at Alexandria was brief and troubled. The city was still disturbed by Arian malcontents, who had the sympathy of Jews and Pagans, and it was reported that the monks, and especially the famous hermit Antony, were on their side. This impression, however, was dissipated by the appearance of the great Ascetic himself, who, at the urgent request of the orthodox (pp. 214 sq., 503), consented to shew himself for two days in the uncongenial atmosphere of the city. The mystery and marvellous reputation, which even then surrounded this much-talked-of character, attracted Christians and heathen alike, in large numbers, to hear and see him, and, if possible, to derive some physical benefit from his touch. He denounced Arianism as the worst of heresies, and was solemnly escorted out of town by the bishop in person. As an annalist toward the close of the century tells us, ‘Antony, the great leader, came to Alexandria, and though he remained there only two days, shewed himself wonderful in many things, and healed many. He departed on the third of Messori’ (i.e., July 27, 338).
Meanwhile the Eusebians were busy. In the new Emperor Constantius, the Nicomedian
found a willing patron: probably his translation to the See of Constantinople falls at this
time. It was represented to the Emperor that the restoration of the exiled Bishops in 337,
and especially that of Athanasius, was against all ecclesiastical order. Men deposed by a
Synod of the Church had presumed to return to their sees under the sanction of the secular
authority. This was technically true, but the proceedings at Tyre were regarded by Athan.
as depriving that Synod of any title to ecclesiastical authority (pp. 104, 271). It is impossible
to accept au pied de la lettre the protests on either side against state interference with the
Church: both parties were willing to use it on their own side, and to protest against its use
by their opponents. Constantine had summoned53 the Council of Nicæa, had (Soz. i. 17)
fixed the order of its proceedings, and had enforced its decisions by civil penalties. The indignant
rhetoric of Hist. Ar. 52 (p. 289) might mutatis nominibus have been word for word
the remonstrance of a Secundus or Theonas against the great Ecumenical Synod of
Christendom. At Tyre, Jerusalem, and CP., the Eusebians had their turn, and again at Antioch,
338–341. The Council of Sardica relied on the protection of Constans, that of Philippopolis
on Constantius. The reign of the latter was the period of Arian triumph; that of
Theodosius secured authority to the Catholics. The only consistent opponents of civil intervention
in Church affairs were the Donatists in the West and the Eunomians or later Arians
in the East (with the obscure exception of Secundus and Theonas, the original Arians cannot
claim the compliment paid by Fialon, p. 115, to their independence). To the Donatists is
due the classical protest against Erastianism, ‘Quid Imperatori cum ecclesia’(D.C.B. i. 652).
But the Eusebians were not limited to technical complaints. They had stirring accounts
to give of the disorders which the return of Athanasius had excited, of the ruthless severity
with which they had been put down by the prefect, who was, it was probably added, a mere
tool in the hands of the bishop. Accordingly in the course of 338 the subservient Theodorus
was recalled, and Philagrius the Cappadocian, who had governed with immense55 popularity
All was now ready for the blow at Athanasius. It fell in Lent (pp. 94, 503). His position since the arrival of Philagrius had been one of unrest. ‘In this year again,’ says our annalist, ‘there were many tumults. On the xxii Phamenoth (i.e. Sunday, Mar. 18, 339) he was sought after by his persecutors in the night. On the next morning he fled from the Church of Theonas after he had baptized many. Then on the fourth day (Mar. 22) Gregory the Cappadocian entered the city as bishop’ (Fest. Ind. xi.). But Athanasius (p. 95), remained quietly in the town for about four weeks more58. He drew up for circulation ‘throughout the tribes’ (cf. Judges xix. 29) a memorandum and appeal, describing the intrusion of Gregory and the gross outrages which had accompanied it. This letter was written on or just after Easter Day (April 15), and immediately after this he escaped from Alexandria and made his way to Rome. The data as to the duration of the periods of ‘quiet’ and exile fix the date of his departure for Easter Monday, April 16. This absence from Alexandria was his longest, lasting ‘ninety months and three days,’ i.e. from Pharmuthi 21 (April 16) 339 to Paophi 24 (October 21), 346.
(2.) The Second Exile of Athanasius falls into two sections, the first of four years (p. 239), to the council of Sardica (339–343), the second of three years, to his return in Oct. 346. The odd six months cannot be distributed with certainty unless we can arrive at a more exact result than at present appears attainable for the month and duration of the Sardican synod.
In May, 339, Athanasius, accompanied by a few of his clergy (story of the ‘detachment’
of his monk Ammonius in Socr. iv. 23, sub fin.), arrived at Rome. He was within three
months followed by Marcellus, Paul of CP., Asclepas, and other exiles who had been restored
In the early spring of 340 the presbyters returned (see above) with a letter from a number
of bishops, including the Eusebian leaders, who had assembled at Antioch in January. This
letter is carefully dissected in the reply of the Roman Council, and appears to have been
highly acrimonious in its tone. Julius kept it secret for a time (p. 111), hoping against hope
that after all some of the Orientals would come for the council; but at length he gave up all
expectations of the kind, and convoked the bishops of Italy, who examined the cases of the
various exiles (p. 114). All the old charges against Athanasius were gone into with the aid
of the Mareotic report (the ex parte character of which Julius strongly emphasises) and of
the account of the proceedings at Tyre. The council had no difficulty in pronouncing Athanasius
completely innocent on all points. The charge of ignoring the proceedings of a
council was disposed of by pointing out the uncanonical character of Gregory’s appointment
(p. 115), and the infraction by the complainants of the decrees of Nicæa. With regard to
Marcellus, he responded to the request of the bishops by volunteering a written confession
of his faith (p. 116, Epiph. Hær. 72), which was in fact the creed of the Roman Church itself
(Caspari, Quellen iii. 28, note, argues that the creed must have been tendered at an earlier
visit, 336–337, but without cogent reasons). Either Julius and his bishops were (like the
fathers of Sardica) very easily satisfied, or Marcellus exercised extreme reserve as to his peculiar
tenets (Zahn, p. 71, makes out the best case he can for his candour). The other exiles
were also pronounced innocent, and the synod ‘restored’ them all. It remained to communicate
the result to the Oriental bishops. This was done by Julius in a letter drawn up in the
name of the council, and preserved by Athanasius in his Apology. Its subject matter has
been sufficiently indicated, but its statesmanlike logic and grave severity must be appreciated
by reference to the document itself. It has been truly called ‘one of the ablest documents in
the entire controversy.’ It is worth observing that Julius makes no claim whatever to pass a
The letter of Julius was considered at the famous Council of the Dedication (of Constantine’s ‘Golden’ Church at Antioch, see Eus. V. C. iii. 50), held in the summer of 341 (between May 22 and Sept. 1, see Gwatkin, p. 114, note). Eusebius of Constantinople was there (he had only a few months longer to live), and most of the Arian leaders. Cæsarea was represented by Acacius, who had succeeded Eusebius some two years before; a man of Whom we shall hear more. But of the ninety-odd bishops who attended, the majority must have been conservative in feeling, such as Dianius of Cæsarea, who possibly presided. At any rate Hilary (de Syn. 32) calls it ‘a synod of saints,’ and its canons passed into the accepted body of Church Law. Their reply to Julius is not extant, but we gather from the historians that it was not conciliatory. (Socr. ii. 15, 17; Soz. iii. 8, 10; they are in such hopeless confusion as to dates and the order of events that it is difficult to use them here; Theodoret is more accurate but less full.)
But the council marks an epoch in a more important respect; with it begins the formal Doctrinal Reaction against the Nicene Formula. We have traces of previous confessions, such as that of Arius and Euzoius, 330–335, and an alleged creed drawn up at CP. in 336. But only now begins the long series of attempts to raise some other formula to a position of equality with the Nicene, so as to eventually depose the ὁμοούσιον from its position as an ecumenical test.
The first suggestion of a new creed came from the Arian bishops, who propounded a
formula (p. 146, §22), with a disavowal of any intention of disparaging that of Nicæa (Socr.
ii. 10), but suspiciously akin to the evasive confession of Arius, and prefaced with a suicidally
worded protest against being considered as followers of the latter. The fate of this creed in
the council is obscure; but it would seem to have failed to commend itself to the majority,
who put forward a creed alleged to have been composed by Lucian the martyr. This (see
above, p. xxviii, and p. 461, notes 5–9), was hardly true of the creed as it stood, but it may
have been signed by Lucian as a test when he made his peace with bishop Cyril. At any rate
the creed is catholic in asserting the exact Likeness of the Son to the Father’s Essence (yet
A third formula was presented by Theophronius, bishop of Tyana, as a personal statement of belief, and was widely signed by way of approval. It insists like the Lucianic creed on the pretemporal γέννησις, against Marcellus, adding two other points (hypostatic pre-existence and eternal kingdom of the Son) in the same direction, and closing with an anathema against Marcellus, Sabellius, Paul, and all who communicate with any of their supporters. This was of course a direct defiance of Julius and the Westerns (Mr. Gwatkin, by a slip, assigns this anathema to the ‘fourth’ creed).
Lastly, a few months after the council (late autumn of 341) a few bishops reassembled in order to send a deputation to Constans (since 340 sole Western Emperor). They decided to substitute for the genuine creeds of the council a fourth formulary, which accordingly the Arians Maris and Narcissus, and the neutrals Theodore of Heraclea and Mark of Arethusa, conveyed to the West. The assertion of the eternal reign of Christ was strengthened, and the name of Marcellus omitted, but the Nicene anathemas were skilfully adapted so as to strike at the Marcellian and admit the Arian doctrine of the divine Sonship. This creed became the basis on which the subsequent Arianising confessions of 343 (Philippopolis), 344 (Macrostich), and 351 (Sirmium) were moulded by additions to and modifications of the anathemas. This series of creeds mark ‘the stationary period of Arianism,’ i.e. between the close of the first generation (Arius, Asterius, Eusebius of Nicomedia) and the beginnings of the divergence of parties under the sole reign of Constantius. At present opposition to the school of Marcellus and to the impregnable strength of the West under a Catholic Emperor kept the reactionary party united.
It has been necessary to dwell upon the work of this famous Council in view of its subsequent
importance. It is easy to see how the Eastern bishops were prevailed upon to take
the bold step of putting forth a Creed to rival the Nicene formula. The formal approval of
Marcellus at Rome shewed, so they felt, the inadequacy of that formula to exclude Sabellianism,
or rather the direct support which that heresy could find in the word ‘homoüsion.’ This
being so, provided they made it clear that they were not favouring Arianism, they would be
doing no more than their duty in providing a more efficient test. But here the Arian group
(3.) Athanasius remained in Rome more than three years after his departure from Alexandria
(April, 339–May? 342, see p. 239). During the last of these years, the dispute connected
with him had been referred by Julius to Constans, who had requested his brother to send
some Oriental bishops with a statement of their case: this was the reason of the deputation
(see above) of the winter of 341. They found Constans at Treveri, but owing to the warnings
of good Bishop Maximinus59, he refused to accept their assurances, and sent them ignominiously
away. This probably falls in the summer of 342, the deputation on arriving in Italy
having found that Constans had already left Milan for his campaign against the Franks
(Gwatkin, p. 122, note 3). If this be so, Constans had already made up his mind that a General
Council was the only remedy, and had written to Constantius to arrange for one. Before
leaving Milan he had summoned Athanasius from Rome, and announced to him what he
had done. The young Prince was evidently an admirer of Athanasius, who had received
from him in reply to a letter of self-defence, written from Alexandria, an order for certain
πύκτια, or bound volumes of the Scriptures (see Montfaucon, Animadv. xv., in Migne xxv.,
p. clxxvi.). The volumes had been delivered before this date. Constans hurried off to Gaul,
while Athanasius remained at Milan, where he afterwards received a summons to follow
the Emperor to Treveri60; here he met the venerable Hosius and others, and learned that
the Emperors had fixed upon Sardica (now Sophia in Bulgaria), on the frontier line of the
dominions of Constans61, as the venue for the great Council, which was to assemble in the
ensuing summer. Athanasius must have kept the Easter of 343 at Treveri: he had written
his usual Easter letter (now lost) most probably from Rome or Milan, in the previous spring.
The date of assembly and duration of the Sardican synod are, unfortunately, obscure. But
We shall probably be safe in supposing that the Council occupied the whole of August and September, and that Constans sent Bishops Euphrates and Vincent to his brother at Antioch as soon as the worst weather of winter was over.
The Western bishops assembled at Sardica to the number of about 95 (see p. 147).
Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas arrived with Hosius from Treveri. Paul of Constantinople,
for some unknown reason, was absent, but was represented by Asclepas63. The
Orientals came in a body, and with suspicion. They had the Counts Musonianus and
Hesychius, and (according to Fest. Ind., cf. p. 276) the ex-Prefect Philagrius, as advisers and
protectors: they were lodged in a body at the Palace of Sophia. The proceedings were blocked
by a question of privilege. The Easterns demanded that the accused bishops should not be
allowed to take their seats in the Council; the majority replied that, pending the present
enquiry, all previous decisions against them must be in fairness considered suspended. There
was something to be said on both sides (see Hefele, p. 99), but on the whole, the synod being
convoked expressly to re-hear both sides, the majority were perhaps justified in refusing to
exclude the accused. A long interchange (p. 119), of communications followed, and at last,
alleging that they were summoned home by the news of the victory in the Persian war, the
minority disappeared by night, sending their excuse by the Sardican Presbyter Eustathius
(p. 275). At Philippopolis, within the dominions of Constantius, they halted and drew up
a long and extremely wild and angry statement of what had occurred, deposing and condemning
all concerned, from Hosius, Julius and Athanasius downward. They added the
Antiochene Confession (‘fourth’ of 341), with the addition of some anathemas directed at
the system of Marcellus. Among the signatures, which included most of the surviving Arian
This rupture doomed the purpose of the council to failure: instead of leading to agreement it had made the difference a hopeless one. But the Westerns were still a respectable number, and might do much to forward the cause of justice and of the Nicene Faith. Two of the Easterns had joined them, Asterius of Petra and Arius, bishop of an unknown see in Palestine. The only other Oriental present, Diodorus of Tenedos, appears to have come, like Asclepas, U+0026c., independently of the rest. The work of the council was partly judicial, partly legislative. The question was raised of issuing a supplement to, or formula explanatory of, the Nicene creed, and a draft (preserved Thdt. H. E. ii. 8) was actually made, but the council declined to sanction anything which should imply that the Nicene creed was insufficient (p. 484, correcting Thdt. ubi supra, and Soz. iii. 12).
The charges against all the exiles were carefully examined and dismissed. This was also the case with the complaints against the orthodoxy of Marcellus, who was allowed to evade the very point which gave most offence (p. 125). Probably the ocular evidence (p. 124) of the violence which many present had suffered, indisposed the fathers to believe any accusations from such a quarter. The synod next proceeded to legislate. Their canons were twenty in number, the most important being canons 3–5, which permit a deposed bishop to demand the reference of his case to ‘Julius bishop of Rome,’ ‘honouring the memory of Peter the Apostle;’ the deposition to be suspended pending such reference; the Roman bishop, if the appeal seem reasonable, to request the rehearing of the case in its own province, and if at the request of the accused he sends a presbyter to represent him, such presbyter to rank as though he were his principal in person. The whole scheme appears to be novel and to have been suggested by the history of the case of the exiles. The canons are very important in their subsequent history, but need not be discussed here. (Elaborate discussions in Hefele, pp. 112–129; see also D.C.A. pp. 127 sq., 1658, 1671, Greenwood, Cath. Petr. i. 204–208, D.C.B. iii. 662 a, and especially 529–531.) The only legislation, however, to which Athanasius alludes is that establishing a period of 50 years during which Rome and Alexandria should agree as to the period for Easter (Fest. Ind. xv., infr. p. 544, also Hefele pp. 157 sqq.). The arrangement averted a dispute in 346, but differences occurred in spite of it in 349, 350, 360, and 368.
The synod addressed an encyclical letter to all Christendom (p. 123), embodying their
decisions and announcing their deposition of eight or nine Oriental bishops (including
Theodore of Heraclea, Acacius, and several Arian leaders) for complicity with Arianism.
They also wrote to the Church of Alexandria and to the bishops of Egypt with special reference
to Athanasius and to the Alexandrian Church, to Julius announcing their decisions,
The effect of the Council was not at first pacific. Constantius shared the indignation of the Eastern bishops, and began severe measures against all the Nicene-minded bishops in his dominions (pp. 275 sqq). Theodulus, Bishop of Trajanople, died of his injuries before the Sardican Bishops had completed their work. At Hadrianople savage cruelties were perpetrated (ib.); and a close watch was instituted in case Athanasius should attempt to return on the strength of his synodical acquittal. Accordingly, he passed the winter and spring at Naissus (now Nish, see Fest. Ind. xvi.), and during the summer, in obedience to an invitation from Constans, repaired to Aquileia, where he spent the Easter of 345.
Meanwhile, Constans had made the cause of the Sardican majority his own. At the beginning of the year 344 he sent two of its most respected members to urge upon Constantius the propriety of restoring the exiles. Either now or later he hinted that refusal would be regarded by him as a casus belli. His remonstrance gained unexpected moral support from an episode, strange even in that age of unprincipled intrigue. In rage and pain at the apparent success of the envoys, Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, sought to discredit them by a truly diabolical trick (see p. 276). Its discovery, just after Easter, 344, roused the moral sense of Constantius. A Council was summoned, and met during the summer64 (p. 462, §26, ‘three years after’ the Dedication at Midsummer, 341). Stephen was ignominiously deposed (see Gwatkin 125, note 1), and Leontius, an Arian, but a lover of quiet and a temporiser, appointed. The Council also re-issued the ‘fourth’ Antiochene Creed with a very long explanatory addition, mildly condemning certain Arian phrases, fiercely anathematising Marcellus and Photinus, and with a side-thrust at supposed implications of the Nicene formula. A deputation was sent to Italy, consisting of Eudoxius of Germanicia and three others. They reached Milan at the Synod of 345, and were able to procure a condemnation of Photinus (not Marcellus), but on being asked to anathematise Arianism refused, and retired in anger. At the same Synod of Milan, however, Valens and Ursacius, whose deposition at Sardica was in imminent danger of being enforced by Constans, followed the former example of Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris, Theognis, and Arius himself, by making their submission, which was followed up two years later by a letter in abject terms addressed to Julius, and another in a tone of veiled insolence to Athanasius (p. 131). In return, they were able to beat up a Synod at Sirmium against Photinus (Hil. Frag. ii. 19), but without success in the attempt to dislodge him.
Meanwhile, Constantius had followed up the Council at Antioch by cancelling his severe
measures against the Nicene party. He restored to Alexandria certain Presbyters whom he
§7. The Golden Decade, 346–356.
(1). This period is divided into two by the death of Constans in 350, or perhaps more exactly by the final settlement of sole power in the hands of Constantius on the day of Mursa, Sept. 28, 35167. The internal condition of the Church at Alexandria, however, was not seriously disturbed even in the second period. From this point of view the entire period may be treated as one. Its opening was auspicious. Egypt fully participated in the ‘profound and wonderful peace’ (p. 278) of the Churches. The Bishops of province after province were sending in their letters of adhesion to the Synod of Sardica (ib. and p. 127), and those of Egypt signed to a man.
The public rejoicing of the Alexandrian Church had something of the character of a ‘mission’ in modern Church life. A wave of religious enthusiasm passed over the whole community. ‘How many widows and how many orphans, who were before hungry and naked, now through the great zeal of the people were no longer hungry, and went forth clothed;’ ‘in a word, so great was their emulation in virtue, that you would have thought every family and every house a Church, by reason of the goodness of its inmates and the prayers which were offered to God’ (p. 278). Increased strictness of life, the sanctification of home, renewed application to prayer, and practical charity, these were a worthy welcome to their long-lost pastor. But most conspicuous was the impulse to asceticism. Marriages were renounced and even dissolved in favour of the monastic life; the same instincts were at work (but in greater intensity) as had asserted themselves at the close of the era of the pagan persecutions (p. 200, §4, fin.). Our knowledge of the history of the Egyptian Church under the ten years’ peaceful rule of Athanasius is confined to a few details and to what we can infer from results.
Strong as was the position of Athanasius in Egypt upon his return from exile, his hold
upon the country grew with each year of the decade. When circumstances set Constantius
free to resume the Arian campaign, it was against Athanasius that he worked; at first from
the remote West, then by attempts to remove or coax him from Alexandria. But Athanasius
was in an impregnable position, and when at last the city was seized by the coup de main of
356, from his hidings places in Egypt he was more inaccessible still, more secure in his defence,
more free to attack. Now the extraordinary development of Egyptian Monachism
must be placed in the first rank of the causes which strengthened Athanasius in Egypt. The
institution was already firmly rooted there (cf. p. 190), and Pachomius, a slightly older
contemporary of Athanasius himself, had converted a sporadic manifestation of the ascetic
impulse into an organised form of Community Life. Pachomius himself had died on May
9, 346 (infr. p. lx., note 3, and p. 569, note 3: cf. Theolog. Literaturztg. 1890, p. 622), but
Athanasius was welcomed soon after his arrival by a deputation from the Society of Tabenne,
who also conveyed a special message from the aged Antony. Athanasius placed himself at
Coupled with the growth of monachism is the transformation of the episcopate. The great power enjoyed by the Archbishop of Alexandria made it a matter of course that in a prolonged episcopate discordant elements would gradually vanish and unanimity increase. This was the case under Athanasius: but the unanimity reflected in the letter ad Afros had practically already come about in the year of the return of Ath. from Aquileia, when nearly every bishop in Egypt signed the Sardican letter (p. 127; the names include the new bishops of 346–7 in Letter 19, with one or two exceptions). Athanasius not infrequently (pp. 559 sq. and Vit. Pach. 72) filled up vacancies in the episcopate from among the monks, and Serapion of Thmuis, his most trusted suffragan, remained after his elevation in very close relation with the monasteries.
Athanasius consecrated bishops not only for Egypt, but for the remote Abyssinian kingdom of Auxume as well. The visit of Frumentius to Alexandria, and his consecration as bishop for Auxume, are referred by Rufinus i. 9 (Socr. i. 19, U+0026c.) to the beginning of the episcopate of Athanasius. But the chronology of the story (Gwatkin, pp. 93 sqq., D.C.B. ii. 236 where the argument is faulty) forbids this altogether, while the letter of Constantius (p. 250) is most natural if the consecration of Frumentius were then a comparatively recent matter, scarcely intelligible if it had taken place before the ‘deposition’ of Athan. by the council of Tyre. Athanasius had found Egypt distracted by religious dissensions; but by the time of the third exile we hear very little of Arians excepting in Alexandria itself (see p. 564); the ‘Arians’ of the rest of Egypt were the remnant of the Meletians, whose monks are still mentioned by Theodoret (cf. p. 299 sq.). An incident which shews the growing numbers of the Alexandrian Church during this period is the necessity which arose at Easter in one year of using the unfinished Church of the Cæsareum (for its history cf. p. 243, note 6, and Hist. Aceph. vi., Fest. Ind. xxxvii., xxxviii., xl.) owing to the vast crowds of worshippers. The Church was a gift of Constantius, and had been begun by Gregory, and its use before completion and dedication was treated by the Arians as an act of presumption and disrespect on the part of Athanasius.
(2.) But while all was so happy in Egypt, the ‘profound peace’ of the rest of the Church
was more apparent than real. The temporary revulsion of feeling on the part of Constantius,
the engrossing urgency of the Persian war, the readiness of Constans to use his formidable
Of the mass of instances where the bishops were not Arian but simply conservative, the Church of Jerusalem is the type. We have the instructions given to the Catechumens of this city between 348 and 350 by Cyril, who in the latter year (Hort, p. 92) became bishop, and whose career is typical of the rise and development of so-called semi-Arianism. Cyril, like the conservatives generally, is strongly under the influence of Origen (see Caspari iv. 146–162, and of. the Catechesis in Heurtley de Fid. et Symb. 62 with the Regula Fidei in Orig. de Princ. i.). The instructions insist strongly on the necessity of scriptural language, and while contradicting the doctrines of Arius (without mentioning his name; cf. Athanasius on Marcellus and Photinus in pp. 433–447) Cyril tacitly protests against the ὁμοούσιον as of human contrivance (Cat. v. 12), and uses in preference the words ‘like to the Father according to the Scriptures’ or ‘in all things.’ This language is that of Athanasius also, especially in his earlier works (pp. 84 sqq.), but in the latter phase of the controversy, especially in the Dated Creed of 359, which presents striking resemblances to Cyril’s Catecheses, it became the watchword of the party of reaction. The Church of Jerusalem then was orthodox substantially, but rejected the Nicene formula, and this was the case in the East generally, except where the bishops were positively Arian. All were aggrieved at the way in which the Eastern councils had been treated by the West, and smarted under a sense of defeat (cf. Bright, Introd. to Hist. Tr., p. xviii.).
Accordingly the murder of Constans in 350 was the harbinger of renewed religious
discord. For a time the political future was doubtful. Magnentius, knowing what Athanasius
had to fear from Constantius, made a bid for the support of Egypt. Clementius and Valens,
two members of a deputation to Constantius, came round by way of Egypt to ascertain the
disposition of the country, and especially of its Bishop. Athanasius received them with bitter
lamentations for Constans, and, fearing the possibility of an invasion by Magnentius, he
called upon his congregation to pray for the Eastern Emperor. The response was immediate
It is unnecessary to detail the tedious and unedifying story of the councils of Arles and Milan. The former was a provincial council of Gaul, attended by legates of the Roman see. All present submissively registered the imperial condemnation of Athanasius. The latter, delayed till 355 by the Rhenish campaign of Constantius, was due to the request of Liberius, who desired to undo the evil work of his legates, and to the desire of the Emperor to follow up the verdict of a provincial with that of a more representative Synod. The number of bishops present was probably very small (the numbers in Socrates ii. 36, Soz. iv. 9, may refer to those who afterwards signed under compulsion, p. 280, cf. the case of Sardica, p. 127, note 10). The proceedings were a drama in three acts, first, submission, the legates protesting; secondly, stormy protest, after the arrival of Eusebius of Vercellæ; thirdly, open coercion. The deposition of Athanasius was proffered to each bishop for signature, and, if he refused, a sentence of banishment was at once pronounced, the emperor sitting with the ‘velum’ drawn, much as though an English judge were to assume the black cap at the beginning of a capital trial. He cut short argument by announcing that ‘he was for the prosecution,’ and remonstrance by the sentence of exile (p. 299); the ὅπερ ἐγὼ βούλομαι τούτο κανών put into his mouth by Athanasius (p. 281) represents at any rate the spirit of his proceedings as justly as does ‘la tradizione son’ io’ that of the autocrat of a more recent council. At this council no creed was put forth: until the enemy was dislodged from Alexandria the next step would be premature. But a band of exiles were sent in strict custody to the East, of some of whom we shall hear later on (pp. 561, 481, 281, cf. p. 256, and the excellent monograph of Krüger, Lucifer von Calaris, pp. 9–23).
Meanwhile, Athanasius had been peacefully pursuing his diocesan duties, but not without
a careful outlook as the clouds gathered on the horizon. The prospect of a revival of the
charges against him moved him to set in order an unanswerable array of documents, in
proof, firstly of the unanimity, secondly of the good reason, with which he had been acquitted
§8. The Third Exile, 356–362.
The third exile of Athanasius marks the summit of his achievement. Its commencement is the triumph, its conclusion the collapse of Arianism. It is true that after the death of Constantius the battle went on with variations of fortune for twenty years, mostly under the reign of an ardently Arian Emperor (364–378). But by 362 the utter lack of inner coherence in the Arian ranks was manifest to all; the issue of the fight might be postponed by circumstances but could not be in doubt. The break-up of the Arian power was due to its own lack of reality: as soon as it had a free hand, it began to go to pieces. But the watchful eye of Athanasius followed each step in the process from his hiding-place, and the event was greatly due to his powerful personality and ready pen, knowing whom to overwhelm and whom to conciliate, where to strike and where to spare. This period then of forced abstention from affairs was the most stirring in spiritual and literary activity in the whole life of Athanasius. It produced more than half of the treatises which fill this volume, and more than half of his entire extant works. With this we shall have to deal presently; but let it be noted once for all how completely the amazing power wielded by the wandering fugitive was based upon the devoted fidelity of Egypt to its pastor. Towns and villages, deserts and monasteries, the very tombs were scoured by the Imperial inquisitors in the search for Athanasius; but all in vain; not once do we hear of any suspicion of betrayal. The work of the golden decade was bearing its fruit.
(1.) On leaving the church of Theonas, Athanasius appears to have made his escape
from the city. If for once we may hazard a conjecture, the numerous cells of the Nitrian
desert offered a not too distant but fairly inpenetrable refuge. He must at any rate have selected
a place where he could gain time to reflect on the situation, and above all ensure that
he should be kept well informed of events from time to time. For in Athanasius we never
see the panic-stricken outlaw; he is always the general meditating his next movement and
full of the prospects of his cause. He made up his mind to appeal to Constantius in person.
He could not believe that an Emperor would go back upon his solemn pledges, especially
such a voluntary assurance as he had received after the death of Constans. Accordingly he
drew up a carefully elaborated defence (Ap. Const. 1–26) dealing with the four principal
charges against him, and set off through the Libyan71 desert with the intention of crossing
to Italy and finding Constantius at Milan. But while he was on his way, he encountered rumours
confirming the reports of the wholesale banishment not only of the recalcitrants of
Meanwhile in Alexandria disorders had continued. The ‘duke’ appears to have been
either unable for a time, or to have thought it needless, to take possession of the churches;
but we hear of a violent dispersion of worshippers from the neighbourhood of the cemetery
on Easter Day (p. 249, cf. the Virgins after Syrianus but before Heraclius, p. 288); while
throughout Egypt subscription to an Arianising formula was being enforced on the bishops
under pain of expulsion. After Easter, a change of governor took place, Maximus of Nicæa
(pp. 301 sqq., 247) being succeeded by Cataphronius, who reached Alexandria on the 10th
of June (Hist. Aceph. iv.). He was accompanied by a Count Heraclius, who brought a letter
from Constantius threatening the heathen with severe measures (pp. 288, 290), unless active
hostilities against the Athanasian party were begun (this letter was not the one given p. 249;
Ath. rightly remarks ‘it reflected great discredit upon the writer’). Heraclius announced that
by Imperial order the Churches were to be given up to the Arians, and compelled all the
magistrates, including the functionaries of heathen temples, to sign an undertaking to execute
the Imperial incitements to persecution, and to agree to receive as Bishop the Emperor’s
nominee. These incredible precautions shew the general esteem for Athanasius even outside
Athanasius meanwhile eluded all search. During part of the year 357–358 he was in concealment in Alexandria itself, and he was supposed to be there two years later (Fest. Ind. xxx., xxxii.; the latter gives some colour to the tale of Palladius—cf. Soz. v. 6—of his having during part of this period remained concealed in the house of a Virgin of the church), but the greater part of his time was undoubtedly spent in the numberless cells of Upper and Lower Egypt, where he was secure of close concealment, and of loyal and efficient messengers to warn him of danger, keep him informed of events, and carry his letters and writings far and wide. The tale of Rufinus (i. 18) that he lay hid all the six years in a dry cistern is probably a confused version of this general fact. The tombs of kings and private persons were at this time the common abode of monks (cf. p. 564, note 1; also Socr. iv. 13, a similar mistake). Probably we must place the composition of the Life of Antony, the great classic of Monasticism, at some date during this exile, although the question is surrounded with difficulties (see pp. 188 sqq.). The importance of the period, however, lies in the march of events outside Egypt. (For a brilliant sketch of the desert life of Athanasius see D.C.B. i. 194 sq.; also Bright, Hist. Treatises, p. lxxiv. sq.)
(2.) With the accession of Constantius to sole power, the anti-Nicene reaction at last
had a free hand throughout the Empire. Of what elements did it now consist? The original
reaction was conservative in its numerical strength, Arian in its motive power. The stream
was derived from the two fountain heads of Paul of Samosata, the ancestor of Arius, and of
Origen the founder of the theology of the Eastern Church generally and especially of that
of Eusebius of Cæsarea. Flowing from such heterogeneous sources, the two currents never
thoroughly mingled. Common action, dictated on the one hand by dread of Sabellianism,
manipulated on the other hand by wire-pullers in the interest of Arianism, united the East
till after the death of Constantine in the campaign against the leaders of Nicæa. Then for
the last ten years of the life of Constans, Arianism, or rather the Reaction, had its ‘stationary
period’ (Newman). The chaos of creeds at the Council of Antioch (supr. p. xliv.) shewed the
presence of discordant aims; but opposition to Western interference, and the urgent panic
of Photinus and his master, kept them together: the lead was still taken by the Arianisers,
as is shewn by the continued prominence of the fourth Antiochene Creed at Philippopolis
(343), Antioch (344), and Sirmium (351). But the second or Lucianic Creed was on record
as the protest of the conservative majority, and was not forgotten. Yet until after 351, when
Photinus was finally got rid of and Constantius master of the world, the reaction was still
(a.) The original Arians, now gradually dying out, were all tainted with compromise and political subserviency. Arius, Asterius, Eusebius of Nicomedia, and the rest (Secundus and Theonas are the solitary exception), were all at one time or another, and in different degrees, willing to make concessions and veil their more objectionable tenets under some evasive confession. But in many cases temporary humiliation produced its natural result in subsequent uncompromising defiance. This is exemplified in the history of Valens and Ursacius after 351. Valens, especially, figures as the head of a new party of ‘Anomoeans’ or ultra-Arians. The rise of this party is associated with the name of Aetius, its after-history with that of his pupil Eunomius, bishop of Cyzicus from 361. It was marked by a genuine scorn for the compromises of earlier Arianism, from which it differed in nothing except its more resolute sincerity. The career of Aetius (D.C.B. i. 50, sqq.) was that of a struggling, self-made, self-confident man. A pupil of the Lucianists (supr., p. xxviii.), he shrunk from none of the irreverent conclusions of Arianism. His loud voice and clear-cut logic lost none of their effect by fear of offending the religious sensibilities of others. In 350 Leontius ordained him deacon, with a licence to preach, at Antioch; but Flavian and Diodorus (see above, §7) raised such a storm that the cautious bishop felt obliged to suspend him. On the appointment of George he was invited to Alexandria, whither Eunomius was attracted by his fame as a teacher. His influence gradually spread, and he found many kindred spirits among the bishops. The survivors of the original Arians were with him at heart, as also were men like Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia (of Antioch, 358, of CP. 360), who fell as far behind Aetius in sincerity as he surpassed him in profanity; the Anomoeans (ἀνόμοιος) were numerically strong, and morally even more so; they were the wedge which eventually broke up the reactionary mass, rousing the sincere horror of the Conservatives, commanding the sometimes dissembled but always real sympathy of the true Arians, and seriously embarrassing the political Arians, whose one aim was to keep their party together by disguising differences of principle under some convenient phrase.
(b.) This latter party were headed by Acacius in the East and in the West by Valens, who
while in reality, as stated above, making play for the Anomoean cause, was diplomatist
enough to use the influential ‘party of no principle’ as his instrument for the purpose. Valens
during the whole period of the sole reign of Constantius (and in fact until his own death
about 375) was the heart and soul of the new and last phase of Arianism, namely of the
formal attempt to impose an Arian creed upon the Church in lieu of that of Nicæa. But this
could only be done by skilful use of less extreme men, and in the trickery and statecraft ne-
The difficulty was to find a formula. The test of Nicæa could not be superseded without
putting something in its place, which should include Arianism as effectually as the other
had excluded it. Such a test was eventually (after 357) found in the word ὅμοιος76. It was a
word with a good Catholic history. We find it used freely by Athanasius in his earlier anti-
Arian writings, and it was thoroughly current in conservative theology, as for example in
Cyril’s Catecheses (he has ὅμοιον κατὰ τας γραφάς and ὅμοιον κατὰ πάντα). It would
therefore permit even the full Nicene belief. On the other hand many of the more earnest
conservative theologians had begun to reflect on what was involved in the ‘likeness’ of the
Son to the Father, and had formulated the conviction that this likeness was essential, not,
This manifesto was none the less Anomoean for not explicitly avowing the obnoxious phrase. It forbids the definition of the ‘likeness’ as essential, and does not even condescend to use the ὅμοιον at all. The Nicene definition is for the first time overtly and bluntly denounced, and the ‘conservatives’ are commanded to hold their peace. The ‘Sirmium blasphemy’ was indeed a trumpet-blast of defiance. The echo came back from the Homoeans assembled at Antioch, whence Eudoxius the new bishop, Acacius, and their friends addressed the Pannonians with a letter of thanks. But the blast heralded the collapse of the Arian cause; the Reaction ‘fell to pieces the moment Arianism ventured to have a policy of its own’ (Gwatkin, p. 158, the whole account should be consulted). Not only did orthodox Gaul, under Phoebadius of Agen, the most stalwart of the lesser men whom Milan had spared, meet in synod and condemn the blasphemy, but the conservative East was up in arms against Arianism, for the first time with thorough spontaneity. Times were changed indeed; the East was at war with the West, but on the side of orthodoxy against Arianism.
(c) We must now take account of the party headed by Basil of Ancyra and usually (since
Epiphanius), but with some injustice, designated as Semi-Arians. Their theological ancestry
and antecedents have been already sketched (pp. xxvii., xxxv.); they are the representatives
of that conservatism, moulded by the neo-Asiatic, or modified Origenist tradition, which
warmly condemned Arianism at Nicæa, but acquiesced with only half a heart in the test by
which the Council resolved to exclude it. They furnished the numerical strength, the material
basis so to call it, of the anti-Nicene reaction; but the reaction on their part had not been
Now the ‘trumpet-blast’ of Valens gave birth to the ‘Semi-Arians’ as a formal party. An attempt was made to reunite the reaction on a Homoean basis in 359, but the events of that year made the breach more open than ever. The tendency towards the Nicene position which received its impulse in 357 continued unchecked until the Nicene cause triumphed in Asia in the hands of the ‘conservatives’ of the next generation.
Immediately after the Acacian Synod at Antioch early in 358, George of Laodicea, who
had reasons of his own for indignation against Eudoxius, wrote off in hot haste to warn
Basil of the fearful encouragement that was being given to the doctrines of Aetius in that
city. Basil, who was in communication (through Hilary) with Phoebadius and his colleagues,
Now was the opportunity of Valens. He saw the capabilities of the Homoean compromise,
as yet embodied in no creed, and resolved to try it: and his experiment was not unsuccessful.
All parties alike seem to have agreed upon the necessity for a council of the whole Church
(on the origin of the proposal, and for other details, see p. 448). But Valens was determined
what the result of the council must be. Accordingly he prevailed on the Emperor to divide
it, the Western Synod to meet at Ariminum, the Eastern at ‘Rocky Seleucia,’ a mountain
fortress in Cilicia where there happened to be plenty of troops. The management of the
latter was entrusted to Acacius; at Rimini Valens would be present in person. In event of
the two synods differing, a delegation of ten bishops from each was to meet at Court and
settle the matter. The Creed to be adopted had also to be arranged beforehand, and for this
purpose, to his great discredit, Basil of Ancyra entered into a conference (along with Mark
of Arethusa and certain colleagues) with Valens, George of Alexandria, and others of like
mind. The result was the ‘Dated Creed’ (May 22, 359) drawn by Mark, prohibiting the word
οὐσία (in a gentler tone than that of the creed of Valens in 357), but containing the definition
ὅμοιον κατὰ πάντα (‘as also the Scriptures teach,’ see above, on Cyril, p. xlix.), words which
Valens and Ursacius sought to suppress. But Constantius insisted on their retention, and
Basil emphasised his subscription by a strongly-worded addition. Moreover in conjunction
with George of Laodicea he drew up a memorandum (Epiph. 72, 12–22) vindicating the
term οὐσία as implied in Scripture, insisting on the absolute essential likeness of the Son to
the Father, except in respect of the Incarnation, and repudiating the idea that ἀγεννησία is
After the fiasco of the Dated Creed, the issue of the Councils was not doubtful. The details
may be reserved for another place (pp. 448, 453 sqq.), but the general result is noteworthy.
At both Councils the court party were in a minority, and in both alike they eventually had
their way. (See Bright, Hist. Tr. lxxxiv.–xc., and Gwatkin, 170–180.) On the whole the
Seleucian synod came out of the affair more honourably than the other, as their eventual
surrender was confined to their delegates. Both Councils began bravely. The majorities deposed
their opponents and affirmed their own faith, the Westerns that of Nicæa, the Easterns
that of the Dedication. From both Councils deputations from each rival section went to the
Emperor, who was now at Constantinople. The deputies from the majority at Ariminum,
where the meeting had begun fully two months before the other, were not received, but
detained first at Hadrianople, then at Niké in Thrace (chosen, says Socr. ii. 37, to impose
on the world by the name), where they were induced to sign a recension of the Dated Creed
(the Creed itself had been revoked and recast without the date and perhaps without the
κατὰ πάντα before the preliminary meeting at Sirmium broke up, p. 466) of a more distinctly
Homoean character. Armed with this document Valens brought them back to the Council,
and ‘by threats and cajolery’ obtained the signatures of nearly all the bishops. Yet the stalwart
Phoebadius, Claudius of Picenum, the venerable African Muzonius, father of the Council,
and a few others, were undaunted. But Valens, by adroit dissimulation and by guiding into
a manageable shape the successive anathematisms by which his orthodoxy was tested,
managed to deceive these simple-minded Westerns, and with applause and exultation,
‘plausu quodam et tripudio’ (Jer.), amidst which ‘Valens was lauded to the skies’ (!), the
bishops were released from their wearisome detention and suspense. But Valens ‘cum recessisset
tunc gloriabatur’ (Prov. xx. 14). The Western bishops realised too late what they
had done, ‘Ingemuit totus orbis, et se Arianum esse miratus est.’ Valens hurried with the
creed and the anathemas of Phoebadius to Constantinople, where he found the Seleucian
deputies in hot discussion at court. The Eastern bishops at Seleucia had held to the ‘Lucianic’
creed, and contemptuously set aside not only the Acacian alternative (p. 466), but the whole
compromise of Basil and Mark at the Sirmian conference of the preceding May. The ‘Conservatives’
and Acacians were at open war. But the change of the seat of war to the court
gave the latter the advantage, and Valens and Acacius were determined to secure their position
at any cost. The first step was to compel the signature of the ‘semi-Arian’ deputies to
the creed of Ariminum. This was facilitated by the renewal on the part of Acacius and Valens
of their repudiation, already announced at Seleucia (p. 466), of the ᾽Ανόμοιον, (of course
with the mental reservation that the repudiation referred only to will). Even so, tedious
The lack of inner cohesion in the Homoean ranks was exemplified at the start in the
election of a new bishop for Antioch. Eudoxius had vacated the see for that of New Rome;
Anianus, the nominee of the Homoeusian majority of Seleucia, was out of the question; accordingly
at a Council in 361 the Acacians fixed upon Meletius, who had in the previous
year accepted from the Homoeans of CP. the See of Sebaste in the room of the exiled Eustathius.
The new Bishop was requested by the Emperor to preach on the test passage Prov. viii.
22. This he did to a vast and eagerly expectant congregation. To the delight of the majority
(3.) The history of Athanasius during this period is the history of his writings. Hidden
from all but devotedly loyal eyes, whether in the cells of Nitria and the Thebaid, or lost in
the populous solitude of his own city, he followed with a keen and comprehensive glance
the march of events outside. Two men in this age had skill to lay the physician’s finger upon
the pulse of religious conviction; Hilary, the Western who had learned to understand and
sympathise with the East, Athanasius, the Oriental representative of the theological instincts
of the West. First of all came the writings of which we have spoken, the circular to the
bishops and the Apology to Constantius; then the dignified Apology for his flight, written
not long before the expulsion of George late in 358, when he had begun to realise the merciless
enmity and profound duplicity of the Emperor. We find him not long after this in
correspondence with the exiled confessor, Lucifer of Calaris (pp. 561 sq., 481 sqq.), and
warning the Egyptian monks against compromising relations with Arian visitors (Letter 53,
a document of high interest), narrating to the trusted Serapion the facts as to the death of
Arius, and sending to the monks a concise refutation of Arian doctrine (Letters 52, 54). With
the latter is associated a reissue of the Apology of 351, and, as a continuation of it, the solitary
monument of a less noble spirit which Athanasius has left us, the one work which we would
gladly believe to have come from any other pen79. But this supposition is untenable, and in
the ferocious pamphlet against Constantius known as the Arian History we are reminded
that noble as he was, our saint yet lived in an age of fierce passions and reckless personal
violence. The Arian History has its noble features—no work of Athanasius could lack
them—but it reveals not the man himself but his generation; his exasperation, and the
meanness of his persecutors. (For details on all these tracts see the Introductions and notes
to them.) None of the above books directly relate to the doctrinal developments sketched
above. But these developments called forth the three greatest works of his exile, and indeed
of his whole career. Firstly, the four Λόγοι or Tracts against Arianism, his most famous
dogmatic work. Of these an account will be given in the proper place, but it may be noticed
here that they are evidently written with a conciliatory as well as a controversial purpose,
and in view of the position between 357 and 359. Next, the four dogmatic letters to Serapion,
the second of which reproduces the substance of his position against the Arians, while the
This brings us to the close of the eventful period of the Third Exile, and of the long series of creeds which registers the variations of Arianism during thirty years. We may congratulate ourselves on ‘having come at last to the end of the labyrinth of expositions’ (Socr. ii. 41), and within sight of the emergence of conviction out of confusion, of order out of chaos. The work of setting in order opens our next period. Of the exile there is nothing more to tell except its close. Hurrying from Antioch on his way from the Persian frontier to oppose the eastward march of Julian, Constantius caught a fever, was baptised by Euzoius, and died at Mopsucrenæ under Mount Taurus, on Nov. 3, 361. Julian at once avowed the heathenism he had long cherished in secret, and by an edict, published in Alexandria on Feb. 9, recalled from exile all bishops banished by Constantius. ‘And twelve days after the posting of this edict Athanasius appeared at Alexandria and entered the Church on the twenty-seventh day of the same month, Mechir (Feb. 21). He remained in the Church until the twenty-sixth of Paophi (i.e., Oct. 23)…eight whole months’ (Hist. Aceph. vii. The murder of George has been referred to above, p. liii.).
§9. Athanasius under Julian and his successors; Fourth and Fifth Exiles. Feb. 21, 362, to Feb. 1, 366.
(a) The Council of Alexandria in 362. The eight months of undisturbed residence enjoyed
by Athanasius under Julian were well employed. One of his first acts was to convoke a Synod
at Alexandria to deal with the questions which stood in the way of the peace of the Church.
The Synod was one ‘of saints and confessors,’ including as it did many of the Egyptian
bishops who had suffered under George (p. 483, note 3, again we miss the name of the
trusted Serapion), Asterius of Petra and Eusebius of Vercellae, with legates from Lucifer of
Calaris, Apollinarius of Laodicea, and Paulinus the Presbyter who ruled the Eustathian
community of Antioch. Our knowledge of the proceedings of the Synod (with an exception
to be referred to later on) is derived entirely from its ‘Tome’ or Synodal letter addressed to
the latter community and to the exiles who were its guests. Rufinus, from whom or from
the Tome itself Socrates appears to derive his knowledge, follows the Tome closely, with
perhaps a faint trace of knowledge from some other80 source. Sozomen gives a short and
inadequate report (v. 12). But the importance of the Council is out of all proportion either
to the number of bishops who took part in it or to the scale of its documentary records.
Jerome goes so far as to say that by its judicious conciliation it ‘snatched the whole world
from the jaws of Satan’ (Adv. Lucif. 20). If this is in any measure true, if it undid both in
East and West the humiliating results of the twin Synods of 359, the honour of the
achievement is due to Athanasius alone. He saw that victory was not to be won by smiting
men who were ready for peace, that the cause of Christ was not to be furthered by breaking
the bruised reed and quenching the smoking flax. (Best accounts of the Council, Newman,
Arians V. i., Krüger, Lucif. 41–52, Gwatkin, p. 205, sqq.) The details may be reserved for the
Introduction to the Tome, p. 481. But in the strong calm moderation of that document we
feel that Athanasius is no longer a combatant arduously contending for victory, but a conqueror
surveying the field of his triumph and resolving upon the terms of peace. The
Council is the ripe first-fruits of the de Synodis, the decisive step by which he placed himself
at the head of the reuniting forces of Eastern Christendom; forces which under the recognised
headship of the ‘Father of Orthodoxy’ were able successfully to withstand the revived
It would have been well had Lucifer been there in person and not by deputy only. As it was he had gone to Antioch in fiery haste, with a promise extorted by Eusebius to do nothing rashly. Fanatical in his orthodoxy, quite unable to grasp the theological differences between the various parties (his remonstrances with Hilary upon the conciliatory efforts of the latter shew his total lack of theology: see also Krüger, pp. 36, sq.), and concentrating all his indignation upon persons rather than principles, Lucifer found Antioch without a bishop; for Euzoius was an Arian, and Meletius, whose return to the church of the Palæa was (so it seems) daily expected, was to Lucifer little better. What to such a man could seem a quicker way to the extinction of the schism than the immediate ordination of a bishop whom all would respect, and whose record was one of the most uncompromising resistance to heresy? Lucifer accordingly, with the aid we may suppose of Kymatius and Anatolius, ordained Paulinus, the widely-esteemed head of the irreconcileable or (to adopt Newman’s word) protestant minority, who had never owned any Bishop of Antioch save the deposed and banished Eustathius. The act of Lucifer had momentous consequences (see D.C.B. on Meletius and Flavian, U+0026c.); it perpetuated the existing tendency to schism between East and West; and but for the forbearance of Athanasius it would perhaps have wrecked the alliance of Conservative Asia with Nicene orthodoxy which his later years cemented. Even as it was, the relations between Athanasius and Basil were sorely tried by the schism of Antioch. The Tome however was signed by Paulinus81, who added a short statement of his own faith, which, by recognising the legitimacy of the theological language of the other catholic party at Antioch, implicitly conceded the falseness of his own position.
Eusebius and Asterius of Petra carried the letter to Antioch, where they found the mischief already done. In deep pain at the headstrong action of his fellow-countryman, Eusebius gave practical assurance to both parties of his full sympathy and recognition, and made his way home through Asia and Illyria, doing his best in the cause of concord wherever he came. Lucifer renounced communion with all the parties to what he considered a guilty compromise, and journeyed home to Sardinia, making mischief everywhere (terribly so at Naples, according to the grotesque tale in the Lib. Prec.; see D.C.B. iv. 1221 under Zosimus (2)), and ended his days in the twofold reputation of saint and schismatic (Krüger, pp. 55, 116 sq.).
It may be well to add a few words upon the supposed Coptic acts of this council, and
upon their connection with the very ancient Syntagma Doctrinæ, wrongly so named, and
All over the Empire the exiles were returning, and councils were held (p. 489), repudiating the Homoean formula of union, and affirming that of Nicæa. In dealing with the question of those who had formerly compromised themselves with Arianism, these councils followed the lead of that of Alexandria, which accordingly is justly said by Jerome (adv. Lucif. 20) to have snatched the world from the jaws of Satan, by obviating countless schisms and attaching to the Church many who might otherwise have been driven back into Arianism.
Such were the more enduring results of the recall of the exiled bishops by Julian; results
very different from what he contemplated in recalling them. Apparently before the date of
the council he had written to the Alexandrians (Ep. 26), explaining that he had recalled the
exiles to their countries, not to their sees, and directing that Athanasius, who ought after so
many sentences against him to have asked special permission to return, should leave the
City at once on pain of severer punishment. An appeal seems to have been made against
this order by the people of Alexandria, but without effect. Pending the appeal Athanasius
apparently felt safe in remaining in the town, and carrying out the measures described above.
In October (it would seem) Julian wrote an indignant letter to the Prefect Ecdikius Olympus
(Sievers, p. 124), threatening a heavy fine if Athanasius, ‘the enemy of the gods,’ did not
leave not only Alexandria, but Egypt, at once. He adds an angry comment on his having
dared to baptize ‘in my reign’ Greek ladies of rank (Ep. 6). Another letter (Ep. 51) to the
Athanasius entered Alexandria secretly and made his way by way of Hierapolis (Sept. 6, Fest. Ind.) to Jovian at Edessa, and returned with him (apparently) to Antioch. On Feb. 14 (or 20, Fest. Index) he returned to Alexandria with imperial letters and took possession of the churches, his fourth exile having lasted ‘fifteen months and twenty-two days’ (Hist. Aceph.). The visit to Antioch was important.
Firstly, it is clear from the combined and circumstantial testimony of the Festal Index, the Hist. Aceph., and the narrative of Ammon, that Athanasius hurried to meet Jovian on his march from Persia to Antioch, and visited Alexandria only in passing and in private. He appears to have taken the precaution (see below) of taking certain bishops and others, representing the majority (πλῆθος) of the Egyptian Church, along with him. Accordingly the tale of Theodoret (iv. 2), that he assembled a council (τοὺς λογιμωτέρους τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἐγείρας), and wrote a synodal letter to Jovian, in reply to a request from the latter to furnish him with an accurate statement of doctrine (followed by Montf., Hefele, U+0026c.) must be set aside as a hasty conjecture from the heading of the Letter to Jovian (see below, ch. v. §3 (h), and cf. Vales. on Thdt. iv. 3, who suspected the truth).
Athanasius, secondly, had good reason for hurrying. The Arians had also sent a large deputation to petition against the restoration of Athanasius, and to ask for a bishop. Lucius, their candidate for the post, accompanied the deputation. But the energy of Athanasius was a match for their schemes. He obtained a short but emphatic letter from Jovian, bidding him return to his see, and placed in the Emperor’s hands a letter (below, Letter 56, p. 567), insisting on the integrity of the Nicene creed, which it recites, and especially on the Godhead of the Holy Spirit.
Meanwhile at Antioch, where the winter was spent (Jovian was mostly there till Dec.
21), there was much to be attended to. Least important of all were the efforts of the Arian
deputation to secure a hearing for their demands. Jovian’s replies to them on the repeated
occasions on which they waylaid him are perhaps undignified (Gwatkin) but yet shew a
Athanasius appears to have attempted to bring about some settlement of the disputes
which distracted the Church of Antioch. The Hist. Aceph. makes him ‘arrange the affairs’
of that Church, but Sozom. (vi. 5), who copies the phrase, significantly adds ὡς οἷU+0026 231·ν
τε ἦν—‘as far as it was feasible.’ The vacillations (Philost. viii. 2, 7, ix. 3, U+0026c.) of Euzoius
between Eudoxius on the one hand, and the consistent Anomoeans on the other, and the
formation of a definite Anomoean sect, represented in Egypt by Heliodorus, Stephen, and
other nominees of the bitter Arian Secundus (who appears to be dead at last) probably
concerned Athanasius but little. But the breach among the Antiochene Catholics was more
hopeless than ever. The action of Paulinus in ordaining a bishop for Tyre, Diodorus by
name (p. 580 note), shews that he had caught something of the spirit of Lucifer, while on
the other hand we can well imagine that it was with mixed feelings that Athanasius saw a
number of bishops assemble under Meletius to sign the Nicene Creed. To begin with, they
explained the ὁμοούσιον to be equivalent to ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας and ὅμοιον κατ᾽ οὐσίαν. Now
this was no more than taking Athanasius literally at his word (de Syn. 41 exactly; the confession,
Socr. iii. 25, appears to meet Ath. de Syn. half way: cf. the reference to ᾽Ελληνικὴ
χρῆσις with de Syn. 51), and there is no reason to doubt that the majority83 of those who
signed did so in all sincerity, merely guarding the ὁμοούσιον against its Sabellian sense
(which Hilary de Syn. 71, had admitted as possible), and in fact, meaning by the term exactly
what Basil the Great and his school meant by it. This is confirmed by the express denunciation
of Arianism and Anomoeanism. But Athanasius may have suspected an intention on the
part of some signatories to evade the full sense of the creed, especially as touching the Holy
Spirit, and this suspicion would not be lessened by the fact that Acacius signed with the rest.
It must remain possible, therefore, that a clause in the letter to Jovian referred to above, expresses
his displeasure84 at the wording of the document. (On the significance of the confession
in question, see Gwatkin, pp. 226 sq., 244, note 1.) We gather from language used by
St. Basil at a later date (Bas. Epp. 89, 258) that Athanasius endeavoured to conciliate Meletius,
and to bring about some understanding between the two parties in the Church. Meletius
appears to have considered such efforts premature: Basil writes to him that he understands
that Athanasius is much disappointed that no renewal of friendly overtures has taken place,
Valentinian, an officer of Pannonian birth, was elected Emperor by the army, and shortly co-opted his brother Valens to a share in the Empire. Valens was allotted the Eastern, Valentinian choosing the Western half of the Empire. Valentinian was a convinced but tolerant Catholic, and under his reign Arianism practically died away in the Latin West (infra, p. 488). Valens, a weak, parsimonious, but respectable and well-intentioned ruler, at first took no decided line, but eventually (from the end of 364) fell more and more into the hands of Eudoxius (from whom he received baptism in 367) and the Arian hangers-on of the Court (a suggestive, if in some details disputable, sketch of the general condition of the Eastern Church under Valens in Gwatkin, pp. 228–236, 247 sq.). The semi-Arians of Asia were continuing their advance toward the Nicene position, but the question of the Holy Spirit was already beginning to cleave them into two sections. At their council of Lampsacus (autumn of 364) they reasserted their formula of ‘essential likeness’ against the Homoeans, but appear to have left the other and more difficult question undecided. After Valens had declared strongly on the side of the enemy, they were driven to seek Western aid. They set out to seek Valentinian at Milan, but finding him departed on his Gallic campaign (Gwatkin, 236, note) they contented themselves with laying before Liberius, on behalf of the Synod of Lampsacus and other Asiatic Councils, a letter accepting the Nicene Creed. After some hesitation (Soc. iv. 12) they were cordially received by Liberius, who gave them a letter to take home with them, in which the controverted question of the Holy Spirit is passed over in silence. (Letter of the Asiatics in Socr. iv. 12, that of Liberius in Hard. Conc. i. 743–5, the names include Cyril of Jerusalem, Macedonius, Silvanus of Tarsus, Athanasius of Ancyra, U+0026c., and the Pope’s letter is addressed to them ‘et universis orientalibus orthodoxis’). On their return, the disunion of the party manifested itself by the refusal of several bishops to attend the synod convoked to receive the deputies at Tyana, and by their assembling a rival meeting in Caria to reaffirm the ‘Lucianic’ Creed (Hefele, ii. 287 E. Tr.). Further efforts at reunion were frustrated by the Imperial prohibition of an intended Synod at Tarsus, possibly in 367.
Athanasius remained in peace in his see until the spring of 365, when on May 5 a rescript
was published at Alexandria, ordering that all bishops expelled under Constantius who had
returned to their sees under Julian should be at once expelled by the civil authorities under
§10. Last Years, Feb. 1, 366–May 2, 373.
Athanasius now entered upon the last septennium of his life, a well-earned Sabbath of honoured peace and influence for good. Little occurred to disturb his peace at home, and if the confusion and distress of the Eastern Church under Valens could not but cause him anxiety, in Egypt at any rate, so long as he lived, the Catholic Faith was secure from molestation.
In 367 Lucius, who had been ordained Bishop of Alexandria by the Arian party at Antioch, made an attempt to enter the city. He arrived by night on Sept. 24, but on the following day the public got wind of his presence in Alexandria, and a dangerous riot was imminent. A strong military force rescued him from the enraged mob, and on Sept. 26 he was escorted out of Egypt. In the previous year a heathen riot had taken place and the great Church in the Cæsareum had been burned. But in May, 368, the building was recommenced (the incendiaries having been punished) under an Imperial order.
On Sept. 22, 368, Athanasius began to build a Church in the quarter ‘Mendidium’ (perhaps in commemoration of his completion of the 40th year of his Episcopate, see Hist. Aceph. xii.), which was dedicated Aug. 7, 370, and called after his own name.
In 368 or the following year we place the Synod at which Athanasius drew up his letter to the bishops of Africa giving an account of the proceedings at Nicæa, and mentioning his dissatisfaction at the continued immunity enjoyed by Auxentius at Milan (see p. 488).
Our knowledge of the last years of the life of Athanasius is derived partly from his own
letters (59–64), partly from the scanty data of his latest works, partly from the letters of
Synesius and Basil. From Synesius (Ep. 77) we hear of the case of Siderius, a young officer
from the army who was present in Libya on civil duty. The Bishop of Erythrum, Orion by
name, was in his dotage, and the inhabitants of two large villages in the diocese, impatient
of the lack of supervision, clamoured for a bishop of their own, and for the appointment of
Siderius. Siderius was accordingly consecrated by a certain Bishop Philo alone, without the
canonical two assistants, and without the cognisance of Athanasius. But in view of the immense
utility of the appointment Athanasius overlooked its irregularity, and even promoted
Siderius to the Metropolitan see of Ptolemais, merging the two villages upon Orion’s death
once more into their proper diocese. (Fuller details D.C.B. iv. 777, sq.) But if Athanasius
was no slave to ecclesiastical discipline when the good of the church was in question, he
enforced it unsparingly in the interest of morality. An immoral governor of Libya was sternly
excommunicated and the fact announced far and wide. We have the reply of Basil the Great,
who in 370 had become Bishop of Cæsarea in Cappadocia, to this notification, and from
this time frequent letters passed between the champions of the Old and of the New Nicene
orthodoxy. Unhappily we have none of the letters of Athanasius: those of Basil shew us that
the loss is one to be deplored. The correspondence bore partly on the continuance of the
unhappy schism at Antioch. Basil asks for the mediation of Athanasius; if he could not bring
Basil obtained the good offices of Athanasius in his attempt to induce the bishops of Rome and the West to give him some support in his efforts against heresy in the East; but the failure here was due to the selfishness and arrogance of the Westerns. (Epp. 61, 67).
Basil was also troubled with the continued refusal of Athanasius and the Westerns to repudiate Marcellus, who was still living in extreme old age, and to whom the mass of the people at Ancyra were attached (Bas. Ep. 266, Legat. Eugen. 1, ἀναρίθμητον πλῆθος). This state of things, he urged, kept alive the prejudice of many against the Nicene decrees (Ep. 69). But the Marcellians, perhaps aware of the efforts of Basil, sent a deputation, headed by the deacon Eugenius, and fortified by letters from ‘the bishops’ of Macedonia and Achaia, to Alexandria. A synod was apparently in readiness to receive them, and upon demand they produced a statement of their faith, emphatically adopting the Nicene creed, condemning Sabellius, but affirming an ἐν ὑποστάσει τριάδα. The distinction between Λόγος and the Son is rejected, and the idea that the Monad existed before the Son anathematised. Photinus is classed as a heretic with Paul of Samosata. Only the eternal duration of Christ’s kingdom is not mentioned. (It may be noted that while this letter gives up many points of the theology of Marcellus, the process is quite completed in a letter submitted by the Marcellian community in 375 to some exiled Egyptian bishops at Diocæsarea86; Epiph. Hær. 72, 11). Athanasius accepted the confession, and the assembled bishops subscribed their names (only a few signatures are preserved). While we understand Basil’s regret at the refusal of Athanasius to condemn Marcellus, we can scarcely share it. If Athanasius shewed partiality toward his old ally, it was an error of generosity, or rather let us say a recognition of the truth, too often forgotten in religious controversy, that mistakes are not necessarily heresies, and that a man may go very far wrong in his opinions and yet be entitled to sympathy and respect.
Basil speaks of Athanasius in terms of unbounded veneration and praise, and Athanasius in turn rebukes those who attempted to disparage Basil’s orthodoxy, calling him a bishop such as any church might desire to call its own (p. 579 sq.).
During the last decade of his life the attention of Athanasius was drawn to the questions raised by the Arian controversy as to the human nature of our Lord. The Arian doctrine on this subject was apparently as old as Lucian, but the whole subject received little or no attention in the earlier stages of the controversy, and it was only with the rise of the Anomoean school that the questions came into formal discussion. In the later letters of Athanasius we see the traces of wide-spread controversy on the matter (especially in that to Epictetus, No. 59), and Apollinarius, bishop of the Syrian Laodicea, and a former close friend of Athanasius, whose legates in 362 had joined in condemning the Arian Christology, broached a peculiar theory on the subject, viz., that while Christ took a human soul along with His Body, the Word took the place of the human spirit, πνεῦμα (1 Thess. v. 23). The details of the system do not belong to our subject (an excellent sketch in Gwatkin’s Arian Controversy, pp. 136–141); in fact it was two years after the death of Athanasius when Apollinarius definitely founded a sect by consecrating a schismatic bishop for the already distracted Church of Antioch. But Athanasius marked with alarm the tendency of his friend, and in the very last years of his life wrote a tract against his tenet in two short books, in which, as in writing against Marcellus and Photinus 15 years before, he refrains from mentioning Apollinarius by name. It may be observed that at the close of the second book he brings himself for the first time to censure by name ‘him they call Photinus,’ classing him along with Paul of Samosata.
Athanasius was active to the last; spiritually (we are not able to say physically) ‘his eye was not dim, nor his natural force abated.’ In his seventy-fifth year he entered (Ruf. ii. 3) upon the forty-sixth year of his episcopate. Feeling that his end was near, he followed the example of his revered predecessor Alexander, and named Peter as the man whom he judged fittest to succeed him; then ‘on the seventh of Pachon87 (May 2, 373) he departed this life in a wonderful manner.’
Writings and Personal Characteristics of S. Athanasius
§1. It will be attempted to give a complete list of his writings in chronological order; those included in this volume will be marked with an asterisk and enumerated in this place without remark. The figures prefixed indicate the probable date.
(1) 318:
(23) 359–60.
The second book is addressed to the question of the compatibility of the entire manhood with the entire sinlessness of Christ. This difficulty he meets by insisting that the Word took in our nature all that God had made, and nothing that is the work of the devil. This excludes sin, and includes the totality of our nature.
This closes the list of the dated works which can be ascribed with fair probability to Athanasius.
The remainder of the writings of Athanasius may be enumerated under groups, to which the ‘dated’ works will also be assigned by their numbers as given above. Works falling into more than one class are given under each. a. Letters. (Numbers 3, 7, 11, 12, 17, 18, 21, 26–28, 30–33; spurious letters, see infr. p. 581.) b. Dogmatic. (2, 4, 5, 9, 10, 14, 20, 22–24, 26, 27, 29–31, 34.)
(35.) De Trinitate et Spiritu Sancto (Migne xxvi. 1191). Preserved in Latin only, but evidently from the Greek. Pronounced genuine by Montfaucon, and dated (?) 365.
(36) De Incarnatione et Contra Arianos (ib. 984). The Athanasian authorship of this short tract is very questionable. It is quoted as genuine by Theodoret Dial. ii. and by Gelasius de duabus naturis. In some councils it is referred to as ‘On the Trinity against Apollinarius;’ by Facundus as ‘On the Trinity.’ The tract is in no sense directed against Apollinarius. In reality it is an argument, mainly from Scripture, for the divinity of Christ, with a digression (13–19) on that of the Holy Spirit. On the whole the evidence is against the favourable verdict of Montfaucon, Ceillier, U+0026c. That Athanasius should, at any date possible for this tract, have referred to the Trinity as ‘the three Hypostases’ is out of the question (§10): his explanation of Prov. viii. 22 in Orat. ii. 44 sqq. is in sharp contrast with its reference to the Church in §6; at a time when the ideas of Apollinarius were in the air and were combated by Athanasius (since 362) he would not have used language savouring of that system (§§2, 3, 5, 7, U+0026c.). It has been thought that we have here one of the Apollinarian tracts which were so industriously and successfully circulated under celebrated names (infra, on No. 40); the express insistence on two wills in Christ (§21), if not in favour of Athanasian might seem decisive against Apollinarian authorship, but the peculiar turn of the passage, which correlates the one will with σάρξ the other with πνεῦμα and θεός is not incompatible with the latter, which is, moreover, supported by the constant insistance on God having come, ἐν σαρκὶ and ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπου. The ἄνθρωπος τέλειος of §8 and the ὡμοιώθη κατὰ πάντα of §11 lose their edge in the context of those passages. The first part of §7 could scarcely have been written by an earnest opponent of Apollinarianism. This evidence is not conclusive, but it is worth considering, and, at any rate, leaves it very difficult to meet the strong negative case against the genuineness of the Tract. (Best discussion of the latter in Bright, Later Treatises of St. A., p. 143; he is supported by Card. Newman in a private letter.)
(37) The Sermo Maior de Fide. (Migne xxvi. 1263 sqq., with an additional fragment p.
1292 from Mai Bibl. nov.). This is a puzzling document in many ways. It has points of contact
with the earliest works of Ath. (especially pieces nearly verbatim from the de Incarn., see
notes there), also with the Expos. Fid. Card. Newman calls it with some truth ‘Hardly more
than a set of small fragments from Ath.’s other works.’ However this may be, it is quoted
by Theodoret as Athanasian more than once. The peculiarity lies in the constant iteration
of ῎Ανθρωπος for the Lord’s human nature (see note on Exp. Fid.), and in some places as
(38) Fragments against Paul of Samosata, Macedonians, Novatians (Migne xxvi. 1293, 1313–1317). The first of these may well be genuine. It repeats the (mistaken) statement of Hist. Ar. 71, that Zenobia was a Jewess. Of the second, all that can be said is that it attacks the Macedonians in language borrowed from Ep. Æg. 11. The third, consisting of a somewhat larger group of five fragments, comprise a short sentence comparing the instrumentality of the priest in absolving to his instrumentality in baptizing.
It may be observed that fragments of this brevity rarely furnish a decisive criterion of genuineness.
(39) Interpretatio Symboli (ib. 1232, Hahn, §66). Discussed fully by Caspari, Ungedruckte u.s.w. Quellen i. pp. 1–72, and proved to be an adaptation of a baptismal creed drawn up by Epiphanius (Ancor. ad fin.) in 374. It may be Alexandrian, and, if so, by Bishop Peter or Theophilus about 380. It is a ῾Ερμηνεία, or rather an expansion, of the Nicene, not as Montf. says, of the Apostles’(!), Creed.
(40) De Incarnatione Verbi Dei (Migne xxviii. 25–29). Quoted as Athanasian by Cyril of Alex., U+0026c., and famous as containing the phrase Μίαν φύσιν τοῦ Λόγου σέσαρκωμένην Apollinarian; one of the many forgeries from this school circulated under the names of Athanasius, Gregory Thaumaturgus, Julius, U+0026c. See Caspari, ubi supra 151, Loofs, Leontius, p. 82, sqq. Caspari’s proof is full and conclusive. See also Hahn, §120.
(41) Verona Creed (Hahn, §41, q.v.), a Latin fragment of a Western creed; nothing Athanasian but the ms. title.
(42) ‘Damasine’ Creed (Opp. ed. Ben. ii. 626, Migne P.L lxii. 237 in Vig. Thaps.) forms the ‘eighth’ of the Libri de Trinitate ascribed now to Athan. now to Damasus, U+0026c., U+0026c.: see Hahn, §128 and note.
(43) ‘de Incarnatione’ (Migne xxviii. 89), Anti-Nestorian: fifth century. c. Historical, or historico-polemical (6, 8–10, 13–19, 23).
(44) Fragment concerning Stephen and the Envoys at Antioch (Migne xxvi. 1293). Closely related (relative priority not clear) to the account in Thdt. H. E., ii. 9. d. Apologetic. To this class belong only the works under No. (1). e. Exegetical (5). The other exegetical works attributed to Athan. are mainly in Migne, vol. xxvii.
(45) Ad Marcellinum de Interpretatione Psalmorum. Certainly genuine. A thoughtful
and devout tract on the devotional use of the Psalter. He lays stress on its universality, as
(46) Expositiones in Psalmos, with an Argumentum (ὑπόθεσις) prefixed. The latter notices the arrangement of the Hebrew Psalter, the division into books, U+0026c., and accounts for the absence of logical order by the supposition that during the Captivity some prophet collected as best he could the Scriptures which the carelessness of the Israelites had allowed to fall into disorder. The titles are to be followed as regards authorship. Imprecatory passages relate to our ghostly enemies. In the Expositions each Psalm is prefaced by a short statement of the general subject. He occasionally refers to the rendering of Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus.
(47) Fragmenta in Psalmos. Published by Felckmann from the Catena of Nicetas Heracleota, who has used his materials somewhat freely, often combining the comments of more than one Father into a single whole.
(48) De Titulis Psalmorum. First published by Antonelli in 1746. This work, consisting of very brief notes on the Psalter verse by verse, is spoken of disparagingly by Alzog, Patrol., p. 229, and regarded as spurious, on good prima facie grounds, by Gwatkin, p. 69, note. Eichhorn, de Vit. Ascet., p. 43, note, threatens the latter (1886) with a refutation which, however, I have not seen.
(49) Fragmentum in Cantica. (Photius mentions a Commentary on Eccles. and Cant.) From a Catena published by Meursius in 1617. Very brief (on Cant. i. 6, 7, iii. 1, 2, vi. 1). A spurious homily is printed (pp. 1349–1361) as an appendix to it.
(50) Fragmenta in Evang. Matthæi. Also from ms. catenæ. Contain a remarkable reference to the Eucharist (p. 1380, on Matt. vii. 6) and a somewhat disparaging reference to Origen (infr. p. 33) in reference to Matt. xii. 32, which passage is explained as in Serap. iv. (vide supra 22). The extracts purport in some cases to be taken from a homiletical or expository work of Athanasius divided into separate λόγοι. The passage ‘on the nine incurable diseases of Herod’ is grotesque (Migne xxvi. 1252), but taken from Joseph., B. J. I. xxiii. 5. Cf. Euseb. H. E. i. 8.
(51) Fragmenta in Lucam. Also from ms. catenæ. At the end, a remarkable passage on the extent to which prayers can help the departed.
(52) Fragmenta in Job. From Nicetas and ms. catenæ. Contains little remarkable. ‘Behemoth’ is Satan, as elsewhere in Athan.
(53) Fragmentum in I. Cor. A short paragraph on 1 Cor. vii. 1, or rather on vi. 18,
somewhat inadequately explained.
f. Moral and Ascetic, (11–13, 25, 28).
(54) Sermo de Patientia. (Migne xxvi. 1295.) Of doubtful genuineness (Montf., Gwatkin).
(55) De Virginitate. (Migne xxviii. 251). Pronounced dubious by Montf., spurious by Gwatkin, genuine by Eichhorn (ubi supr., pp. 27, sqq.), who rightly lays stress on the early stage of feminine asceticism which is implied. But I incline to agree with Mr. Gwatkin as to its claims to come from Athanasius. ‘Three hypostases’ are laid down in a way incompatible with Athanasius’ way of speaking in later life.
(56) Miscellaneous Fragments. These are too slight and uncertain to be either classed or discussed here. De Amuletis (xxvi. 1319); de Azymis, (1327), very dubious; In Ramos palmarum (1319), also dubious; various small homiletical and controversial pieces (pp. 1224–1258) of various value and claims to genuineness. (See also Migne xxv. p. xiv. No. xx.)
(57) Of Lost Works (in addition to those of which fragments have been mentioned above) a Refutation of Arianism is referred to in Letter 52. We also hear of a treatise against heresies (a fragment above, No. 56). A ‘Synodicon,’ with the names of all Bishops present at Nicæa, is quoted by Socr. i. 13, but is referred by Revillout to his alleged Acts of the Synod of Alexandria in 362, which he supposes to have reissued the Acts of Nicæa. See above, p. lix. A consolatory address to the Virgins maltreated by George is mentioned by Theodoret, H. E. ii. 14; he quotes a few words, referring to the fact that the Arians would not even allow them peaceable burial, but ‘sit about the tombs like demons’ to prevent it. The Oratio de defunctis (infra, ch. iv. §6, fragment above, 56) is ascribed to him by John Damasc., but by others to Cyril of Alexandria. Many of his letters must have been lost. The Festal Letters are still very incomplete, and his letters to S. Basil would be a welcome discovery if they exist anywhere. A doctrinal letter against the Arians, not preserved to us, is mentioned de Decr. 5. (See also Montfaucon’s Præf. ii. (Migne xxv. p. xxv., sqq), and Jerome, de Vir. illustr. 87, a somewhat careless and scanty list.)
The above enumeration includes all the writings attributed with any probability to S.
Athanasius. The fragmentary character of many of them is no great presumption against
their genuineness. The Abbat Cosmas in the sixth century advised all who met with anything
by Athanasius to copy it, and if they had no paper, to use their clothes for the purpose. This
will readily explain (if explanation is needed) the transmission of such numerous scraps of
writing under the name of the great bishop. It will also partly explain the large body of
Spurious Works which have sheltered themselves under his authority. To this class we have
already assigned several writings (25, 36, 37? 39–43, 44? 48? 53? 55, 56 in part). Others whose
claims are even less strong may be passed over, with only the mention of one or two of the
more important. They are all printed in Migne, vol. xxviii., and parallels to some, especially
the ‘dubious’ In passionem et crucem Domini, are marked in Williams’ notes to the Festal
Letters, partly incorporated in this volume. The epistola catholica and Synopsis Scripturæ
sacræ are among the better known, and are classed with a few others as ‘dubia’ by Montfaucon,
the fictitious Disputatio habita in concilio Nicæno contra Arium, among the ‘spuria.’
The silly tale de Imagine Berytensi seems to have enjoyed a wide circulation in the middle
§2. Athanasius as an Author. Style and Characteristics.
Athanasius was not an author by choice. With the exception of the early apologetic
tracts all the writings that he has left were drawn from him by the stress of theological controversy
or by the necessities of his work as a Christian pastor. We have no systematic doctrinal
treatise, no historical monograph from his pen, although his writings are rich in materials
for history and dogmatics alike. The exception to this is in the exegetical remains,
especially those on the Psalms, which (supra, No. 45, sqq.) imply something more than occasional
work, some intention of systematic composition. For this, a work congenial to one
who was engaged in preaching, his long intervals of quiet at Alexandria (especially 328–335,
346–356, 365–373) may well have given him leisure. But on the whole, his writings are those
of a man of powerful mind indeed and profound theological training, but still of a man of
action. The style of Athanasius is accordingly distinguished from that of many older and
younger contemporaries (Eusebius, Gregory Naz., U+0026c.) by its inartificiality. This was already
observed by Erasmus, who did not know many of his best works, but who notes his freedom
from the harshness of Tertullian, the exaggeration of Jerome, the laboured style of Hilary,
the overloaded manner of Augustine and Chrysostom, the imitation of the Attic orators so
conspicuous in Gregory; ‘sed totus est in explicanda re.’ That is true. Athanasius never writes
for effect, but merely to make his meaning plain and impress it on others. This leads to his
principal fault, namely his constant self-repetition (see p. 47, note 6); even in apologising
for this he repeats the offence. The praise by Photius (quoted below, Introd. to Orat.) of his
ἀπέριττον seems to apply to his freedom not from repetition but from extravagance, or
studied brilliancy. This simplicity led Philostorgius, reflecting the false taste of his age, to
pronounce Athanasius a child as compared with Basil, Gregory, or Apollinarius. To a
modern reader the manliness of his character is reflected in the unaffected earnestness of
his style. Some will admire him most when, in addressing a carefully calculated appeal to
an emperor, he models his periods on Demosthenes de Corona (see p. 237). To others the
unrestrained utterance of the real man, in such a gem of feeling and character as the Letter
(p. 557) to Dracontius, will be worth more than any studied apology. With all his occasional
repetition, with all the feebleness of the Greek language of that day as an instrument of expression,
if we compare it with the Greek of Thucydides or Plato, Athanasius writes with
nerve and keenness, even with a silent but constant underflow of humour. His style is not
free from Latinisms; πρέδα (= præda) in the Encycl., βετερᾶνος (= veteranus), βῆλον (=
velum), μάγιστρος, U+0026c., are barbarisms belonging to the later decadence of Greek, but not
without analogy even in the earliest Christian Literature. ξυνωρίς is used in an unusual
sense, p. 447. ᾽Αρειομανῖται seems to be coined by himself; ἀκαθήκων, ἀποξενίζειν,
ἐπακούειν (= answer), ἐγκυκλεῖν, U+0026c., are Alexandrinisms (see Fialon, p. 289). On the
whole, no man was ever less of a stylist, while at the same time making the fullest use of the
resources furnished by the language at his command. When he wrote, seven centuries of
§3. Personal characteristics (see Stanley’s Eastern Church, Lect. vii.).
To write an elaborate character of Athanasius is superfluous. The full account of his life (chap. ii.), and the specimens of his writings in this volume, may be trusted to convey the right impression without the aid of analysis. But it may be well to emphasise one or two salient points.88
In Athanasius we feel ourselves in contact with a commanding personality. His early rise to decisive epoch-making influence,—he was scarcely more than 27 at the council of Nicæa,—his election as bishop when barely of canonical age, the speedy ascendancy which he gained over all Egypt and Libya, the rapid consolidation of the distracted province under his rule, the enthusiastic personal loyalty of his clergy and monks, the extraordinary poplxvii ularity enjoyed by him at Alexandria even among the heathen (excepting, perhaps, ‘the more abandoned among them,’ Hist. Ar. 58), the evident feeling of the Arians that as long as he was intact their cause could not prosper, the jealously of his influence shewn by Constantius and Julian, all this is a combined and impressive tribute to his personal greatness. In what then did this consist?
Principally, no doubt, in his moral and mental vigour; resolute ability characterises his
writings and life throughout. He had the not too common gift of seeing the proportions of
things. A great crisis was fully appreciated by him; he always saw at once where principles
separated or united men, where the bond or the divergence was merely accidental. With
Arius and Arianism no compromise was to be thought of; but he did not fail to distinguish
men really at one with him on essentials, even where their conduct toward himself had been
indefensible (de Syn.). So long as the cause was advanced, personal questions were insignificant.
So far Athanasius was a partisan. It may be admitted that he saw little good in his
opponents; but unless the evidence is singularly misleading there was little good to see. The
leaders of the Arian interest were unscrupulous men, either bitter and unreasoning fanatics
like Secundus and Maris, or more often political theologians, like Eusebius of Nicomedia,
Valens, Acacius, who lacked religious earnestness. It may be admitted that he refused to
admit error in his friends. His long alliance with Marcellus, his unvarying refusal to utter a
syllable of condemnation of him by name; his refusal to name even Photinus, while yet
(Orat. iv.) exposing the error associated with his name; his suppression of the name of
Apollinarius, even when writing directly against him; all this was inconsistent with strict
impartiality, and, no doubt, placed his adversaries partly in the right. But it was the partiality
of a generous and loyal spirit, and he could be generous to personal enemies if he saw in
them an approximation to himself in principle. When men were dead, unlike too many
In the whole of our minute knowledge of his life there is a total lack of self-interest. The glory of God and the welfare of the Church absorbed him fully at all times. We see the immense power he exercised in Egypt; the Emperors recognised him as a political force of the first order; Magnentius bid for his support, Constantius first cajoled, then made war upon him; but on no occasion does he yield to the temptation of using the arm of flesh. Almost unconscious of his own power, he treats Serapion and the monks as equals or superiors, begging them to correct and alter anything amiss in his writings. His humility is the more real for never being conspicuously paraded.
Like most men of great power, he had a real sense of humour (Stanley, p. 231, sq., ed. 1883). Even in his youthful works we trace it (infr. p. 2), and it is always present, though very rarely employed with purpose. But the exposure of the Arsenius calumny at Tyre, the smile with which he answered the importunate catechising of an Epiphanius about ‘old’ Marcellus, the oracular interpretation of the crow’s ‘cras’ in answer to the heathen (Sozom. iv. 10), the grave irony with which he often confronts his opponents with some surprising application of Scripture, his reply to the pursuers from the Nile boat in 362, allow us to see the twinkle of his keen, searching eye. Courage, self-sacrifice, steadiness of purpose, versatility and resourcefulness, width of ready sympathy, were all harmonised by deep reverence and the discipline of a single-minded lover of Christ. The Arian controversy was to him no battle for ecclesiastical power, nor for theological triumph. It was a religious crisis involving the reality of revelation and redemption. He felt about it as he wrote to the bishops of Egypt, ‘we are contending for our all’ (p. 234).
‘A certain cloud of romance encircled him’ (Reynolds). His escapes from Philagrius,
Syrianus, Julian, his secret presence in Alexandria, his life among the monasteries of Egypt
in his third exile, his reputed visits to distant councils, all impress the imagination and lend
themselves to legend and fable. Later ages even claimed that he had fled in disguise to Spain
and served as cook in a monastery near Calahorra (Act. SS. 2 Maii)! But he is also surrounded
by an atmosphere of truth. Not a single miracle of any kind is related of him. To invest him
with the halo of miracle the Bollandists have to come down to the ‘translation’ of his body,
not to Constantinople (an event surrounded with no little uncertainty), but to Venice,
whither a thievish sea-captain, who had stolen it from a church in Stamboul, brought a
body, which decisively proved its identity by prodigies which left no room for doubt. But
the Athanasius of history is not the subject of any such tales. It has been said that no saint
outside the New Testament has ever claimed the gift of miracles for himself. At any rate
And resting upon this firm foundation, it has won the respect and admiration even of those who do not feel that they owe to him the vindication of all that is sacred and precious. Not only a Gregory or an Epiphanius, an Augustine or a Cyril, a Luther or a Hooker, not only Montfaucon and Tillemont, Newman and Stanley pay tribute to him as a Christian hero. Secular as well as Church historians fall under the spell of his personality, and even Gibbon lays aside his ‘solemn sneer’ to do homage to Athanasius the great.
The Theology of S. Athanasius
§1. General Considerations.
The theological training of Athanasius was in the school of Alexandria, and under the still predominant although modified influence of Origen (see above, pp. xiv., xxvii.). The resistance which the theology of that famous man had everywhere encountered had not availed, in the Greek-speaking churches of the East, to stem its influence; at the same time it had made its way at the cost of much of its distinctive character. Its principal opponent, Methodius, who represented the ancient Asiatic tradition, was himself not uninfluenced by the theology he opposed. The legacy of his generation to the Nicene age was an Origenism tempered in various degrees by the Asiatic theology and by accommodations to the traditional canon of ecclesiastical teaching. The degrees of this modification were various, and the variety was reflected in the indeterminate body of theological conviction which we find at the time of the outbreak of Arianism, and which, as already explained, lies at the basis of the reaction against the definition of Nicæa. The theology of Alexandria remained Origenist, and the Origenist character is purest and most marked in Pierius, Theognostus, and in the non-episcopal heads of the Alexandrian School. The bishops of Alexandria after Dionysius represent a more tempered Origenism. Especially this holds good of the martyred Peter, whom we find expressly correcting distinctive parts of the system of his spiritual ancestor. In Alexander of Alexandria, the theological sponsor of the young Athanasius, the combination of a fundamentally Origenist theology with ideas traceable to the Asiatic tradition is conspicuous89.
Athanasius, then, received his first theological ideas from Origenist sources, and in so far as he eventually diverged from Origen we must seek the explanation partly in his own theological or religious idiosyncrasy and in the influences which he encountered as time went on, partly in the extent to which the Origenism of his masters was already modified by different currents of theological influence.
To work out this problem satisfactorily would involve a separate treatise and a searching study, not only of Athanasius90 but on the one hand of Origen and his school, on the other of Methodius and the earlier pre-Nicene theologians. What is here attempted is the more modest task of briefly drawing attention to some of the more conspicuous evidences of the process and to some of its results in the developed theology of the saintly bishop.
It has been said by Harnack that the theology of Athanasius underwent no development, but was the same from first to last. The truth of this verdict is I think limited by the fact that the Origenism of Athanasius distinctly undergoes a change, or rather fades away, in his later works. A non-Origenist element is present from the first, and after the contest with Arianism begins, Origen’s ideas recede more and more from view. Athanasius was influenced negatively by the stress of the Arian controversy: while the vague and loose Origenism of the current Greek theology inclined the majority of bishops to dread Sabellianism rather than Arianism, and to underrate the danger of the latter (pp. xviii., xxxv.), Athanasius, deeply impressed, from personal experience, with the negation of the first principles of redemption which Arianism involved, stood apart from the first from the theology of his Asiatic contemporaries and went back to the authority of Scripture and the Rule of Faith. He was influenced positively by the Nicene formula, which represents the combination of Western with anti-Origenist Eastern traditions in opposition to the dominant Eastern theology. The Nicene formula found in Athanasius a mind predisposed to enter into its spirit, to employ in its defence the richest resources of theological and biblical training, of spiritual depth and vigour, of selfsacrificing but sober and tactful enthusiasm; its victory in the East is due under God to him alone.
Athanasius was not a systematic theologian: that is he produced no many-sided theology
like that of Origen or Augustine. He had no interest in theological speculation, none of the
instincts of a schoolman or philosopher. His theological greatness lies in his firm grasp of
soteriological principles, in his resolute subordination of everything else, even the formula
ὁμοούσιος, to the central fact of Redemption, and to what that fact implied as to the Person
of the Redeemer. He goes back from the Logos of the philosophers to the Logos of S. John,
from the God of the philosophers to God in Christ reconciling the world to Himself. His
legacy to later ages has been felicitously compared (Harnack, Dg. ii. 26, note) to that of the
Christian spirit of his age in the realm of architecture. ‘To the many forms of architectural
conception which lived in Rome and Alexandria in the fourth century, the Christian spirit
added nothing fresh. Its achievement was of a different kind. Out of the many it selected
§2. Fundamental ideas of man and his redemption.
To Athanasius the Incarnation of the Son of God, and especially his Death on the Cross, is the centre of faith and theology (Incar. 19, κεφάλαιον τῆς πίστεως, cf. 9. 1 and 2, 20. 2, U+0026c.). ‘For our salvation’ (Incar. 1) the Word became Man and died. But how did Athanasius conceive of ‘salvation’? from what are we saved, to what destiny does salvation bring us, and what idea does he form of the efficacy of the Saviour’s death? Now it is not too much to say that no one age of the Church’s existence has done full justice to the profundity and manysidedness of the Christian idea of Redemption as effected in Christ and as unfolded by S. Paul. The kingdom of God and His Righteousness; the forgiveness of sins and the adoption of sons as a present gift; the consummation of all at the great judgment;—Christian men of different ages, countries, characters and mental antecedents, while united in personal devotion to the Saviour and in the sanctifying Power of His Grace, have interpreted these central ideas of the Gospel in terms of their own respective categories, and have succeeded in bringing out now one, now another aspect of the mystery of Redemption rather than in preserving the balance of the whole. Who will claim that the last word has yet been said on S. Paul’s deep conception of God’s (not mercy but) Righteousness as the new and peculiar element (Rom. i. 17, iii. 22, 26) of the Gospel Revelation? to search out the unsearchable riches of Christ is the prerogative of Christian faith, but is denied, save to the most limited extent, to Christian knowledge (1 Cor. xiii. 9). The onesidedness of any given age in apprehending the work of Christ is to be recognised by us not in a censorious spirit of self-complacency, but with reverent sympathy, and with the necessity in view of correcting our own: πάντα δοκιμάζετε, τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε.
Different ages and classes have necessarily thought under different categories. The categories
of the post-apostolic age were mainly ethical; the Gospel is the new law, and the
promise of eternal life, founded on true knowledge of God, and accepted by faith. Those of
the Asiatic fathers from Ignatius downwards were largely physical or realistic. Mankind is
brought in Christ (the physician) from death to life, from φθόρα to ἀφθαρσία (Ign. passim);
τὸ εὐαγγέλιον…ἀπάρτισμα ἀφθαρσίας (Ign., Melit.); human nature is changed by the Incarnation,
man made God. Tertullian introduced into Western theology forensic categories.
He applied them to the Person, not yet to the Work, of Christ: but the latter application,
pushed to a repellent length in the middle ages, and still more so since the Reformation,
may without fancifulness be traced back to the fact that the first Latin Father was a lawyer.
Again, Redemption was viewed by Origen and others under cosmological categories, as the
turning point in the great conflict of good with evil, of demons with God, as the inauguration
of the deliverance of the creation and its reunion with God. The many-sidedness of Origen
combined, indeed, almost every representation of Redemption then current, from the propitiatory
and mediatorial, which most nearly approached the thought of S. Paul, to the
grotesque but widely-spread view of a ransom due to the devil which he was induced to accept
Now Athanasius does not totally ignore any one of these conceptions, unless it be that of a transaction with the devil, which he scarcely touches even in Orat. ii. 52 (see note there). Of the forensic view he is indeed almost clear. His reference to the ‘debt’ (τὸ ὀφειλόμενον, Incar. 20, Orat. ii. 66) which had to be paid is connected not so much with the Anselmic idea of a satisfaction due, as with the fact that death was by the divine word (Gen. iii.), attached to sin as its penalty.
The aspect of the death of Christ as a vicarious sacrifice (ἀντὶ πάντων, de Incar. 9; προσφορὰ and θυσία, 10) is not passed over. But on the whole another aspect predominates. The categories under which Athanasius again and again states the soteriological problem are those of ζωὴ and θάνατος, and ἀφθαρσία. So far as he works the problem out in detail it is under physical categories, without doing full justice to the ideas of guilt and reconciliation, of the reunion of will between man and God. The numberless passages which bear this out cannot be quoted in full, but the point is of sufficient importance to demand the production of a few details.
(a) The original state of man was not one of ‘nature,’ for man’s nature is φθόρα; (τὴν ἐν θανάτῳ κατὰ φύσιν φθόραν, Incar. 3, cf. 8, 10, 44) the Word was imparted to them in that they were made κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰκόνα (ib). Hence what later theology marks off as an exclusively supernatural gift is according to Athanasius inalienable from human nature, i.e. it can be impaired but not absolutely lost (Incar. 14, and apparently Orat. iii. 10 fin.; the question of the teaching of Athan. upon the natural endowments of man belongs specially to the Introd. to de Incarnatione, where it will be briefly discussed). Accordingly their infraction of the divine command (by turning their minds, c. Gent. 3, to lower things instead of to the θεωρία τῶν θείων), logically involved them in non-existence (de Incar. 4), but actually, inasmuch as the likeness of God was only gradually lost, in φθόρα, regarded as a process toward non-existence. This again involved men in increasing ignorance of God, by the gradual obliteration of the εἰκών, the indwelling Logos, by virtue of which alone men could read the open book (c. Gent. 34 fin.) of God’s manifestation of Himself in the Universe. It is evident that the pathological point of view here prevails over the purely ethical: the perversion of man’s will merges in the general idea of φθόρα, the first need of man is a change in his nature; or rather the renewed infusion of that higher and divine nature which he has gradually lost. (Cf. de Incar. 44, χρῃζόντων τῆς αὐτοῦ θεότητος διὰ τοῦ ὁμοίου).
(b) Accordingly the mere presence of the Word in a human body, the mere fact of the
Incarnation, is the essential factor in our restoration (simile of the city and the king, ib. 9.
3, U+0026c., cf. Orat. ii. 67, 70). But if so, what was the special need of the Cross? Athanasius felt,
To Athanasius nature is the central, will a secondary or implied factor in the problem. The aspect of the death of Christ most repeatedly dwelt upon is that in it death spent its force (πληρωθείσης τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐν τῷ κυριακῷ σώυατι, ib. 8) against human nature, that the ‘corruption’ of mankind might run its full course and be spent in the Lord’s body, and so cease for the future. Of this Victory over death and the demons the Resurrection is the trophy. His death is therefore to us (ib. 10) the ἀρχὴ ζωῆς, we are henceforth ἀφθαρτοὶ διὰ τῆς ἀναστάσεως (27. 2, 32. 6, cf. 34. 1, U+0026c.), and have a portion in the divine nature, are in fact deified (cf. de Incarn. 54, and note there). This last thought, which became (Harnack, vol. ii. p. 46) the common property of Eastern theology, goes back through Origen and Hippolytus to Irenæus. On the whole, its presentation in Athanasius is more akin to the Asiatic than to the Origenist form of the conception. To Origen, man’s highest destiny could only be the return to his original source and condition: to Irenæus and the Asiatics, man had been created for a destiny which he had never realised; the interruption in the history of our race introduced by sin was repaired by the Incarnation, which carried back the race to a new head, and so carried it forward to a destiny of which under its original head it was incapable. To Origen the Incarnation was a restoration to, to Irenæus and to Athanasius (Or. ii. 67), an advance upon, the original state of man. (Pell, pp. 167–177, labours to prove the contrary, but he does not convince.)
(c) This leads us to the important observation that momentous as are to Athanasius the
consequences of the introduction of sin into the world, he yet makes no such vast difference
between the condition of fallen and unfallen men as has commonly been assumed to exist.
The latter state was inferior to that of the members of Christ (Orat. ii. 67, 68), while the
immense (c. Gent. 8, de Incar. 5) consequences of its forfeiture came about only by a
gradual course of deterioration (de Incar. 6. 1, ἠφανίζετο; observe the tense), and in different
degrees in different cases. The only difference of kind between the two conditions is in the
universal reign of Death since the (partial) forfeiture of the τοῦ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα χάρις: and even
this difference is a subtle one; for man’s existence in Paradise was not one of ἀφθαρσία except
(d) The above slight sketch of the Athanasian doctrine of man’s need of redemption
and of the satisfaction of that need brings to light a system free from much that causes many
modern thinkers to stumble at the current doctrine of the original state and the religious
history of mankind. That mankind did not start upon their development with a perfect
nature, but have fought their way up from an undeveloped stage through many lower phases
of development; that this development has been infinitely varied and complex, and that sin
and its attendant consequences have a pathological aspect which practically is as important
as the forensic aspect, are commonplaces of modern thought, resting upon the wider
knowledge of our age, and hard to reconcile with the (to us) traditional theological account
of these things. The Athanasian account of them leaves room for the results of modern
knowledge, or at least does not rudely clash with the instincts of the modern anthropologist.
The recovery of the Athanasian point of view is prima facie again. At what cost is it obtained?
(e) The categories of Athanasius in dealing with the question before us are primarily physical, i.e., on the one hand cosmological, on the other pathological. But it is well before leaving the subject to insist that this was not exclusively the case. The purpose of the Incarnation was at once to renew us, and to make known the Father (de Incarn. 16); or as he elsewhere puts it (ib. 7 fin.), ἀνακτίσαι τὰ ὅλα, ὑπερ πάντων, παθεῖν, and περὶ πάντων πρεσβεῦσυι πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα. The idea of ἀφθαρσία which so often stands with him for the summum bonum92 imparted to us in Christ, involves a moral and spiritual restoration of our nature, not merely the physical supersession of φθόρα by ἀθανασία (de Incarn. 47, 51, 52, U+0026c., U+0026c.).
§3. Fundamental Ideas of God, the World, and Creation.
The Athanasian idea of God has been singled out for special recognition in recent times; he has been claimed, and on the whole with justice, as a witness for the immanence of God in the universe in contrast to the insistence in many Christian systems on God’s transcendence or remoteness from all created things. (Fiske, Idea of God, discussed by Moore in Lux Mundi (ed. 1) pp. 95–102.) The problem was one which Christian thought was decisively compelled to face by the Arian controversy (supra, p. xxix. sq.). The Apologists and Alexandrians had partially succeeded in the problem expressed in the dying words of Plotinus, ‘to bring the God which is within into harmony with the God which is in the universe,’ or rather to reconcile the transcendence with the immanence of God. But their success was only partial: the immanence of the Word had been emphasised, but in contrast with the transcendence of the Father. This could not be more than a temporary resting-place for the Christian mind, and Arius forced a solution. That solution was found by Athanasius. The mediatorial work of the Logos is not necessary as though nature could not bear the untempered hand of the Father. The Divine Will is the direct and sole source of all things, and the idea of a mediatorial nature is inconsistent with the true idea of God (pp. 87, 155, 362, comparing carefully p. 383). ‘All things created are capable of sustaining God’s absolute hand. The hand which fashioned Adam now also and ever is fashioning and giving entire consistence to those who come after him.’ The immanence, or intimate presence and unceasing agency of God in nature, does not belong to the Word as distinct from the Father, but to the Father in and through the Word, in a word to God as God (cf. de Decr. 11, where the language of de Incarn. 17 about the Word is applied to God as such). This is a point which marks an advance upon anything that we find in the earliest writings of Athanasius, and upon the theology of his preceptor Alexander, to whom, amongst other not very clear formulæ, the Word is a μεσιτεύουσα φύσις μονογενής (Thdt. H. E. ii. 4; Alexander cannot distinguish φύσις from ὑπόστασις or οὐσία; Father and Son are δύο ἀχώριστα πράγματα, but yet τῇ ὑποστάσει δύο φύσεις). This is indeed the principal particular in which Athanasius left the modified Origenism of his age, and of his own school, behind. If on the other hand he resembled Arius in drawing a sharper line than had been drawn previously between the one God and the World, it must also be remembered that his God was not the far off purely transcendent God of Arius, but a God not far from every one of us (Orat. ii. p. 361 sq.).
That God is beyond all essence ὑπερέκεινα πάσης οὐσίας (c. Gent. 2. 2, 40. 2, 35. I
γενητῆς οὐσίας) is a thought common to Origen and the Platonists, but adopted by Athanasius
with a difference, marked by the addition of γενητῆς. That God created all things out
of pure bounty of being (c. Gent. §2. 2, §41. 2, de Incarn. §3. 3, and note there) is common
to Origen and Philo, being taken by the latter from Plato’s Timæus. The Universe, and especially
the human soul, reflects the being of its Author (c. Gent. passim). Hence there are two
§4. Vehicles of Revelation; Scripture, the Church, Tradition.
(a) The supreme and unique revelation of God to man is in the Person of the Incarnate Son. But though unique the Incarnation is not solitary. Before it there was the divine institution of the Law and the Prophets, the former a typical anticipation (de Incarn. 40. 2) of the destined reality, and along with the latter (ib. 12. 2 and 5) ‘for all the world a holy school of the knowledge of God and the conduct of the soul.’ After it there is the history of the life and teaching of Christ and the writings of His first Disciples, left on record for the instruction of all ages. Athanasius again and again applies to the Scriptures the terms θεία and θεόπνευστα (e.g. de Decr. 15, de Incarn. 33. 3, U+0026c.; the latter word, which he also applies to his own martyr teachers, is, of course, from 2 Tim. iii. 16). The implications of this as bearing on the literal exactness of Scripture he nowhere draws out. His strongest language (de Decr. ubi supra) is incidental to a controversial point: on Ps. lii. (liii.) 2, he maintains that ‘there is no hyperbola in Scripture; all is strictly true,’ but he proceeds on the strength of that principle to allegorise the verse he is discussing. In c. Gent. 2, 3, he treats the account of Eden and the Fall as figurative. But in his later writings there is, so far as I know, nothing to match this. In fact, although he always employs the allegorical method, sometimes rather strangely (e.g. Deut. xxviii. 66, in de Incarn. 35, Orat. ii. 19, after Irenæus, Origen, U+0026c.), we discern, especially in his later writings, a tendency toward a more literal exegesis than was usual in the Alexandrian school. His discussion, e.g., of the sinlessness of Christ (c. Apol. i. 7, 17, ii. 9, 10) contrasts in this respect with that of his master Alexander, who appeals, following Origen’s somewhat startling allegorical application, to Prov. xxx. 19, a text nowhere used by Ath. in this way (Thdt. H. E. i. 4). This is doubtless largely due to the pressure of the controversy with the Arians, who certainly had more to gain than their opponents from the prevalent unhistorical methods of exegesis, as we see from the use made by them of 2 Cor. iv. 11 at Nicæa, and of Prov. viii. 22 throughout93. Accordingly Athanasius complains loudly of their exegesis (Ep. Æg. 3–4, cf. Orat. i. 8, 52), and insists (id. i. 54, cf. already de Decr. 14) on the primary necessity of always conscientiously studying the circumstances of time and place, the person addressed, the subject matter, and purpose of the writer, in order not to miss the true sense. This rule is the same as applies (de Sent. Dion. 4) to the interpretation of any writings whatever, and carries with it the strict subordination of the allegorical to the historical sense, contended for by the later school of Antioch, and now accepted by all reasonable Christians (see Kihn in Wetzer-Hergenröther’s Kirchen-Lex. vol. i. pp. 955–959, who calls the Antiochene exegesis ‘certainly a providential phenomenon;’ also supra, p. xxviii., note 1).
(b) The Canon of Scripture accepted by Athanasius has long been known from the fragments of the thirty-ninth Festal Letter (Easter, 367). The New Testament Canon comprises all the books received at the present day, but in the older order, viz., Gospels, Acts, Catholic Epistles, Pauline Epistles (Hebrews expressly included as S. Paul’s between Thess. and Tim.), Apocalypse. The Old Testament canon is remarkable in several ways. The number of books is 22, corresponding to the Alexandrian Jewish reckoning, not to the (probably) older Jewish or Talmudic reckoning of 24 (the rolls of Ruth and Lam. counted separately, and with the Hagiographa). This at once excludes from the Canon proper the so-called ‘Apocrypha,’ with the exception of the additions to Daniel, and of Baruch and ‘the Epistle,’ which are counted as one book with Jeremiah. The latter is also the case with Lamentations, while on the other hand the number of 22 is preserved by the reckoning of Ruth as a separate book from Judges to make up for the exclusion of Esther. This last point is archaic, and brings Athanasius into connection with Melito (171 a.d.), who gives (Eus. H. E. iv. 26. 14, see also vol. 1, p. 144, note 1, in this series) a Canon which he has obtained by careful enquiry in Palestine. This Canon agrees with that of Athanasius except with regard to the order assigned to ‘Esdras’ (i.e. Ezra and Nehemiah, placed by M. at the end), to ‘the twelve in one book’ (placed by M. after Jer.), and Daniel (placed by M. before Ezekiel). Now, Esther is nowhere mentioned in the N.T., and the Rabbinical discussions as to whether Esther ‘defiled the hands’ (i.e. was ‘canonical’) went on to the time of R. Akiba (†135), an older, and even of R. Juda ‘the holy’ (150–210), a younger, contemporary of Melito (see Wildeboer, Ontstaan van den Kanon, pp. 58, sq., 65, U+0026c.). The latter, therefore, may represent the penultimate stage in the history of the Hebrew canon before its close in the second century, (doubted by Bleek, Einl.5, §242, but not unlikely). Here, then, Ath. represents an earlier stage of opinion than Origen (Eus. H. E. vi. 25), who gives the finally fixed Hebrew Canon of his own time, but puts Esther at the end. As to the number of books, Athan. agrees with Josephus, Melito, Origen, and with Jerome, who, however, knows of the other reckoning of 24 (‘nonnulli’ in Prol. Gal.). Athanasius enumerates, as ‘outside the Canon, but appointed by the Fathers to be read by those who newly join us,’ Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Esther, Judith, and Tobit, as well as what is called the Teaching of the Apostles and the Shepherd. In practice, however, he quotes several of the latter as ‘Scripture’ (Wisdom repeatedly so, see index to this vol.); ‘The Shepherd’ is ‘most profitable,’ and quoted for the Unity of the Creator (and cf. de Decr. 4), but not as ‘Scripture;’ the ‘Didache’ is not used by him unless the Syntagma (vide supra, p. lix.) be his genuine work. He also quotes 1 Esdras for the praise of Truth, and 2 Esdras once, as a ‘prophet.’ ‘Daniel’ includes Susanna and Bel and the Dragon.
(c) On the sufficiency of Scripture for the establishment of all necessary doctrine Athanasius
insists repeatedly and emphatically (c. Gent. 1, de Incarn. 5, de Decr. 32, Vit. Ant.
16, U+0026c., U+0026c.); and he follows up precept by example. ‘His works are a continuous appeal to
Scripture.’ There is no passage in his writings which recognises tradition as supplementing
(d) Connected with the function and authority of tradition is that of the Church. On
the essential idea of the Church there is little or nothing of definite statement. The term
‘Catholic Church’ is of course commonly used, both of the Church as a whole, and of the
orthodox body in this or that place. The unity of the Church is emphatically dwelt on in the
opening of the encyclical written in the name of Alexander (infr., p. 69 and supr., p. xvi.) as
the reason for communicating the deposition of Arius at Alexandria to the Church at large.
‘The joyful mother of children’ (Exp. in Ps. cxiii. 9) is interpreted of the Gentile Church,
‘made to keep house,’ ἅτε τὸν Κύριον ἔνοικον ἔχουσα, joyful ‘because her children are saved
through faith in Christ,’ whereas those of the ‘synagogue’ are ἀπωλείU+0026 139· παραδεδομένα:
But Athanasius was far from undervaluing the evidence of the Church’s tradition. The organ by which the tradition of the Church does its work is the teaching function of her officers, especially of the Episcopate (de Syn. 3, U+0026c.). But to provide against erroneous teaching on the part of bishops, as well as to provide for the due administration of matters affecting the Church generally, and for ecclesiastical legislation, some authority beyond that of the individual bishop is necessary. This necessity is met, in the Church as conceived by Athanasius, in two ways, firstly by Councils, secondly in the pre-eminent authority of certain sees which exercise some sort of jurisdiction over their neighbours. Neither of these resources of Church organisation meets us, in Athanasius, in a completely organised shape. A word must be said about each separately, then about their correlation.
(α) Synods. Synods as a part of the machinery of the Church grew up spontaneously.
The meeting of the ‘Apostles and Elders’ at Jerusalem (Acts xv.) exemplifies the only way
in which a practical resolution on a matter affecting a number of persons with independent
rights can possibly be arrived at, viz., by mutual discussion and agreement. Long before the
age of Athanasius it had been recognised in the Church that the bishops were the persons
exclusively entitled to represent their flocks for such a purpose; in other words, Councils of
bishops had come to constitute the legislative and judicial body in the Church (Eus. V. C.
i. 51). Both of these functions, and especially the latter, involved the further prerogative of
judging of doctrine, as in the case of Paul of Samosata. But the whole system had grown up
out of occasional emergencies, and no recognised laws existed to define the extent of conciliar
authority, or the relations between one Council and another should their decisions
conflict. Not even the area covered by the jurisdiction of a given Council was defined (Can.
Nic. 5). We see a Synod at Arles deciding a case affecting Africa, and reviewing the decision
of a previous Synod at Rome; a Council at Tyre trying the case of a bishop of Alexandria; a
Council at Sardica in the West deposing bishops in the East, and restoring those whom
We look in vain for any statement of principle on the part of Athanasius to reduce this confusion to order. The classical passage in his writings is the letter he has preserved from Julius of Rome to the Eastern bishops (Apol. c. Ar. 20–35). The Easterns insist strongly on the authority of Councils, in the interests of their deposition of Athanasius, U+0026c., at Tyre. Julius can only reply by invoking an old-established custom of the Church, ratified, he says, at Nicæa (Can. 5?), that the decisions of one Council may be revised by another; a process which leads to no finality. The Sardican canons of three years later drew up, for judicial purposes only, a system of procedure, devolving on Julius (or possibly on the Roman bishop for the time being) the duty of deciding, upon the initiative of the parties concerned, whether in the case of a deposed bishop a new trial of the case was desirable, and permitting him to take part in such new trial by his deputies. But Athanasius never alludes to any such procedure, nor to the canons in question. (Compare above, pp. xlii., xlvi.).
The absence of any a priori law relating to the authority of Synods applies to general as
well as to local Councils. The conception of a general Council did not give rise to Nicæa,
but vice versa (see above, p. xvii.). The precedent for great Councils had already been set at
Antioch (268–9) and Arles (314); the latter in fact seems to be indirectly called by S. Augustine
plenarium universæ ecclesiæ concilium; but the widely representative character of the Nicene
Council, and the impressive circumstances under which it met, stamped upon it from the
first a recognised character of its own. Again and again (de Decr. 4, 27, Orat. i. 7, Ep. Æg. 5,
U+0026c., U+0026c.) Athanasius presses the Arians with their rejection of the decision of a ‘world-wide’
Council, contrasting it (e.g. de Syn. 21) with the numerous and indecisive Councils held by
them. He protests (Ep. Æg. 5, Tom. ad Ant., U+0026c.) against the idea that any new creed is necessary
or to be desired in addition to the Nicene. But in doing so, he does not suggest by a
syllable that the Council was formally and a priori infallible, independently of the character
of its decision as faithfully corresponding to the tradition of the Apostles. Its authority is
secondary to that of Scripture (de Syn. 6, sub. fin.), and its scriptural character is its justification
(ib.). In short, Mr. Gwatkin speaks within the mark when he disclaims for Athan. any
mechanical theory95 of conciliar infallibility. To admit this candidly is not to depreciate,
(β) Jurisdiction of bishops over bishops. The fully-developed and organised ‘patriarchal’
system does not meet us in the Nicene age. The bishops of important towns, however, exercise
a very real, though not definable authority over their neighbours. This is especially true of
Imperial residences. The migration of Eusebius to Nicomedia and afterwards to Constantinople
broke through the time-honoured rule of the Church, but set the precedent
commonly followed ever afterwards. In Egypt, although the name ‘patriarch’ was as yet
unheard, the authority of the Bishop of Alexandria was almost absolute. The name ‘archbishop’
is here used for the first time. It is first applied apparently to Meletius (Apol. Ar. 71)
in his list of clergy, but at a later date (about 358) to Athanasius in a contemporary inscription
(see p. 564a, note 1). At the beginning of his episcopate (supra, p. xxxvii.) we find him requested
to ordain in a diocese of Upper Egypt by its bishop. He sends bishops on deputations
(Fest. Ind. xxv., U+0026c.), and exercises ordinary jurisdiction over bishops and people of Libya
and Pentapolis (cf. reference to Synesius, supr., p. lxii.). This was a condition of things dating
at least from the time of Dionysius (p. 178, note 2). In particular he had practically the appointment
of bishops for all Egypt, so that in the course of his long episcopate all the
Egyptian sees were manned by his faithful adherents (cf. p. 493). The mention of Dionysius
suggests the question of the relation of the see of Alexandria to that of Rome, and of the
latter to the Church generally. On the former point, what is necessary will be said in the
Introd. to the de Sent. Dion. With regard to the wider question, Athanasius expresses reverence
for that bishopric ‘because it is an Apostolic throne,’ and ‘for Rome, because it is the
metropolis of Romania’ (p. 282). That is his only utterance on the subject. Such reverence
(γ) Bishops and Councils. The superiority of councils to single bishops (including those of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch) was questioned by no one in this age. Julius claims the support, not of authority inherent in his see, but of canons, and on the basis of them claims a voice in matters affecting the Church at large, not in his own name, but in that of ‘us all, that so a just sentence might proceed from all’ (Apol. c. Ar. 35). Again, just as the judgment of his predecessor Melchiades and his council was revised at Arles in 314 (Augustin. Ep. 105. 8), so the case of Athanasius and Marcellus was reheard at the Council of Sardica three years after the decision of Julius and his council. The council was the supreme organ of the Church for legislative, judicial, and doctrinal purposes; had any other of superior or even equal rank been recognised, or had the authority of councils themselves been defined a priori by a system of Church law, the confusion of the fourth century would not have arisen. Whether or no the age would have gained, we at least should have been the losers.
§5. Content of Revelation. God Three in One and the Incarnation.
To dwell at length on the theology of Athanasius under this head is unnecessary here, not because there is little to say, but partly because what there is to say has been to some extent anticipated above, §§2, 3, and ch. ii. pp. xxxii., xxxvi., partly because the history of his life and work is the best exposition of what he believed and taught. That his theology on these central subjects was profoundly moulded by the Nicene formula is (to the present writer at least) the primary fact (see ch. ii. §3 (1), and (2) b). This of course presupposes that the Nicene faith found in him a character and mind prepared to become its interpreter and embodiment; and that this was so his pre-Nicene writings sufficiently shew.
For instance, his progressive stress on the Unity of the Godhead in Father, Son, and Spirit is but the following up of the thought expressed de Incarn. 17. 1 ἐν μόνῳ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ Πατρὶ ὅλος ὢν κατὰ πάντα. It may be noted that he argues also from the idea of the Trinity to the coessential Godhead of the Spirit, ad Serap. i. 28, sq., Τριὰς δέ ἐστιν οὐχ ἕως ὀνομάτος μόνον…ἀλλὰ ἀληθείU+0026 139· καὶ ὑπάρξει τριάς…εἰπάτωσαν πάλιν…τριάς ἐστιν ἢ δυάς; and that he meets the difficulty (see infra, p. 438, ten lines from end, also Petav. Trin. VII. xiv.) of differentiating the relation of the Spirit to the Father from the γέννησις of the Son by a confession of ignorance and a censure upon those who assume that they can search out the deep things of God (ib. 17–19). The principle might be applied to this point which is laid down de Decr. 11, that ‘an act’ belonging to the essence of God, cannot, by virtue of the simplicity of the Divine Nature, be more than one: the ‘act’ therefore of divine γέννησις (the nature of which we do not know) cannot apply to the Spirit but only to the Son. But I do not recollect any passage in which Athanasius draws this conclusion from his own premises. The language of Athanasius on the procession of the Spirit is unstudied. In Exp. Fid. 4, he appears to adopt the ‘procession’ of the Spirit from the Father through the Son (after Dionysius, see Sent. Dion. 17). In Serap. i. 2, 20, 32, iii. 1, he speaks of the Spirit as ἴδιον τοῦ Λόγου, just as the Word is ἴδιος τοῦ Πατρός. His language on the subject, expressing the idea common to East and West (under the cloud of logomachies which envelop the subject) might possibly furnish the basis of an ‘eirenicon’ between the two separated portions of Christendom. In explaining the ‘theophanies’ of the Old Testament, Athanasius takes a position intermediate between that of the Apologists, U+0026c. (supr., p. xxiii.) who referred them to the Word, and that of Augustine who referred them to Angels only. According to Athanasius the ‘Angel’ was and was not the Word: regarded as visible he was an Angel simply, but the Voice was the Divine utterance through the Word (see Orat. iii. 12, 14; de Syn. 27, Anath 15, note; also Serap. i. 14).
Lastly, it must again be insisted that in his polemic against Arianism Athanasius is
centrally soteriological. It is unnecessary to collect passages in support of what will be fully
appreciated only after a thorough study of the controversial treatises. The essence of his
The question of the sinlessness of Christ is not discussed by Athanasius ex professo until the controversy with Apollinarianism. In the earlier Arian controversy the question was in reality involved, partly by the Arian theory of the πρεπτότης of the Word, partly by the correlated theory of προκοπή (cf. Orat. ii. 6, sqq.), and Athanasius instinctively falls back on the consideration that the Personality of the Son, if Divine, is necessarily sinless. In c. Apoll. i. 7, 17, ii. 10 the question is more thoroughly analysed. The complete psychological identity of Christ’s human nature with our own is maintained along with the absolute moral identity of His will (θέλησις, the determination of will, not the θελημα οὐσιῶδες or volitional faculty) with the Divine will.
With regard to the human knowledge of Christ, the texts Mark xiii. 32, Luke ii. 52, lie
at the foundation of his discussion Orat. iii. 42–53. The Arians appealed to these passages
to support the contention that the Word, or Son of God in His Divine nature, was ignorant
of ‘the Day,’ and advanced in knowledge. The whole argument of Athan. in reply is directed
to shewing that these passages apply not to the Word or Son in Himself, but to the Son Incarnate.
He knows as God, is ignorant as man. Omniscience is the attribute of Godhead,
It may be observed before leaving this point that Athanasius takes occasion (§43, fin., cf. 45) to distinguish two senses of the words ‘the Son,’ as referring on the one hand to the eternal, on the other to the human existence of Christ. To the latter he limits Mark xiii. 32: the point is of importance in view of his relation to Marcellus (supra, p. xxxvi.).
As a further corollary of the Incarnation we may notice his frequent use (Orat. iii. 14,
29, 33, iv. 32, c. Apoll. i. 4, 12, 21) of the word θεοτόκος as an epithet or as a name for the
Virgin Mary. The translation ‘Mother of God’ is of course erroneous. ‘God-bearer’ (Gottesbärerin),
the literal equivalent, is scarcely idiomatic English. The perpetual virginity of Mary
is maintained incidentally (c. Apoll. i. 4), but there is an entire absence in his writings not
only of worship of the Virgin, but of ‘Mariology,’ i.e., of the tendency to assign to her a
personal agency, or any peculiar place, in the work of Redemption (Gen. iii. 15, Vulg.).
Further, the argument of Orat. i. 51 fin., that the sending of Christ in the flesh for the first
time (λοιπόν) liberated human nature from sin, and enabled the requirement of God’s law
to be fulfilled in man (an argument strictly within the lines of Rom. viii. 3), would be abso-
§6. Derivative Doctrines. Grace and the Means of Grace; The Christian Life; The Last Things.
The idea of Grace is important to the theological system of Athanasius, in view of the central place occupied in that system by the idea of restoration and new creation as the specific work of Christ upon His fellow-men (supra, §2, cf. Orat. ii. 56, Exp. in Pss. xxxiii. 2, cxviii. 5, LXX.). But, in common with the Greek Fathers generally, he does not analyse its operation, nor endeavour to fix its relation to free will (cf. Orat. i. 37 fin., iii. 25 sub fin.). The divine predestination relates (for anything that Ath. says) not to individuals so much as to the Purpose of God, before all ages, to repair the foreseen evil of man’s fall by the Incarnation (Orat. ii. 75, sq.). On the general subject of Sacraments and their efficacy, he says little or nothing. The initiatory rite of Baptism makes us sons of God (de Decr. 31, cf. Orat. i. 37 ut supra), and is the only complete renewal to be looked for in this life, Serap. iv. 13). It is accompanied (de Trin. et Sp. S. 7) by confession of faith in the Trinity, and the baptism administered by Arians who do not really hold this faith is therefore in peril of losing its value (Orat. ii. 42, fin.). The grace of the Spirit conferred at baptism will be finally withdrawn from the wicked at the last judgment (Exp. in Ps. lxxv. 13, LXX.). In the de Trin. et Sp. S. 21 baptism is coupled with the imposition of hands as one rite. On the Eucharist there is an important passage (ad Serap. iv. 19), which must be given in full. He has been speaking of sin against the Holy Spirit, which latter name he applies [see above, ch. iii. §1 (22)] to the Saviour’s Divine Personality. He proceeds to illustrate this by John vi. 62–64.
‘For here also He has used both terms of Himself, flesh and spirit; and He distinguished the spirit from what is of the flesh in order that they might believe not only in what was visible in Him, but in what was invisible, and so understand that what He says is not fleshly, but spiritual. For for how many would the body suffice as food, for it to become meat even for the whole world? But this is why He mentioned the ascending of the Son of Man into heaven; namely, to draw them off from their corporeal idea, and that from thenceforth they might understand that the aforesaid flesh was heavenly from above, and spiritual meat, to be given at His hands. For ‘what I have said unto you,’ says He, ‘is spirit and life;’ as much as to say, ‘what is manifested, and to be given for the salvation of the world, is the flesh which I wear. But this, and the blood from it, shall be given to you spiritually at My hands as meat, so as to be imparted spiritually in each one, and to become for all a preservative to resurrection of life eternal.’
Beyond this he does not define the relation of the outward and visible in the Eucharist
to the spiritual and inward. The reality of the Eucharistic gift is insisted on as strongly as its
spirituality in such passages as ad Max. (Letter 61) 2 sub fin., and the comment on Matt. vii.
6 (Migne xxvii. 1380), ‘See to it, therefore, Deacon, that thou do not administer to the unworthy
the purple of the sinless body,’ and the protest of the Egyptian bishops (Apol. c. Ar.
On the Christian ministry again there is little direct teaching. The ordinations by the presbyter Colluthus (Apol. Ar. 11, 12) are treated as null. The letter (49) to Dracontius contains vigorous and beautiful passages on the responsibility of the Ministry. On the principles of Christian conduct there is much to be gathered from obiter dicta in the writings of Athanasius. His description (cf. supra, p. xlviii.) of the revival of religious life at Alexandria in 346, and the exhortations in the Easter letters, are the most conspicuous passages for this purpose. In particular, he insists (e.g., p. 67) on the necessity of a holy life and pure mind for the apprehension of divine things, and especially for the study of the Scriptures. He strongly recommends the discipline of fasting, in which, as compared with other churches (Rome especially), the Alexandrian Christians were lax (Letter 12), but he warns them in his first Easter letter to fast ‘not only with the body, but also with the soul.’ He also dwells (Letter 6) on the essential difference of spirit between Christian festivals and Jewish observance of days. Christ is the true Festival, embracing the whole of the Christian life (Letters 5, 14). He lays stress on love to our neighbour, and especially on kindness to the poor (Letter i. 11, Hist. Ar. 61, Vit. Ant. 17, 30). On one important practical point he is very emphatic: ‘Persecution is a device of the devil’ (Hist. Ar. 33). This summary judgment was unfortunately less in accordance with the spirit of the times than with the Spirit of Christ.
The ascetic teaching of Athanasius must be reserved for the introduction to the Vita
Antoni (cf. Letters 48, 49, also above, p. xlviii.). His eschatology calls for discussion in con-
Chronology and Tables
§1. Sources.
(1) The Festal Letters of Athanasius with their Index and the Historia Acephala constitute our primary source for chronological details (see below, §2). (2) Along with these come the chronological notices scattered up and down the other writings of Athanasius. These are of course of the utmost importance, but too often lack definiteness. (3) The chronological data in the fifth-century historians, headed by Socrates, are a mass of confusion, and have been a source of confusion ever since, until the discovery of the primary sources, No. (1) mentioned above. They must, therefore, be used only in strict subordination to the latter. (4) More valuable but less abundant secondary notices are to be derived from the Life of Pachomius, from the letter of Ammon (infra, p. 487), and from other writers of the day. (5) For the movements of the Emperors the laws in the Codex Theodosianus (ed. Hänel in Corpus Juris Ante-Justiniani) give many dates, but the text is not in a satisfactory condition.
(6) Modern discussions. The conflicting attempts at an Athanasian chronology prior to the discovery of the Festal Letters are tabulated in the Appendix to Newman’s Arians, and discussed by him in his introduction to the Historical Tracts (Oxf. Lib. Fathers). The notes to Dr. Bright’s article Athanasius in D.C.B., and his introduction to the Hist. Writings of S. Ath., may be profitably consulted, as also may Larsow’s Fest-briefe (Leipz., 1852), with useful calendar information by Dr. J. G. Galle, the veteran professor of Astronomy at Breslau, and Sievers on the Hist. Aceph. (Supr. ch. i. §3.)
But by far the most valuable chronological discussions are those of Prof. Gwatkin in his Studies of Arianism. He has been the first to make full use of the best data, and moreover gives very useful lists of the great officials of the Empire and of the movements of the Eastern Emperors. Mr. Gwatkin’s results were criticised in the Church Quarterly Review, vol. xvi. pp. 392–398, 1883, by an evidently highly-qualified hand97. The criticisms of the Reviewer have been most carefully weighed by the present writer, although they quite fail to shake him in his general agreement with Mr. Gwatkin’s results.
For the general chronology of the period we may mention Weingarten’s Zeit-tafeln (ed. 3, 1888) as useful, though not especially so for our purpose, and above all Clinton’s Fasti Romani, which, however, were drawn up in the dark ages before the discovery of the Festal Letters, and are therefore antiquated so far as the life of Athanasius is concerned.
§2. Principles and Method.
The determination of the leading Athanasian dates depends mainly on the value to be assigned to the primary sources, §1 (1). Reserving the fuller discussion of these texts for the Introduction to the Letters (pp. 495 sq., 500 sq.), it will suffice to state here what seem to be the results of an investigation of their value. (1) The Historia Acephala and Festal Index are independent of each other (cf. Sievers, p. 95, misunderstood, I think, by Mr. Gwatkin, p. 221). (2) They both belong to the generation after the death of Athanasius, the H. A. being apparently the earlier. (3) The data as to which they agree must, therefore, come from a source prior to either, i.e., contemporary with Athanasius. (4) In several important particulars they are confirmed by our secondary Egyptian sources, such as the Letter of Ammon and Life of Pachomius. (5) They verify most of the best results arrived at independently of them (of this below), and (6) In no case do they agree in fixing a date which can be proved to be wrong, or which there are sound reasons for distrusting. On these grounds I have classed the Historia and Index as primary sources, and maintain that the dates as to which the two documents agree must be accepted as certain. This principle at once brings the doubtful points in the chronology within very moderate limits. The general chronological table, in which the dates fixed by the agreement of these sources are printed in black type, will make this plain enough. It remains to shew that the principle adopted works out well in detail, or in other words, that the old Alexandrian chronology, transmitted to us through the twofold channel of the Historia and the Index, harmonises the apparent discrepancies, and solves the difficulties, of the chronological statements of Athanasius, and tallies with the most trustworthy information derived from other sources. In some cases it has been found desirable to discuss points of chronology where they occur in the Life of Athanasius; what will be attempted here is to complete what is there passed over without thorough discussion, in justification of the scheme adopted in our general chronological table.
§3. Applications.
(a) Death of Alexander and Election of Athanasius. That the latter took place on June 8, 328, is established by the agreement of our sources, together with the numbering of the Festal Letters. Theodoret (H. E. i. 26) and others, misled by some words of Athanasius (Apol. c. Ar. 59), handed down to later ages the statement that Alexander died five months after the Council of Nicæa. It had long been seen that this must be a mistake (Tillemont, vi. 736, Montfaucon, Monit. in Vit. S. Athan.) and various suggestions98 were made as to the terminus a quo for the ‘five months’ mentioned by Athanasius; that of Montfaucon remains the most probable (see ch. ii. §3 (1), p. xxi.). But the field was left absolutely clear for the precise and concordant statement of our chroniclers, which, therefore, takes undisputed possession. (Further details, supr. p. xx. sq.; Introd. to Letters, pp. 495, 303).
(b) The first exile of Athanasius. The duration is fixed by the Hist. Aceph. (see Introd.
p. 495, sq.) as two years, four months, and eleven days, and this exactly coincides with the
dates given by the Index for his departure for Tyre, July 11, 335, and his return from exile
Nov. 23, 337 (not 338; for the Diocletian year began at the end of August). Although,
therefore, the Hist. Aceph. is not available for the date, the constructive agreement between
it and the Index is complete. But it has been contended that the year of the return from this
exile must still be placed in 338, in spite of the new evidence to the contrary. The reasons
alleged are very weak. (1) The letter of Constantine II., dated Treveri, June 17, so far from
making against the year 337, clinches the argument in its favour. Constantine is still only
‘Cæsar’ when he writes it (pp. 146, 272); he was proclaimed Augustus on Sep. 9, 337 (Montf.
in ann. 338 tries in vain to parry this decisive objection to the later date. He appeals to
Maximin in Eus. H. E. ix. 10, but overlooks the word σεβαστός there. Is it conceivable that
a disappointed eldest son, as sensitive about his claims as Constantine was, would within
so short a time of becoming ‘Augustus’ be content to call himself merely ‘Cæsar’?) The objection
as to the distance of Treveri from Nicomedia has no weight, as we show elsewhere
(p. xli., note 4); Constantine might have heard of his father’s death a fortnight before the
date of this letter. (2) The law (Cod. Th. X. x. 4) dated Viminacium, June 12, 338, if correctly
ascribed to Constantius, would certainly lend plausibility to the view that it was at that time
that Athanasius met Constantius at Viminacium (p. 240). But the names are so often con
fused in mss., and the text of the Theodosian Code requires such frequent correction, that
there is no solid objection to set against the extremely cogent proofs (Gwatkin, p. 138) that
the law belongs to Constantine, who in that case cannot have been at Trier on June 17, 338.
As to Constantius, there is no reason against his having been in Pannonia at some time in
the summer of 337. (3) The statement of Theodoret (H. E. ii. 1) that Ath. ‘stayed at Treveri
(c) Commencement of the second exile. Here again the agreement of our chronicles is constructive only, owing to the loss of the earlier part of the Hist. Aceph.; but it is none the less certain. The exile ended, as everyone now admits and as both chronicles tell us, on Paoph. 24 (Oct. 21), 346: it lasted, according to the H. A., seven years, six months, and three days. This carries us back to Phar. 21 (April 16), 339. Now we learn from the Index that he left the Church of Theonas on the night of Mar. 18–19, and from the Encyclical, 4, 5, that he took refuge first in another church, then in some secret place till over Easter Sunday (Apr. 15). This fits exactly with Apr. 16 as the date of his flight to Rome. To this there is only one serious objection, viz., that Ath. was summoned (p. 239) to Milan by Constantius after the end of three years from his leaving Alexandria. It has been assumed (without any proof) that this took place ‘just before’ the council of Sardica. As a matter of fact, Constans left Athan. in Milan, and (apparently after his summer campaign) ordered him to follow him to Trier, in order to travel thence to the Council. Athanasius does not state either how long he remained at Milan, or when he was ordered to Trier; for a chronological inference, in opposition to explicit evidence, he furnishes no basis whatever. I agree with Mr. Gwatkin (whom his Reviewer quite misunderstands) in placing the Milan interview about May, 342, and the journey from Trier to Sardica after Easter (probably later still) in 343 (Constans was in Britain in the spring of 343, and had returned to Trier before June 30, Cod. Th. XII. i. 36, see also supr. p. xlv.). A more reasonable objection to the statement of the Index is that of Dr. Bright (p. xv. note 5), who sets against its information that Athan. fled from ‘Theonas’ four days before Gregory’s arrival, the statement of the Encyclical that he left a certain church after Gregory’s outrages at Eastertide. But clearly Athan. first escaped from the church of Theonas, afterwards (between Good Friday and Easter) from some other church (ἄλλη ἐκκλησία), not named by him (‘Quirinus,’ cf. p. 95, note 1), and finally from the City itself. (Dr. Bright’s arguments in favour of 340 are vitiated in part by his placing Easter on April 9, i.e. on a Wednesday, instead of the proper day, Sunday, Mar. 30). The date, April 16, 339, is, therefore, well established as the beginning of the second exile, and there is no tangible evidence against it. It is, moreover, supported by the subscription to the letter to Serapion, which stands in the stead of the Easter letter for 340, and which states that the letter was written from Rome.
(d) Council of Sardica and death of Gregory. The confusion into which the whole chronology
of the surrounding events was thrown by the supposition (which was naturally taken
without question upon the authority of Socrates and Sozomen) that the Sardican council
met in 347, is reflected in the careful digest of opinions made by Newman (Arians, Appendix,
or better, Introduction to Hist. Treatises of S. Ath. p. xxvi.; cf. also Hefele, Eng. Tra., vol. 2,
p. 188, sq., notes), and especially in the difficulties caused by the necessity of placing the
Council of Milan in 345 before Sardica, and the mission of Euphrates of Cologne to Antioch
as late as 348. Now the Hist. Aceph., by giving October, 346, as the date of the return of
Athanasius from his second exile, at once challenged the received date for Sardica, and J.
D. Mansi, the learned editor of the ‘Collectio Amplissima’ of the Councils, used this fact as
the key to unlock the chronological tangle of the period. He argued that the Council of
Sardica must be put back at least as early as 344; but the natural conservatism of learning
resisted his conclusions until the year 1852, when the Festal Letters, discovered ten years
earlier, were made available for the theological public of Europe. The date 347 was then finally
condemned. Not only did Letter 18, written at Easter, 345, refer to the Council’s decision
about Easter, and Letter 19 refer to his restoration as an accomplished fact; the Index most
positively dated the synod in the year 343, which year has now taken its place as the accepted
date, although the month and duration of the assembly are still open to doubt (Supr. p. xlv.,
note 6). In any case it is certain that the Easter at which the deputies from Constans and the
Council reached Antioch was Easter, 344. This brings us to the question of the date of
Gregory’s death. Mr. Gwatkin rightly connects the Council which deposed Stephen for his
behaviour to the Western deputies, and elected Leontius, with the issue of the ‘Macrostich’
creed ‘three years’ (de Syn. 26) after the Council of the Dedication, i.e., in the summer of
344. This is our only notice of time for the Council in question, and it is not very precise;
but the Council may fairly be placed in the early summer, which would allow time for the
necessary preliminaries after Easter, and for the meeting of the fathers at reasonable notice.
(Perhaps Stephen was promptly and informally deposed (Thdt.) after Easter, but a regular
council would be required to ratify this act and to elect his successor.) After the Council
(we are again not told how long after) Constantius writes a public letter to Alexandria forbidding
further persecution of the orthodox (277, note 3). This may well have been in the
later summer of 344. Then ‘about ten months later’ (ib.) Gregory dies. This would bring us
‘about’ to the early summer of 345; and this rough calculation99 is curiously confirmed by
the precise statement of the Index xviii., that Gregory died on June 26 (345, although the
Index, in accordance with its principle of arrangement, which will be explained in the
(e) Return of Athanasius in 346. Here the precise statements of the Index and Hist. Aceph. agree, and are confirmed by Letter 19, which was written after his return. The date therefore requires no discussion. But it is important as a signal example of the high value to be assigned to the united witness of our two chronicles. For this is the pivot date which, in the face of all previously accepted calculations, has taken its place as unassailably correct, and has been the centre from which the recovery of the true chronology of the period has proceeded. The difficulty in dating the interview with Constantius at Antioch is briefly discussed p. xlvii. note 10.
(f) Irruption of Syrianus and Intrusion of George. The former event is dated without any room for doubt on the night of Thursday, Feb. 8 (Mechir 13), 356 (see p. 301, also Index and Hist. Aceph.). Here again the accuracy of our chronicles on points where they agree comes out strongly. It should be noted that an ill-informed writer could hardly have avoided a blunder here; for 356 was a leap-year: and in consequence of this (1) all the months from Thoth to Phamenoth, inclusive, began a day later, owing to the additional Epagomenon before the first day of Thoth: the 13th Mechir would, therefore, in these years correspond to Feb. 8, not as usual to Feb. 7. (2) Owing to the Roman calendar inserting its intercalary day at the end of February, Feb. 8 would fall on the Thursday, not on the Friday (reckoning back from Easter on Apr. 7: see Tables C, D., pp. 501 sq.). This date, then, may rank as one of the absolutely fixed points of our chronology. After the above examples of the value of the concordant testimony of the two chronicles, we must demand positive and circumstantial proof to the contrary before rejecting their united testimony that George made his entry into Alexandria in the Lent of 357, not 356. As a matter of fact all the positive evidence (supr., p. lii., note 11) is the other way, and when weighed against it, the feather-weight of an inference from a priori probability, and from the assumed silence of Athanasius (Ap. Fug. 6), kicks the beam.
(g) Athanasius in 362. The difficulty here is that Athanasius clearly returned after the
murder of George, which, according to Amm. Marc. XXII. xi., took place upon the receipt
at Alexandria of the news of the execution of Artemius at Antioch, which latter event must
be placed in July. Therefore Athanasius would not have returned till August, 362. On the
other hand the Hist. Aceph. makes George arrested four days after his return to Alexandria,
and immediately upon the proclamation of the new Emperor, Nov. 30, 361. On Dec. 24
George is murdered, on Feb. 9 the edict for the return of the exiles is promulged, and on
Feb. 21 Athanasius returns, to take flight again ‘eight months’ later, on Oct. 24. The difficulty
(h) Supposed Council at Alexandria in 363. This Synod assumed by Baronius, Montfaucon
(Vit. in Ann. 363. 3) and others, after Theodoret (H. E. iv. 2) must be pronounced fictitious
(so already Vales. in Thdt. l.c.). (1) The letter of Ammon (extract printed in this volume, p.
487) tells us on the authority of Athanasius that when Pammon and Theodore miraculously
announced the death of Julian, they informed Athan. that the new Emperor was to be a
Christian, but that his reign would be short; that Athanasius must go at once and secretly
to the Emperor, whom he would meet on his journey before the army reached Antioch, that
he would be favourably received by him, and that he would obtain an order for his restoration.
Now (apart from the possibility of a grain of truth in the φήμη of the death of Julian) all
these details bear the unmistakeable character of a vaticinium post eventum, in other words,
we have the story as it was current when Ammon drew up the document in question at the
request of Archbishop Theophilus (see also p. 567, note 1). At that time, then, the received
account was that Athan. hastened secretly to meet Jovian as soon as he knew of his accession,
and that he met him between Antioch and Nisibis. Now this native Egyptian account is
transmitted independently by two other channels. (2) The Hist. Aceph. viii. tells us that the
bishop entered Alexandria secretly ‘adventu eius non pluribus cognito,’ went by ship to
Jovian, and returned with letters from him. (3) The Festal Index tells us that eight months
(i.e., Oct. 24–June 26) after the flight of Ath. Julian died. On his death being published,
Athan. returned secretly by night to Alexandria. Then on Sept. 6 he crossed the Euphrates
(this seems to be the meaning of ‘embarked at the Eastern Hierapolis,’ the celebrated city,
The agreement of the three documents is most striking, and the more so since the
chronicles are clearly independent both of one another and especially of the letter of Ammon,
as is clear from the fact that neither mentions the φήμη, while the Festal Index implicitly
contradicts it. This appears to be a crucial case in many ways. Firstly, the three narratives
are all consistent in excluding the possibility of any such council as is supposed to have been
summoned (see above, p. lx.). Against this there is nothing but the hasty inference of Thdt.
(corrected by Valois, see above, ib.); the valueless testimony of the Libellus Synodicus (9th
cent.); the marvellous tale of Sozom. v. 7 (referred to this time by Tillem. viii. 219, but by
Soz. to the death of George: probably an amplification of Hist. Aceph. ‘visus est’) that Athanasius
suddenly to the delight of his people was found enthroned in his Church; and the
more vague statement of Socr. (iii. 24) that he regained his church ‘at once after Julian’s
death.’ As the three fifth-century writers are implicitly contradicted by three writers of Alexandria
at the end of the previous century, the latter must be believed against the former.
Secondly, the Index, the later as it appears, of the two chronicles, would seem to represent
a form of the story less marvellous and therefore earlier than that of the Narratio. Now the
latter certainly belongs to the Episcopate of Theophilus. The Index therefore can scarcely
be placed later, and the Hist. Aceph. would fall, as Sievers, Einl. 2, had independently placed
it at the beginning of the Episcopate of Theophilus. Thirdly, we have here an excellent example
not only of the value of the combined evidence of the two chronicles, but also of their character
as representing in many important respects the Alexandrian tradition of the last third
of the fourth century. Before leaving this question it will be well to consider the dates a little
more closely. Hierapolis was counted eight days’ journey from Antioch. From Alexandria
to Antioch by sea was about 500 miles, i.e. with a fair wind scarcely more than four days’
sail (it might be less, cf. Conybeare and Howson, St. Paul, vol. 2, p. 376, sq. ed. 1877). This
allows about twelve days for Athan. to reach the Euphrates from Alexandria, remembering
that southerly winds prevail in the Eastern Mediterranean at this season (Sievers, Einl. 28).
Now Athan. reached Hierapolis on Sept. 6 (Thoth 8, Egyptian leap-year). But according to
the Index, he reached Alex. after Julian’s death was published, and this according to Hist.
Aceph. was on Mesori 26, i.e. Aug. 19. From that day to Sept. 6 are eighteen days, leaving
about a week’s margin for Ath. to hear the news, reach Alexandria, and perhaps for delay
in finding a vessel, U+0026c. But a far wider margin is really available, for the official announcement
must have been preceded by many rumours, and was probably not despatched till more
than a fortnight after Julian’s death (as is observed by Mr. Gwatkin, p. 221). If we remember
that Athanasius, according to the Letter of Ammon, was making all possible haste (supra,
(k) Exile under Valens. The date of this is discussed by Tillem. (note 96) and Montf. Vit. who, on the unstable basis of a computation of Theophanes (about 800 a.d.) and of the vague and loose sequences of events in Socr. and Sozom., tentatively refer the exile to the year 367. The only show of solid support for this date was that Tatianus (of later and unfortunate celebrity), whom the Photian Life and that by the Metaphrast connected with the expulsion, was known from Cod. Theod. to have been Prefect of Egypt in 367. But this airy fabric now gives place to the precise and accurate data of the Theophilan chronicles. Both Index and Hist. Aceph. place the occurrence not under Tatian but under Flavian, governor of Egypt 364–366. Both fix the year 365. The Hist. Aceph. (used by Soz. vi. 12, who however makes no use of the dates) gives May 5, 365, for the Imperial order against bishops restored by Julian, June 8 for the reference to the Emperor (supra, ch. ii. §9), Oct. 5 for the retreat of Athan. and search for him by Flavian and Duke Victorinus, Feb. 1 for the return of Athanasius. This detailed chronology is corroborated in two ways; first by a letter of Libanius (Ep. 569) to Flavian, thanking him for a present of [Egyptian] doves, and congratulating him on his ‘victory’ (a play on the name Victorinus is added), but with a satirical hint that if only Victorinus had any prisoners to shew for his pains (a clear allusion to the escape of Ath.) he (Libanius) would think him a finer fellow even than Cleon (Siev. Einl. 31). Secondly, the restoration of Ath. by Valens becomes historically intelligible, in view of the danger from Procopius, as pointed out supr. p. lxi., fin. We cannot then doubt that the chronicles are here once more the channels of the genuine chronological tradition.
(1) Death of Athanasius. It is superfluous to discuss this date at the present day, but it may be worth while to point out for the last time how admirably the combined testimony of our chronicles confirms the judgment of the best critics (Montfaucon, Tillemont, U+0026c.) antecedent to their discovery, and how clearly the secondary value to be assigned to the chronological statements of Socrates and Sozomen once more comes out (Socr. iv. 21 puts the date at 371, and was followed by Papebroke, Petavius and others (fuller details and discussion of the question on its ancient footing in Newman’s preface to Hist. Tracts of St. Athan., pp. xx., sqq.). But no one any longer questions the date of May 2–3, 373. The fact that the Hist. Aceph. gives May 3 and the Index May 2 (the date observed in the later calendars) vouches for the independence of the two documents and for the very early date of the former: probably, as Sievers and others suggest, the true date is the night between May 2 and May 3.
N.B.—Dates upon which the Historia Acephala and Festal Index coincide are printed in Thick Type. Where the agreement, though certain, is constructive and not explicit, an asterisk is added. Where the month, or day, is in ordinary type, the agreement does not extend to the details in question. The more doubtful points of chronology are marked by italics.
284. Aug. 29.Beginning of ‘Diocletian era.’
298.BIRTH OF S. ATHANASIUS about this year.
301.Death of Bishop Theonas. Peter, bishop of Alexandria.
303. Feb. 23.First edict of persecution by Diocletian and Galerius. December.Vicennalia of Diocletian at Rome.
304.‘Fourth Edict’ of Persecution.
305.Retirement of Diocletian (Constantine and Maximin ‘Cæsars’).
306.Constantine proclaimed ‘Augustus’ at York.
307.Maximin assumes title of ‘Augustus’ (holds Syria and Egypt).
311.First edict of Toleration, and death of Galerius.
311.Renewed persecution by Maximin in Syria and Egypt. lxxxvi Martyrdom of Peter, U+0026c., at Alexandria.
312.Edict of Toleration by Constantine at Milan.
Oct. 26Constantine defeats Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge.
Achillas, bishop of Alexandria.
313.Edict of Milan (third Edict of Toleration), by Constantine and Licinius.
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria.
Maximin defeated by Licinius. His Edict of Toleration, and death.
Earliest possible date for the ‘boy-baptism’ of Athanasius.
318.Probable date of the contra Gentes, his first book.
319.Commencement of Arian controversy.
321.Deposition of Arius by an Egyptian Synod.
322. Mareotic defection to Arius. Memorandum of deposition signed by Clergy of Alexandria.
Schism of Colluthus.
323.Letter of Alexander of Alexandria to his namesake of Byzantium.
Sept. 18.Final defeat of Licinius.
Constantine sole Emperor.
324.First intervention of Constantine in Arian question.
Hosius at Alexandria. Council there.
325. Summer. COUNCIL OF NICÆA.
327. November Entire Meletian Episcopate collected at Alexandria, and reconciled to the Church (p. 137).
328. April 17. Death of Alexander. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. June 8.
329, 330.Visitation of the Thebaid: ordains Pachomius presbyter.
330.Council at Antioch deposes Eustathius.
331.Athanasius defends himself before Constantine.
334.Council at Cæsarea. Athan. refuses to attend.
335. July 11
Aug.–Sept.Mareotic commission in Egypt.
End of Sept.?Council at Jerusalem. Arius received to communion.
Oct. 30. Athanasius at CP.
336. Feb. 8.Athanasius starts for ‘Treveri in Gaul.’
Council at CP., Marcellus (Asclepas), U+0026c., deposed.
Basil, bishop of Ancyra.
Death of Arius at CP.
337. May 22.Death of Constantine at Nicomedia.
June 17.Letter of ‘Constantius Cæsar’ ordering return of Athanasius (p. lxxxii.).
Nov. 23
338. July 25–27.Visit of Antony to Alexandria.
Pistus intrusive bishop of Alexandria.
Winter.Council of Egyptian bishops at Alexandria.
Envoys of both parties in Rome.
339. January.Synod at Antioch appoint Gregory bishop of Alexandria.
339. Mar. 19.Flight of Athanasius from ‘Theonas.’
Mar. 22.Arrival of Gregory at Alexandria.
April 16.
340. January.Eusebian bishops meet at Antioch and reply to Julius.
Their letter reaches Rome in spring.
Autumn.Roman council and reply of Julius to Eusebians (eighteen months from arrival of Ath. in Rome).
341. Midsummer.Council of the Dedication at Antioch. Four creeds.
342. May.Athanasius leaves Rome (after three years’ stay) for Milan.
Constans leaves him there (Frankish Campaign).
Summer.Constans repels Eusebian deputies at Treveri (p. xlv.).
Late autumn.Death of Eusebius of Nicomedia or CP.
343. Easter. Athanasius at Treveri.
July.Assembly of Council of Sardica.
344. Easter. Athanasius at Naissus.
After Easter.Deposition of Stephen: Council at Antioch appoint
Leontius and issue ‘Macrostich.’
August.Constantius writes forbidding persecution of orthodox at Alexandria.
345. Easter, April 7. Athanasius at Aquileia. Council at Milan. Photinus condemned.
June 26.Death of Gregory at Alexandria (about ten months after letter of Constantius).
346. September.Interview of Ath. with Constantius at Antioch.
Oct. 21. Return to Alexandria.
Earliest possible date for consecration of Frumentius by Athanasius.
347.End of year.
First council at Sirmium against Photinus.
349.Controversy with Rome concerning Easter.
350. Jan. 18. Murder of Constans.
351. Mar. 15.Gallus proclaimed as ‘Constantius Cæsar.’
Sep. 28. Battle of Mursa.
Second council of Sirmium.
Photinus deposed.
353. May 19.Legation of Serapion, U+0026c., to Constantius. Montanus at Alexandria.
353.Autumn.Council at Arles against Athanasius.
354. Execution of Gallus.
355.Council at Milan against Athanasius.
July–Dec. Diogenes at Alexandria.
November. Julian ‘Cæsar. ’
356. Jan. 6. Syrianus at Alexandria.
Feb. 8.Church of Theonas stormed by Syrianus.
Beginning of third exile.
June 10.Cataphronius becomes Prefect of Egypt.
357. Feb. 24.George enters Alexandria as Bishop.
Summer.Third council, and second creed (‘blasphemy’) of Sirmium.
358. Lent. Council of Ancyra.
Oct. 2.Expulsion of George from Alexandria.
359. May 22.Conference of Sirmium. The dated Creed.
May–Dec.Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia.
Dec. 31.Creed of Niké accepted by delegates at CP.
360. Jan.Julian proclaimed ‘Augustus’ at Paris.
Dedication council at CP.
(Homoean; deposition of ‘Semi-Arian’ leaders and excommunication of Aetius).
361.Meletius elected bishop of Antioch and deposed. Euzoius, Arian bishop.
Nov. 3. Death of Constantius.
362. Feb. 9.Julian’s edict (for recall of bishops) posted at Alexandria.
Feb. 21. Return of Athanasius.
Summer.Council of the confessors at Alexandria.
Lucifer founds the schism at Antioch.
October 4.Renewed order of Julian against Athanasius.
Retirement of Athanasius.
363. June 26.Death of Julian. Athan. in Upper Egypt.
August?Athanasius secretly in Alexandria.
Sep. 6.Athan. crosses the Euphrates.
Sep. Meets Jovian at Edessa.
Winter. At Antioch.
364. Feb. 14 (or 20). Returns to Alexandria.
Feb. 17. Death of Jovian.
Mar. 29.Valens appointed ‘Augustus’ by Valentinian.
Autumn. Council of Lampsacus.
365. Spring.Valens at Antioch. Renewal of Arian persecutions.
May 5.Rescript arrives at Alexandria for expulsion of Athanasius.
Oct. 5.Athanasius retires to his country house.
Sep. 28. Revolt of Procopius at CP.
366. Feb. 1.Athanasius officially restored.
May 21. Defeat of Procopius.
July 21.Cæsareum burnt at Alexandria.
367. Sep. 24.Attempt of Lucius to enter Alexandria.
368. Sep. 22.Athanasius begins his Memorial Church.
370. Aug. 7.Memorial Church dedicated.
Correspondence between Athan. and Basil begins.
371.Deputation of the Marcellians of Ancyra to Athanasius.
372.Two books against Apollinarianism.
373. May 2–3. Death of Athanasius.
A table of the Egyptian months, and a table of the date of Easter, U+0026c., in each year of the episcopate of Athanasius, will be given at the end of the introduction to the collection of Letters at the close of this volume (p. 501 sq.). A list of the consuls of each year is given in the Festal Index.
And of the principal Councils held, during the lifetime of Athanasius.
N.B.—The names of bishops in italics are open to doubt regarding their date.
An asterisk prefixed to a bishop’s name means that he was elected when the see was not de facto vacant (the case of Ursinus of Rome in 366 is not free from doubt).
‘Semi-Arian’ synods are printed in italics.
Emperor W.
306. Constantine
E. 305. Galerius
307. Licinius 3 0 8 – 3 1 3 .
Maximin
Rome
309. Eusebius
310. Melchiades
314. Silvester (d. 335)
Alexandria
301. Peter
312. Achillas
313. Alexan- der
Antioch
319. Philogonius.
Paulinus Con- stantinople
320? Alexander
Synods
305. Illiberis
313. Rome
314. Arles
314? Ancyra
315? Neo- Cæsarea
323. Constantine, sole Augustus
337. Con- stantine II. (d. 340).
Constans (d. 350) Constantius
336. Mark
337. Julius
328. Athanasius
338.
339.
c. 324. Eustathius
330. ‘Paulinus?’ Eulalius
332. Euphronius
333. Flacillus
(or Placitus)
330. ‘Con-
stantinople’
made the new
Rome
336. Paul (d. 350?)
337?
321. Alexandria
324. Alexandria
325. Nicæa
330.
334.
335. Tyre
336.
339U+002640.
340. Rome
340.
350. Constantius, sole Augustus
361. Julian
363. Jovian
352. Liberius
357.
357.
342. Stephen
344. Leontius
357. Eudoxius
359.
361. Meletius
362.
342.
341.
Sardica
343. Philippopolis
344. Antioch
345. Milan
347. Sirmium
I
351. Sirmium
II
353. Arles
355. Milan
357. Sirmium
III
358. Ancyra
359. Sirmium
IV
Ariminum
Seleucia
360. CP
362. Alexandria
3 6 2 .
Laodicea??
363. Antioch
3 6 4 . Valentinian Valens
375. Gratian (d. 383)
Valentinian II. (d. 392)
3 7 9 . Theodosius
366. Damasus (d. 384)
366–7.
367.
373. Peter
370. Demophilus
Evagrius
364. Lampsacus
367. Tyana
The Civil and Military Government of Egypt in the Lifetime of Athanasius.
The name Egypt in the fourth century was applied firstly to the ‘diocese’ or group of
provinces governed by the Præfectus Ægypti or ‘Præfectus Augustalis,’ secondly to the Delta
or Ægyptus Propria, one of the provinces of which the diocese was made up. These provinces
(Ammian. Marc. XXII. xvi.) were originally three in number: Egypt proper, Libya, and the
Thebais. During our period they became five, firstly by the separation of the Eastern Delta
from Egypt proper under the name of Augustamnica in 341 (infr. pp. 130, 504, note 17a);
secondly by the subdivision of Libya (at an uncertain date) into Hither Libya (Libya ‘Inferior,’
or ‘Siccior’), and the Pentapolis or Libya Superior of which Ptolemais was the capital. At a
later date still the Heptanomis was separated from ‘Ægyptus’ under the name of Arcadia,
given in honour of the Emperor Arcadius. These then are the six provinces which make up
‘Egypt’ in the Notilia (shortly after a.d. 400). Each province, with the exception of Augustamnica,
whose governor enjoyed the title of ‘corrector,’ was under a præses (ἡγούμενος):
not one of the six was of consular rank. This regulation was due to the peculiar constitution
of the diocese or province of Egypt in the wider sense. At the head of this latter, and subordinate
in rank, though scarcely second in dignity, to the Comes Orientis, was the Prefect of
Egypt, who enjoyed an exceptional position among the greater provincial officers. He appears
to have been, at least in practice, directly under the Præfectus Prætorio per Orientem, the
supreme civil representative of ‘Augustus’ throughout the Eastern Empire. The title Præfectus
had in fact a different history as applied to the Prefect of the East and the Prefect of Egypt
respectively. As applied to the latter, it was as old as Augustus. The importance of Egypt,
mainly but not solely as a granary of Rome, had led the politic heir of Julius Cæsar to ensure
its complete and peculiar dependence on the emperor. For this object, its government was
committed to a nominee of the emperor, who must be not a Senator but an Eques only; i.e.
he must never have held one of the great offices of state from Consul to quæstor. No one
of senatorial rank was to be permitted to set foot in Egypt. (For the prerogatives of the
præfectus Ægypti under Augustus see Tacitus Ann. xii. 60. also Ulp. Digest. I. xvii.). This
arrangement survived the various vicissitudes of Egypt in the third century, and even the
reorganisation of the Empire by Diocletian. Egypt was severed off between 365 and 386
from the Eastern ‘Diocese’ (Sievers, p. 117, appealing to Mommsen in Abhandl. der Berliner
Akad. 1862). Upon the above facts was founded the (perhaps merely popular) title ‘Augustalis’
which we find already applied to the Prefect of Egypt about a.d. 350 (infr. p. 143, cf. p.
93 note). But Sievers (ubi supr.), following Mommsen, contends that there is reason to think
that the dignity of ‘Augustal’ Prefect was officially created about a.d. 367. This view cannot
From that document we learn that the prefect of ‘Egypt’ in the wider sense in almost every case held also the office of ‘governor’ of Egypt in the narrower sense. The exceptions noted by Sievers (§14) are in most cases based on the errors of Larsow. But in 365 Flavianus is ‘governor’ only, next year ‘Prefect’ also: his successors Proclianus and Tatianus are each ‘governor’ only (366–7), but the latter is Prefect in 368, and ‘governor’ only in 369–70, as also is Palladius, 370–371, who is yet succeeded by Olympius as ‘Prefect.’ These variations may be due merely to careless use of language, or possibly to some change about the time referred to.
The list of prefects of Egypt is fuller than any that exists for a Roman province over so long a period, and on the whole it is in the highest degree trustworthy. But there are one or two drawbacks to take account of. Firstly, there are the discrepancies between the Index iii., vi., vii., and the headings to the corresponding letters (see notes). Also, the heading to Letter x. presupposes a change of governor in the previous year of which the Index tells us nothing. Again, a letter of Julian’s (No. 23) is addressed to a ‘Hermogenes, governor of Egypt’ for whom it is difficult to find room in the following list at the date required (end of 361, when Gerontius was prefect). Julianus, uncle of the Emperor, if not disguised under the name Italicianus (see below), possibly ruled Egypt (Jul. Ep. 11), as Comes Orientis, which office he held in 362. On the other hand the Olympus of Index xxxiv., and the Ecdikius of Julian, Epp. 6, 50, and Cod. Theod. xv. i. 8, are probably one and the same (Sievers, p. 124).
The Military command of Egypt was now in the hand of the ‘dux,’ who had the disposal of the troops in Egypt proper; those of Libya and of the Thebais were, at any rate later on, entrusted to separate ‘duces.’ In the Notitia, while the two latter ‘duces’ remain, the Dux Ægypti is replaced by a higher official, entitled the ‘Comes Rei Militaris per Ægyptum.’ But this belongs to a later date. In the time of Athanasius ‘Counts’ appear in Egypt only as extraordinary or special commissioners whose authority is exercised concurrently with that of the Dux, as, e.g., Count Heraclianus or Heraclius (infr. pp. 290, 292), whose commission runs parallel with the command of the new ‘dux’ Sebastianus; and Count Asterius (p. 289), who was in Egypt when Felicissimus was ‘Duke.’
We now give a list of the governors and dukes of Egypt, with references to the Festal Index: these must also be supplemented by the general index to this volume:
(1) Prefect and Governor.
328, 329. Septimius Zenius (Index i., Heading i.).
330. Magninianus (Index ii., Heading ii.).
331. Hyginus (or ‘Eugenius,’ Index iii.), but Florentius (Heading iii.).
332. Hyginus (Heading iv. and Index iv.).
333. Paternus (Heading v. and Index v.).
334, 335. Paternus (Index), but Philagrius (Heading iv., v.).
336–7. Philagrius (Index viii., ix.).
338. Theodorus (Index x.), superseded by Philagrius (Heading x.).
339, 340. Philagrius (Index xi., xii., Heading xi.).
341–343. Longinus (Index xiii.–xv., Headings xiii., xiv., and cf. Cod. Th. XVI. ii. 10, 11, correcting date by Sievers, p. 114).
344. Palladius of Italy (Index xvi.).
345–352. Nestorius of Gaza (Index xvii.–xxiv., Headings xvii.–xx., also infr. pp. 218,
219, notes, U+0026c.).
353, 354. Sebastianus of Thrace (Index xxv., xxvi.).
355, 356. Maximus ‘the elder’ of Nicæa (Index xxvii., xxviii., and see pp. 246, 301).
356, 7. Cataphronius (Index xxviii., xxix.; he arrived on June 10, 356, see p. 290, note 9; also cf. Liban. Epp. 434, 435).
357–359. Parnassius (Index xxix., xxxi., cf. for the latter year Amm. Marc. XIX., xii.).
359. (For 3 months only) ‘Italicianus of Italy,’ perhaps for Julianus (so Siev., p. 121, cf. Index xxxi.).
359–361. Faustinus (Index xxxi.–xxxiii., cf. p. 291?).
361, 362. Gerontius (Index xxxiii., xxxiv., Liban. Epp. 294, 295, 547, 548).
362, 363. Ecdikius Olympus (Index xxxiv., xxxv., cf. remarks above).
364. Hierius or Aerius (Index xxxvi., Sievers, Leben des Libanius, Appendix A).
364. Maximus (Index ib., Liban. Ep. 1050, written in July or Aug.), for a short time only.
364–366. Flavianus (Index xxxvi., xxxviii., Liban. Ep. 569, supr. ch. v. §3, k).
366, 367. Proclianus (Index xxxviii., xxxix.).
367–370. Tatianus (Index xxxix., xlii., see Gibbon ch. xxix. and notes 6–8, for references).
370, 371. Olympius Palladius (Index xlii., xliii.).
371–373. Aelius Palladius (Index xliii.–xlv., Socr. iv. 21, U+0026c.). (2) Dux Ægypti.
Our materials for this list are very scanty, but we can verify the following:—
340 and 345. Balacius or Valacius (pp. 219, 273, U+0026c.).
350. Felicissimus (p. 289).
356. (Jan. and Feb.) Syrianus (Index xxviii., U+0026c.).
356. (Apparently after Midsummer, cf. p. 292 with 290.) Sebastianus (‘successor of Syrianus,’ Ep. Ammon. 21); he remains till after 358 (cf. Siev. p. 125 for references to letters of Libanius).
360. Artemius (‘succ. of Sebastianus,’ ib., Index xxxii., Letter 53. note 1).
365, 366. Victorinus (ch. v. §3, k).
367, 368. Traianus (Index xxxix., Sievers, pp. 146, sq.).
On the matters dealt with in this appendix, consult Mommsen, Provinces (Eng. Tra.), ii., pp. 233, 246; the Notitia (ed. Panciroli, Genev., 1623, Böcking, Bonn, 1839–1853, Seeck, Berlin, 1876); Gibbon, ch. xvii.; Marquardt, Röm. Staats-verwaltung, vol. i.; and Kuhn, Die städtische, U+0026c., Verfassung des R. Reiches, vol. ii.; also Sievers on the Hist. Aceph. (supr. ch. i., §3).
On the Egyptian bishoprics, see, in addition to Le Quien, a Coptic list of sees in De Rougé, Géographie de la Basse-Egypte, Paris, 1891, which came out too late to be used for this volume.
This treatise and that which follows it form in reality two parts of a single work. Jerome (De Script. Eccl.) refers to them as ‘Adversus Gentes Libri Duo.’ They are, however, more commonly distinguished by the titles given them in the present volume. Both books, indeed, are mainly directed against the Gentiles, but in the present treatise the refutation is carried out with more special reference to the beliefs and worship of the heathen. The two books belong to the earlier years of Athanasius. The Arian controversy which broke out (319 a.d.) probably before his twenty-second year has left no trace upon them (not even c. Gent. 46. 8, see note there). How long before the limit thus fixed the work was composed it is impossible to say with certainty. The hint (c. Gent. 9. 5) that the time for the deification of emperors by decree of the Senate might have come to an end points to the conversion of Constantine as a terminus a quo. And the full maturity of power which marks out the de Incarnatione as a masterpiece of Christian theology inclines us to put the composition as late as we can. Hence the date usually adopted, viz. in or shortly before 318 A.D., the twentyfirst year (probably) of Athanasius’ age.
The position of the book in relation to the general history of the theology of Athanasius and of the Church has been pointed out in the Prolegomena. It remains to sketch its argument, and tabulate its arrangement: a somewhat more extended summary is prefixed to each section.
His aim is to vindicate (§1) the Dignity and reasonableness of the Christian Faith. The
main vindication of the Faith is seen in its practical results. But, that these may produce
their proper effect, a removal of error from the mind is needed. Hence the necessity of refuting
idolatry, which is deduced from the same cause as evil in general, namely, the departure
of man from his original exemplar, the Logos (§§2–5). By the misuse of his power of conscious
choice, man fell (6–8) into the degradation and illusions (9–15) of idolatry. He then
examines the popular and learned pleas on behalf of idolatry (16–26), and thus arrives at
the central problem of the conception of God. That God is not Nature is shewn (27–29) by
the mutual dependence of the various constituents of the Universe: no one of these, therefore,
can be God: nor can their totality; for God is not compounded of parts on which He depends,
but is Himself the cause of existence to all. Such a God as this, the soul of man (30–33) can
and, if purified from sin, will (34) recognise; if her imperfections hinder this, the spectacle
of Reason and Order in the Universe (35–46) will assist her to recognise the handiwork of
God, and the presence of the Logos, and through him the Father. The reclamation and res-
Such is the general drift of the c. Gentes, and its high interest is beyond question. At the same time it may be admitted that to modern readers much of it fails to commend itself. In the two-fold work before us Athanasius ‘looks before and after.’ The second portion, on the Incarnation, waxes rather than wanes in its significance for modern theology. It is more modern to us than the theology of any generation since then. But the c. Gentes, with its retrospect upon a past utterly dead100 to the human spirit, its arguments addressed to a range of ideas widely remote from our own, its inadequate view of the genesis and history of heathen religions, its antiquated physics (36, 44, and the φυσικὸς λόγος of 39), its occasional glaring fallacies of argument (16 sub fin., 33. 1), is apt to disappoint the modern student who reads it for the first time. This may explain its not having been translated before now. But while the defects of the book are evident at a glance, it grows upon the reader with repeated study. The moral elevation of its tone,—the firm grasp of central Christian truths,—the sure insight in dealing with such problems as evil and sin,—the relation of God to Nature,—the ethical contrast of Christian theism and heathen polytheism,—the grave humour of such passages as 16. 5; 10. 4 fin.; II. 2 fin., U+0026c.,—and beyond all this a certain largeness of mind and simple unostentatious fervour of conviction, stamp the book as a great one, and as the worthy complement of its more renowned companion.
The two together ‘are, next to Origen’s de Principiis, the first attempt to construct a
scientific system of the Christian religion upon certain fundamental ideas of God and world,
sin and redemption; and they form the ripe fruit of the positive apology in the Greek Church.’
(Schaff, Nicene Christianity, p. 82.) The polemic against idolatry and heathen mythology
is common to the general class of Christian apologists, and is to be found in heathen writers
like Lucian and even Porphyry (letter to Anebo). But what distinguishes Athanasius from
previous apologists (excepting Origen) is the novel nature of his problem. The alliance
between philosophy and gross popular idolatry had given Christian apology a new task.
From Porphyry downwards (Porphyry himself was not consistent in this respect) the Neoplatonist
school, in alarm at the progress of Christianity, had taken up the defence of popular
paganism, endeavouring to subsume its grosser manifestations, its images, sacrifices, U+0026c.,
under philosophico-religious principles (infra §19, U+0026c.). The idea of ‘theurgy’ as the necessary
initiation into the higher life colours the teaching of Porphyry, but more strongly that of
his pupil Iamblichus, who died early in the fourth century, and whose pupils (Ædesius, U+0026c.)
were contemporaries of Athanasius. This degeneration of Platonism, however, went along
with the continued study of Plato, whose dialogues are to some extent common ground
It may be remarked finally that in these early treatises the influence of Origen and his school is more distinct than in the later works of Athanasius. Not to lay too much stress on his proof of God’s existence and unity from the Cosmos (cf. Orig. c. Cels. I. 23), the prominence of the philosophic doctrine of the Logos as a cosmic mediatorial Principle (compare Alexander’s μεσιτεύουσα φύσις μονογενής) stands in contrast with his later insistence (cf. Orat. ii. 24, sq.) on the directness of the personal agency of God (see also below, note on ‘In Illud’ 2). The Platonist idea of the Logos is utilised (de Incarn. 41) without sufficient explanation of its fundamental difference from the Christian doctrine. The influence of Origenism is traceable in his theory of the nature of evil as purely negative (cf. §5 with Orig. c. Cels. iv. 66), in the explanation (to which I recall nothing parallel in his later works) of the garden of Eden as figurative (2. 4, cf. 3. 3), the stress laid on the restoration of knowledge of God through the Logos, and perhaps in the deification of man through Christ (Orig. c. Cels. iii. 28 sub. fin.), a thought which Athanasius brings forward in his later at least as often as in his earlier writings (see note on de Incarn. 54. 3). On the whole, however, the tendency of Athanasius in the course of the Arian controversy is to move away from Origen and toward the Western habit of thought: this is especially exemplified in the history of the term Hypostasis (see above, Prolegg. chap. II. §3 (2) b, and below Introd. to Tom. ad Ant.; cf. also Introductions to de Sent. Dionys. and ad Afros). Some of the more characteristic speculations of Origen have left no trace even on the earliest works of Athanasius (see Introd. to the next Treatise). The translation (here as elsewhere, except where it is otherwise stated) is from the Benedictine text.
The contents of the contra Gentes fall into the following scheme:
Page
§1.Introduction. Statement of the purpose of the treatise.
§§2–29.FIRST PART. Refutation of Heathenism.
§§2–5. a. The nature of evil.
§2.(1) Not substantially, nor originally existent
§§3, 4. (2) Its history
§2.(3) Its essential nature, viz. a determination of will
§6. False views of evil refuted.
(1) Heathen: Evil natural
(2) Heretical: Dualism
§7.This latter refuted, and the doctrine of the Church stated b. Idolatry.
§§8–10. (1) Its history and varieties
§11, 12.(2) Immorality of its mytho- logies 10
§§13, 14. (3) Folly of image worship 11
§15.(4) Heathen deities, as pop- ularly represented, are not gods 12
§§16–22.c. Arguments in favour of heathenism considered.
§§16, 17.(1) ‘Immoral features due to the poets.’ But (a) they come to use with the same credential as the names and existence of the gods; (b) The poets more likely to have invented the divine than the human features of these beings.12
§18.(2) ‘The gods worshipped for beneficent inventions,’ U+0026c. But this is no title to deification.13
§19.(3) ‘Images (a) necessary to represent invisible beings, (b) a means of intercourse with the gods’14
§20–22. This refuted 14
§§23–26.d. Supplementary proofs against idolatry. (1) Variety of cults 16
(2) Human sacrifice. (3) The 17 gods the cause of moral corruption
e. Theism established against
philosophic pantheism.
§27.(1) No part of the universe identical with God. 18
§28.(2) The whole universe not identical with God 18
§29. (3) Nature and God distinct
§§30–34.SECOND PART. Knowledge of God Possible. The Soul 19
§30.(a) The soul of man akin to God (b) Proofs of its existence:20
§31. (1) Man and animals 20
(2) Objectivity of thought 20
§32. (3) Soul and body 21
§33. (c) Proofs of its immortality 21
§34.(d) The soul, the mirror of the Logos, can know God, at least through creation.22
§§35–44.THIRD PART. Nature a Revelation of God.
1. Nature a revelation:
§35–37. (a) Of God 22
§38, 39. (b) Of His Unity 24
§40.(c) Of the Reason or ‘Word’ 25 of God
§§41, 42.2. The cosmic function of 26 the Word, original and permanent
§§43, 44.Three similes to illustrate 27 this
§§45–47. CONCLUSION:— a. The teaching of Scripture on the subjects of Parts I. and III 28
b. Transition to the theme of the next treatise 29
§1. Introduction:—The purpose of the book a vindication of Christian doctrine, and especially of the Cross, against the scoffing objection of Gentiles. The effects of this doctrine its main vindication.
The knowledge of our religion and of the truth of things is independently manifest
rather than in need of human teachers, for almost day by day it asserts itself by facts, and
manifests itself brighter than the sun by the doctrine of Christ. 2. Still, as you nevertheless
desire to hear about it, Macarius101, come let us as we may be able set forth a few points of
the faith of Christ: able though you are to find it out from the divine oracles, but yet generously
desiring to hear from others as well. 3. For although the sacred and inspired Scriptures
are sufficient102 to declare the truth,—while there are other works of our blessed teachers103
compiled for this purpose, if he meet with which a man will gain some knowledge of the
interpretation of the Scriptures, and be able to learn what he wishes to know,—still, as we
have not at present in our hands the compositions of our teachers, we must communicate
in writing to you what we learned from them,—the faith, namely, of Christ the Saviour; lest
any should hold cheap the doctrine taught among us, or think faith in Christ unreasonable.
For this is what the Gentiles traduce and scoff at, and laugh loudly at us, insisting on the
one fact of the Cross of Christ; and it is just here that one must pity their want of sense, because
when they traduce the Cross of Christ they do not see that its power has filled all the
world, and that by it the effects of the knowledge of God are made manifest to all. 4. For
they would not have scoffed at such a fact, had they, too, been men who genuinely gave heed
to His divine Nature. On the contrary, they in their turn would have recognised this man
as Saviour of the world, and that the Cross has been not a disaster, but a healing of Creation.
5. For if after the Cross all idolatry was overthrown, while every manifestation of demons
is driven away by this Sign104, and Christ alone is worshipped and the Father known through
Him, and, while gainsayers are put to shame, He daily invisibly wins over the souls of these
gainsayers105,—how, one might fairly ask them, is it still open to us to regard the matter as
human, instead of confessing that He Who ascended the Cross is Word of God and Saviour
of the World? But these men seem to me quite as bad as one who should traduce the sun
§2. Evil no part of the essential nature of things. The original creation and constitution of man in grace and in the knowledge of God.
In the beginning wickedness did not exist. Nor indeed does it exist even now in those who are holy, nor does it in any way belong to their nature. But men later on began to contrive it and to elaborate it to their own hurt. Whence also they devised the invention of idols, treating what was not as though it were. 2. For God Maker of all and King of all, that has His Being beyond106 all substance and human discovery, inasmuch as He is good and exceeding noble, made, through His own Word our Saviour Jesus Christ, the human race after His own image, and constituted man able to see and know realities by means of this assimilation to Himself, giving him also a conception107 and knowledge even of His own eternity, in order that, preserving his nature intact, he might not ever either depart from his idea of God, nor recoil from the communion of the holy ones; but having the grace of Him that gave it, having also God’s own power from the Word of the Father, he might rejoice and have fellowship with the Deity, living the life of immortality unharmed and truly blessed. For having nothing to hinder his knowledge of the Deity, he ever beholds, by his purity, the Image of the Father, God the Word, after Whose image he himself is made. He is awe-struck as he contemplates that Providence108 which through the Word extends to the universe, being raised above the things of sense and every bodily appearance, but cleaving to the divine and thought-perceived things in the heavens by the power of his mind. 3. For when the mind of men does not hold converse with bodies, nor has mingled with it from without aught of their lust, but is wholly above them, dwelling with itself as it was made to begin with, then, transcending the things of sense and all things human, it is raised up on high; and seeing the Word, it sees in Him also the Father of the Word, taking pleasure in contemplating Him, and gaining renewal by its desire toward Him; 4. exactly as the first of men created, the one who was named Adam in Hebrew, is described in the Holy Scriptures as having at the beginning had his mind to God-ward in a freedom unembarrassed by shame, and as associating with the holy ones in that contemplation of things perceived by the mind which he enjoyed in the place where he was—the place which the holy Moses called in figure a Garden. So purity of soul is sufficient of itself to reflect God, as the Lord also says, “Blessed are the pure in heart, for they shall see God.”
§3. The decline of man from the above condition, owing to his absorption in material things.
Thus then, as we have said, the Creator fashioned the race of men, and thus meant it to remain. But men, making light of better things, and holding back from apprehending them, began to seek in preference things nearer to themselves. 2. But nearer to themselves were the body and its senses; so that while removing their mind from the things perceived by thought, they began to regard themselves; and so doing, and holding to the body and the other things of sense, and deceived as it were in their own surroundings, they fell into lust of themselves, preferring what was their own to the contemplation of what belonged to God. Having then made themselves at home in these things, and not being willing to leave what was so near to them, they entangled their soul with bodily pleasures, vexed and turbid with all kind of lusts, while they wholly forgot the power they originally had from God. 3. But the truth of this one may see from the man who was first made, according to what the holy Scriptures tell us of him. For he also, as long as he kept his mind to God, and the contemplation of God, turned away from the contemplation of the body. But when, by counsel of the serpent, he departed from the consideration of God, and began to regard himself, then they not only fell to bodily lust, but knew that they were naked, and knowing, were ashamed. But they knew that they were naked, not so much of clothing as that they were become stripped of the contemplation of divine things, and had transferred their understanding to the contraries. For having departed from the consideration of the one and the true, namely, God, and from desire of Him, they had thenceforward embarked in divers lusts and in those of the several bodily senses. 4. Next, as is apt to happen, having formed a desire for each and sundry, they began to be habituated to these desires, so that they were even afraid to leave them: whence the soul became subject to cowardice and alarms, and pleasures and thoughts of mortality. For not being willing to leave her lusts, she fears death and her separation from the body. But again, from lusting, and not meeting with gratification, she learned to commit murder and wrong. We are then led naturally to shew, as best we can, how she does this.
§4. The gradual abasement of the Soul from Truth to Falsehood by the abuse of her freedom of Choice.
Having departed from the contemplation of the things of thought, and using to the full the several activities of the body, and being pleased with the contemplation of the body, and seeing that pleasure is good for her, she was misled and abused the name of good, and thought that pleasure was the very essence of good: just as though a man out of his mind and asking for a sword to use against all he met, were to think that soundness of mind. 2. But having fallen in love with pleasure, she began to work it out in various ways. For being by nature mobile, even though she have turned away from what is good, yet she does not lose her mobility. She moves then, no longer according to virtue or so as to see God, but imagining false things, she makes a novel use of her power, abusing it as a means to the pleasures she has devised, since she is after all made with power over herself. 3. For she is able, as on the one hand to incline to what is good, so on the other to reject it; but in rejecting the good she of course entertains the thought of what is opposed to it, for she cannot at all cease from movement, being, as I said before, mobile by nature. And knowing her own power over herself, she sees that she is able to use the members of her body in either direction, both toward what is, or toward what is not. 4. But good is, while evil is not; by what is, then, I mean what is good, inasmuch as it has its pattern in God Who is. But by what is not I mean what is evil, in so far as it consists in a false imagination in the thoughts of men. For though the body has eyes so as to see Creation, and by its entirely harmonious construction to recognise the Creator; and ears to listen to the divine oracles and the laws of God; and hands both to perform works of necessity and to raise to God in prayer; yet the soul, departing from the contemplation of what is good and from moving in its sphere, wanders away and moves toward its contraries. 5. Then seeing, as I said before, and abusing her power, she has perceived that she can move the members of the body also in an opposite way: and so, instead of beholding the Creation, she turns the eye to lusts, shewing that she has this power too; and thinking that by the mere fact of moving she is maintaining her own dignity, and is doing no sin in doing as she pleases; not knowing that she is made not merely to move, but to move in the right direction. For this is why an apostolic utterance assures us “All things are lawful, but not all things are expedient109.”
§5. Evil, then consists essentially in the choice of what is lower in preference to what is higher.
But the audacity of men, having regard not to what is expedient and becoming, but to what is possible for it, began to do the contrary; whence, moving their hands to the contrary, it made them commit murder, and led away their hearing to disobedience, and their other members to adultery instead of to lawful procreation; and the tongue, instead of right speaking, to slander and insult and perjury; the hands again, to stealing and striking fellowmen; and the sense of smell to many sorts of lascivious odours; the feet, to be swift to shed blood, and the belly to drunkenness and insatiable gluttony110. 2. All of which things are a vice and sin of the soul: neither is there any cause of them at all, but only the rejection of better things. For just as if a charioteer111, having mounted his chariot on the race-course, were to pay no attention to the goal, toward which he should be driving, but, ignoring this, simply were to drive the horse as he could, or in other words as he would, and often drive against those he met, and often down steep places, rushing wherever he impelled himself by the speed of the team, thinking that thus running he has not missed the goal,—for he regards the running only, and does not see that he has passed wide of the goal;—so the soul too, turning from the way toward God, and driving the members of the body beyond what is proper, or rather, driven herself along with them by her own doing, sins and makes mischief for herself, not seeing that she has strayed from the way, and has swerved from the goal of truth, to which the Christ-bearing man, the blessed Paul, was looking when he said, “I press on toward the goal unto the prize of the high calling of Christ Jesus112:” so that the holy man, making the good his mark, never did what was evil.
§6. False views of the nature of evil: viz., that evil is something in the nature of things, and has substantive existence. (a) Heathen thinkers: (evil resides in matter). Their refutation. (b) Heretical teachers: (Dualism). Refutation from Scripture.
Now certain of the Greeks, having erred from the right way, and not having known Christ, have ascribed to evil a substantive and independent existence. In this they make a double mistake: either in denying the Creator to be maker of all things, if evil had an independent subsistence and being of its own; or again, if they mean that He is maker of all things, they will of necessity admit Him to be maker of evil also. For evil, according to them, is included among existing things. 2. But this must appear paradoxical and impossible. For evil does not come from good, nor is it in, or the result of, good, since in that case it would not be good, being mixed in its nature or a cause of evil. 3. But the sectaries, who have fallen away from the teaching of the Church, and made shipwreck concerning the Faith113, they also wrongly think that evil has a substantive existence. But they arbitrarily imagine another god besides the true One, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that he is the unmade producer of evil and the head of wickedness, who is also artificer of Creation. But these men one can easily refute, not only from the divine Scriptures, but also from the human understanding itself, the very source of these their insane imaginations. 4. To begin with, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ says in His own gospels confirming the words of Moses: “The Lord God is one;” and “I thank thee, Father, Lord of heaven and earth114.” But if God is one, and at the same time Lord of heaven and earth, how could there be another God beside Him? or what room will there be for the God whom they suppose, if the one true God fills all things in the compass of heaven and earth? or how could there be another creator of that, whereof, according to the Saviour’s utterance, the God and Father of Christ is Himself Lord? 5. Unless indeed they would say that it were, so to speak, in an equipoise, and the evil god capable of getting the better of the good God. But if they say this, see to what a pitch of impiety they descend. For when powers are equal, the superior and better cannot be discovered. For if the one exist even if the other will it not, both are equally strong and equally weak equally, because the very existence of either is a defeat of the other’s will: weak, because what happens is counter to their wills: for while the good God exists in spite of the evil one, the evil god exists equally in spite of the good.
§7. Refutation of dualism from reason. Impossibility of two Gods. The truth as to evil is that which the Church teaches: that it originates, and resides, in the perverted choice of the darkened soul.
More especially, they are exposed to the following reply. If visible things are the work of the evil god, what is the work of the good God? for nothing is to be seen except the work of the Artificer. Or what evidence is there that the good God exists at all, if there are no works of His by which He may be known? for by his works the artificer is known. 2. Or how could two principles exist, contrary one to another: or what is it that divides them, for them to exist apart? For it is impossible for them to exist together, because they are mutually destructive. But neither can the one be included in the other, their nature being unmixed and unlike. Accordingly that which divides them will evidently be of a third nature, and itself God. But of what nature could this third something be? good or evil? It will be impossible to determine, for it cannot be of the nature of both. 3. This conceit of theirs, then, being evidently rotten, the truth of the Church’s theology must be manifest: that evil has not from the beginning been with God or in God, nor has any substantive existence; but that men, in default of the vision of good, began to devise and imagine for themselves what was not, after their own pleasure. 4. For as if a man, when the sun is shining, and the whole earth illumined by his light, were to shut fast his eyes and imagine darkness where no darkness exists, and then walk wandering as if in darkness, often falling and going down steep places, thinking it was dark and not light,—for, imagining that he sees, he does not see at all;—so, too, the soul of man, shutting fast her eyes, by which she is able to see God, has imagined evil for herself, and moving therein, knows not that, thinking she is doing something, she is doing nothing. For she is imagining what is not, nor is she abiding in her original nature; but what she is is evidently the product of her own disorder. 5. For she is made to see God, and to be enlightened by Him; but of her own accord in God’s stead she has sought corruptible things and darkness, as the Spirit says somewhere in writing, “God made man upright, but they have sought out many inventions115.” Thus it has been then that men from the first discovered and contrived and imagined evil for themselves. But it is now time to say how they came down to the madness of idolatry, that you may know that the invention of idols is wholly due, not to good but to evil. But what has its origin in evil can never be pronounced good in any point,—being evil altogether.
§8. The origin of idolatry is similar. The soul, materialised by forgetting God, and engrossed in earthly things, makes them into gods. The race of men descends into a hopeless depth of delusion and superstition.
Now the soul of mankind, not satisfied with the devising of evil, began by degrees to venture upon what is worse still. For having experience of diversities of pleasures, and girt about with oblivion of things divine; being pleased moreover and having in view the passions of the body, and nothing but things present and opinions about them, ceased to think that anything existed beyond what is seen, or that anything was good save things temporal and bodily; so turning away and forgetting that she was in the image of the good God, she no longer, by the power which is in her, sees God the Word after whose likeness she is made; but having departed from herself, imagines and feigns what is not. 2. For hiding, by the complications of bodily lusts, the mirror which, as it were, is in her, by which alone she had the power of seeing the Image of the Father, she no longer sees what a soul ought to behold, but is carried about by everything, and only sees the things which come under the senses. Hence, weighted with all fleshly desire, and distracted among the impressions of these things, she imagines that the God Whom her understanding has forgotten is to be found in bodily and sensible things, giving to things seen the name of God, and glorifying only those things which she desires and which are pleasant to her eyes. 3. Accordingly, evil is the cause which brings idolatry in its train; for men, having learned to contrive evil, which is no reality in itself, in like manner feigned for themselves as gods beings that had no real existence. Just, then, as though a man had plunged into the deep, and no longer saw the light, nor what appears by light, because his eyes are turned downwards, and the water is all above him; and, perceiving only the things in the deep, thinks that nothing exists beside them, but that the things he sees are the only true realities; so the men of former time, having lost their reason, and plunged into the lusts and imaginations of carnal things, and forgotten the knowledge and glory of God, their reasoning being dull, or rather following unreason, made gods for themselves of things seen, glorifying the creature rather than the Creator116, and deifying the works rather than the Master, God, their Cause and Artificer. 4. But just as, according to the above simile, men who plunge into the deep, the deeper they go down, advance into darker and deeper places, so it is with mankind. For they did not keep to idolatry in a simple form, nor did they abide in that with which they began; but the longer they went on in their first condition, the more new superstitions they invented: and, not satiated with the first evils, they again filled themselves. with others, advancing further in utter shamefulness, and surpassing themselves in impiety. But to this the divine Scripture testifies when it says, “When the wicked cometh unto the depth of evils, he despiseth117.”
§9. The various developments of idolatry: worship of the heavenly bodies, the elements, natural objects, fabulous creatures, personified lusts, men living and dead. The case of Antinous, and of the deified Emperors.
For now the understanding of mankind leaped asunder from God; and going lower in
their ideas and imaginations, they gave the honour due to God first to the heaven and the
sun and moon and the stars, thinking them to be not only gods, but also the causes of the
other gods lower than themselves118. Then, going yet lower in their dark imaginations, they
gave the name of gods to the upper æther and the air and the things in the air. Next, advancing
further in evil, they came to celebrate as gods the elements and the principles of which
bodies are composed, heat and cold and dryness and wetness. 2. But just as they who have
fallen flat creep in the slime like land-snails, so the most impious of mankind, having fallen
lower and lower from the idea of God, then set up as gods men, and the forms of men, some
still living, others even after their death. Moreover, counselling and imagining worse things
still, they transferred the divine and supernatural name of God at last even to stones and
stocks, and creeping things both of land and water, and irrational wild beasts, awarding to
them every divine honour, and turning from the true and only real God, the Father of Christ.
3. But would that even there the audacity of these foolish men had stopped short, and that
they had not gone further yet in impious self-confusion. For to such a depth have some
fallen in their understanding, to such darkness of mind, that they have even devised for
themselves, and made gods of things that have no existence at all, nor any place among
things created. For mixing up the rational with the irrational, and combining things unlike
in nature, they worship the result as gods, such as the dog-headed and snake-headed and
ass-headed gods among the Egyptians, and the ram-headed Ammon among the Libyans.
While others, dividing apart the portions of men’s bodies, head, shoulder, hand, and foot,
have set up each as gods and deified them, as though their religion were not satisfied with
the whole body in its integrity. 4. But others, straining impiety to the utmost, have deified
the motive of the invention of these things and of their own wickedness, namely, pleasure
and lust, and worship them, such as their Eros, and the Aphrodite at Paphos. While some
of them, as if vying with them in depravation, have ventured to erect into gods their rulers
or even their sons, either out of honour for their princes, or from fear of their tyranny, such
as the Cretan Zeus, of such renown among them, and the Arcadian Hermes; and among
§10. Similar human origin of the Greek gods, by decree of Theseus. The process by which mortals became deified.
But this custom is not a new one, nor did it begin from the Roman Senate: on the contrary,
it had existed previously from of old, and was formerly practised for the devising of
idols. For the gods renowned from of old among the Greeks, Zeus, Poseidon, Apollo, Hephæstus,
Hermes, and, among females, Hera and Demeter and Athena and Artemis, were
decreed the title of gods by the order of Theseus, of whom Greek history tells us121; and so
the men who pass such decrees die like men and are mourned for, while those in whose favour
they are passed are worshipped as gods. What a height of inconsistency and madness!
knowing who passed the decree, they pay greater honour to those who are the subjects of
it. 2. And would that their idolatrous madness had stopped short at males, and that they
had not brought down the title of deity to females. For even women, whom it is not safe to
admit to deliberation about public affairs, they worship and serve with the honour due to
God, such as those enjoined by Theseus as above stated, and among the Egyptians122 Isis
and the Maid and the Younger one123, and among others Aphrodite. For the names of the
others I do not consider it modest even to mention, full as they are of all kind of grotesqueness.
3. For many, not only in ancient times but in our own also, having lost their beloved
ones, brothers and kinsfolk and wives; and many women who had lost their husbands, all
of whom nature proved to be mortal men, made representations of them and devised sacrifices,
and consecrated them; while later ages, moved by the figure and the brilliancy of the
artist, worshipped them as gods, thus falling into inconsistency with nature124. For whereas
their parents had mourned for them, not regarding them as gods (for had they known them
to be gods they would not have lamented them as if they had perished; for this was why they
represented them in an image, namely, because they not only did not think them gods, but
did not believe them to exist at all, and in order that the sight of their form in the image
might console them for their being no more), yet the foolish people pray to them as gods
and invest them with the honour of the true God. 4. For example, in Egypt, even to this day,
§11. The deeds of heathen deities, and particularly of Zeus.
But of these and such like inventions of idolatrous madness, Scripture taught us beforehand long ago, when it said127, “The devising of idols was the beginning of fornication, and the invention of them, the corruption of life. For neither were they from the beginning, neither shall they be for ever. For the vainglory of men they entered into the world, and therefore shall they come shortly to an end. For a father afflicted with untimely mourning when he hath made an image of his child soon taken away, now honoured him as a god which was then a dead man, and delivered to those that were under him ceremonies and sacrifices. Thus in process of time an ungodly custom grown strong was kept as a law. And graven images were worshipped by the commands of kings. Whom men could not honour in presence because they dwelt afar off, they took the counterfeit of his visage from afar, and made an express image of the king whom they honoured, to the end that by this their forwardness they might flatter him that was absent as if he were present. Also the singular diligence of the artificer did help to set forward the ignorant to more superstition: for he, peradventure, willing to please one in authority, forced all his skill to make the resemblance of the best fashion: and so the multitude, allured by the grace of the work, took him now for a god, which a little before was but honoured as a man: and this was an occasion to deceive the world, for men serving either calamity or tyranny, did ascribe unto stones and stocks the incommunicable Name.” 2. The beginning and devising of the invention of idols having been, as Scripture witnesses, of such sort, it is now time to shew thee the refutation of it by proofs derived not so much from without as from these men’s own opinions about the idols. For to begin at the lowest point, if one were to take the actions of them they call gods, one would find that they were not only no gods, but had been even of men the most contemptible. For what a thing it is to see the loves and licentious actions of Zeus in the poets! What a thing to hear of him, on the one hand carrying off Ganymede and committing stealthy adulteries, on the other in panic and alarm lest the walls of the Trojans should be destroyed against his intentions! What a thing to see him in grief at the death of his son Sarpedon, and wishing to succour him without being able to do so, and, when plotted against by the other so-called gods, namely, Athena and Hera and Poseidon, succoured by Thetis, a woman, and by Ægaeon of the hundred hands, and overcome by pleasures, a slave to women, and for their sakes running adventures in disguises consisting of brute beasts and creeping things and birds; and again, in hiding on account of his father’s designs upon him, or Cronos bound by him, or him again mutilating his father! Why, is it fitting to regard as a god one who has perpetrated such deeds, and who stands accused of things which not even the public laws of the Romans allow those to do who are merely men?
§12. Other shameful actions ascribed to heathen deities. All prove that they are but men of former times, and not even good men.
For, to mention a few instances out of many to avoid prolixity, who that saw his lawless and corrupt conduct toward Semele, Leda, Alcmene, Artemis, Leto, Maia, Europe, Danae, and Antiope, or that saw what he ventured to take in hand with regard to his own sister, in having the same woman as wife and sister, would not scorn him and pronounce him worthy of death? For not only did he commit adultery, but he deified and raised to heaven those born of his adulteries, contriving the deification as a veil for his lawlessness: such as Dionysus, Heracles, the Dioscuri, Hermes, Perseus, and Soteira. 2. Who, that sees the so-called gods at irreconcileable strife among themselves at Troy on account of the Greeks and Trojans, will fail to recognise their feebleness, in that because of their mutual jealousies they egged on even mortals to strife? Who, that sees Ares and Aphrodite wounded by Diomed, or Hera and Aïdoneus from below the earth, whom they call a god, wounded by Heracles, Dionysus by Perseus, Athena by Arcas, and Hephæstus hurled down and going lame, will not recognise their real nature, and, while refusing to call them gods, be assured (when he hears that they are corruptible and passible) that they are nothing but men128, and feeble men too, and admire those that inflicted the wounds rather than the wounded? 3. Or who that sees the adultery of Ares with Aphrodite, and Hephæstus contriving a snare for the two, and the other so-called gods called by Hephæstus to view the adultery, and coming and seeing their licentiousness, would not laugh and recognise their worthless character? Or who would not laugh at beholding the drunken folly and misconduct of Heracles toward Omphale? For their deeds of pleasure, and their unconscionable loves, and their divine images in gold, silver, bronze, iron, stone, and wood, we need not seriously expose by argument, since the facts are abominable in themselves, and are enough taken alone to furnish proof of the deception; so that one’s principal feeling is pity for those deceived about them. 4. For, hating the adulterer who tampers with a wife of their own, they are not ashamed to deify the teachers of adultery; and refraining from incest themselves they worship those who practise it; and admitting that the corrupting of children is an evil, they serve those who stand accused of it and do not blush to ascribe to those they call gods things which the laws forbid to exist even among men.
§13. The folly of image worship and its dishonour to art.
Again, in worshipping things of wood and stone, they do not see that, while they tread under foot and burn what is in no way different, they call portions of these materials gods. And what they made use of a little while ago, they carve and worship in their folly, not seeing, nor at all considering that they are worshipping, not gods, but the carver’s art. 2. For so long as the stone is uncut and the wood unworked, they walk upon the one and make frequent use of the other for their own purposes, even for those which are less honourable. But when the artist has invested them with the proportions of his own skill, and impressed upon the material the form of man or woman, then, thanking the artist, they proceed to worship them as gods, having bought them from the carver at a price. Often, moreover, the image-maker, as though forgetting the work he has done himself, prays to his own productions, and calls gods what just before he was paring and chipping. 3. But it were better, if need to admire these things, to ascribe it to the art of the skilled workman, and not to honour productions in preference to their producer. For it is not the material that has adorned the art, but the art that has adorned and deified the material. Much juster were it, then, for them to worship the artist than his productions, both because his existence was prior to that of the gods produced by art, and because they have come into being in the form he pleased to give them. But as it is, setting justice aside, and dishonouring skill and art, they worship the products of skill and art, and when the man is dead that made them, they honour his works as immortal, whereas if they did not receive daily attention they would certainly in time come to a natural end. 4. Or how could one fail to pity them in this also, in that seeing, they worship them that cannot see, and hearing, pray to them that cannot hear, and born with life and reason, men as they are, call gods things which do not move at all, but have not even life, and, strangest of all, in that they serve as their masters beings whom they themselves keep under their own power? Nor imagine that this is a mere statement of mine, nor that I am maligning them; for the verification of all this meets the eyes, and whoever wishes to do so may see the like.
§14. Image worship condemned by Scripture.
But better testimony about all this is furnished by Holy Scripture, which tells us beforehand when it says129, “Their idols are silver and gold, the work of men’s hands. Eyes have they and will not see; a mouth have they and will not speak; ears have they and will not hear; noses have they and will not smell; hands have they and will not handle; feet have they and will not walk; they will not speak through their throat. Like unto them be they that make them.” Nor have they escaped prophetic censure; for there also is their refutation, where the Spirit says130, “they shall be ashamed that have formed a god, and carved all of them that which is vain: and all by whom they were made are dried up: and let the deaf ones among men all assemble and stand up together, and let them be confounded and put to shame together; for the carpenter sharpened iron, and worked it with an adze, and fashioned it with an auger, and set it up with the arm of his strength: and he shall hunger and be faint, and drink no water. For the carpenter chose out wood, and set it by a rule, and fashioned it with glue, and made it as the form of a man and as the beauty of man, and set it up in his house, wood which he had cut from the grove and which the Lord planted, and the rain gave it growth that it might be for men to burn, and that he might take thereof and warm himself, and kindle, and bake bread upon it, but the residue they made into gods, and worshipped them, the half whereof they had burned in the fire. And upon the half thereof he roasted flesh and ate and was filled, and was warmed and said: ‘It is pleasant to me, because I am warmed and have seen the fire.’ But the residue thereof he worshipped, saying, ‘Deliver me for thou art my god.’ They knew not nor understood, because their eyes were dimmed that they could not see, nor perceive with their heart; nor did he consider in his heart nor know in his understanding that he had burned half thereof in the fire, and baked bread upon the coals thereof, and roasted flesh and eaten it, and made the residue thereof an abomination, and they worship it. Know that their heart is dust and they are deceived, and none can deliver his soul. Behold and will ye not say, ‘There is a lie in my right hand?’” 2. How then can they fail to be judged godless by all, who even by the divine Scripture are accused of impiety? or how can they be anything but miserable, who are thus openly convicted of worshipping dead things instead of the truth? or what kind of hope have they? or what kind of excuse could be made for them, trusting in things without sense or movement, which they reverence in place of the true God?
§15. The details about the gods conveyed in the representations of them by poets and artists shew that they are without life, and that they are not gods, nor even decent men and women.
For would that the artist would fashion the gods even without shape, so that they might not be open to so manifest an exposure of their lack of sense. For they might have cajoled the perception of simple folk to think the idols had senses, were it not that they possess the symbols of the senses, eyes for example and noses and ears and hands and mouth, without any gesture of actual perception and grasp of the objects of sense. But as a matter of fact they have these things and have them not, stand and stand not, sit and sit not. For they have not the real action of these things, but as their fashioner pleased, so they remain stationary, giving no sign of a god, but evidently mere inanimate objects, set there by man’s art. 2. Or would that the heralds and prophets of these false gods, poets I mean and writers, had simply written that they were gods, and not also recounted their actions as an exposure of their godlessness and scandalous life. For by the mere name of godhead they might have filched away the truth, or rather have caused the mass of men to err from the truth. But as it is, by narrating the loves and immoralities of Zeus, and the corruptions of youths by the other gods, and the voluptuous jealousies of the females, and the fears and acts of cowardice and other wickednesses, they merely convict themselves of narrating not merely about no gods, but not even about respectable men, but on the contrary, of telling tales about shameful persons far removed from what is honourable.
§16. Heathen arguments in palliation of the above: and (1) ‘the poets are responsible for these unedifying tales.’ But are the names and existence of the gods any better authenticated? Both stand or fall together. Either the actions must be defended or the deity of the gods given up. And the heroes are not credited with acts inconsistent with their nature, as, on this plea, the gods are.
But perhaps, as to all this, the impious will appeal to the peculiar style of poets, saying
that it is the peculiarity of poets to feign what is not, and, for the pleasure of their hearers,
to tell fictitious tales; and that for this reason they have composed the stories about gods.
But this pretext of theirs, even more than any other, will appear to be superficial from what
they themselves think and profess about these matters. 2. For if what is said in the poets is
fictitious and false, even the nomenclature of Zeus, Cronos, Hera, Ares and the rest must
be false. For perhaps, as they say, even the names are fictitious, and, while no such being
exists as Zeus, Cronos, or Ares, the poets feign their existence to deceive their hearers. But
if the poets feign the existence of unreal beings, how is it that they worship them as though
they existed? 3. Or perhaps, once again, they will say that while the names are not fictitious,
they ascribe to them fictitious actions. But even this is equally precarious as a defence. For
if they made up the actions, doubtless also they made up the names, to which they attributed
the actions. Or if they tell the truth about the names, it follows that they tell the truth about
the actions too. In particular, they who have said in their tales that these are gods certainly
know how gods ought to act, and would never ascribe to gods the ideas of men, any more
than one would ascribe to water the properties of fire; for fire burns, whereas the nature of
water on the contrary is cold. 4. If then the actions are worthy of gods, they that do them
must be gods; but if they are actions of men, and of disreputable men, such as adultery and
the acts mentioned above, they that act in such ways must be men and not gods. For their
deeds must correspond to their natures, so that at once the actor may be made known by
his act, and the action may be ascertainable from his nature. So that just as a man discussing
about water and fire, and declaring their action, would not say that water burned and fire
cooled, nor, if a man were discoursing about the sun and the earth, would he say the earth
gave light, while the sun was sown with herbs and fruits, but if he were to say so would exceed
the utmost height of madness, so neither would their writers, and especially the most eminent
poet of all, if they really knew that Zeus and the others were gods, invest them with such
actions as shew them to be not gods, but rather men, and not sober men. 5. Or if, as poets,
they told falsehoods, and you are maligning them, why did they not also tell falsehoods
about the courage of the heroes, and feign feebleness in the place of courage, and courage
in that of feebleness? For they ought in that case, as with Zeus and Hera, so also to slanderously
accuse Achilles of want of courage, and to celebrate the might of Thersites, and, while
charging Odysseus with dulness, to make out Nestor a reckless person, and to narrate effeminate
actions of Diomed and Hector, and manly deeds of Hecuba. For the fiction and false-
§17. The truth probably is, that the scandalous tales are true, while the divine attributes ascribed to them are due to the flattery of the poets.
What inference then is left to us, save that while the panegyrics are false and flattering, the actions told of them are true? And the truth of this one can ascertain by common practice. For nobody who pronounces a panegyric upon anyone accuses his conduct at the same time, but rather, if men’s actions are disgraceful, they praise them up with panegyrics, on account of the scandal they cause, so that by extravagant praise they may impose upon their hearers, and hide the misconduct of the others. 2. Just as if a man who has to pronounce a panegyric upon someone cannot find material for it in their conduct or in any personal qualities, on account of the scandal attaching to these, he praises them up in another manner, flattering them with what does not belong to them, so have their marvellous poets, put out of countenance by the scandalous actions of their so-called gods, attached to them the superhuman title, not knowing that they cannot by their superhuman fancies veil their human actions, but that they will rather succeed in shewing, by their human shortcomings, that the attributes of God do not fit them. 3. And I am disposed to think that they have recounted the passions and the actions of the gods even in spite of themselves. For since they were endeavouring to invest with what Scripture calls the incommunicable name and honour of131 God them that are no gods but mortal men, and since this venture of theirs was great and impious, for this reason even against their will they were forced by truth to set forth the passions of these persons, so that their passions recorded in the writings concerning them might be in evidence for all posterity as a proof that they were no gods.
§18. Heathen defence continued. (2) ‘The gods are worshipped for having invented the Arts of Life.’ But this is a human and natural, not a divine, achievement. And why, on this principle, are not all inventors deified?
What defence, then, what proof that these are real gods, can they offer who hold this superstition? For, by what has been said just above, our argument has demonstrated them to be men, and not respectable men. But perhaps they will turn to another argument, and proudly appeal to the things useful to life discovered by them, saying that the reason why they regard them as gods is their having been of use to mankind. For Zeus is said to have possessed the plastic art, Poseidon that of the pilot, Hephæstus the smith’s, Athena that of weaving, Apollo that of music, Artemis that of hunting, Hera dressmaking, Demeter agriculture, and others other arts, as those who inform us about them have related. 2. But men ought to ascribe them and such like arts not to the gods alone but to the common nature of mankind, for by observing nature132 men discover the arts. For even common parlance calls art an imitation of nature. If then they have been skilled in the arts they pursued, that is no reason for thinking them gods, but rather for thinking them men; for the arts were not their creation, but in them they, like others, imitated nature. 3. For men having a natural capacity for knowledge according to the definition laid down133 concerning them, there is nothing to surprise us if by human intelligence, and by looking of themselves at their own nature and coming to know it, they have hit upon the arts. Or if they say that the discovery of the arts entitles them to be proclaimed as gods, it is high time to proclaim as gods the discoverers of the other arts on the same grounds as the former were thought worthy of such a title. For the Phoenicians invented letters, Homer epic poetry, Zeno of Elea dialectic, Corax of Syracuse rhetoric, Aristæus bee-keeping, Triptolemus the sowing of corn, Lycurgus of Sparta and Solon of Athens laws; while Palamedes discovered the arrangement of letters, and numbers, and measures and weights. And others imparted various other things useful for the life of mankind, according to the testimony of our historians. 4. If then the arts make gods, and because of them carved gods exist, it follows, on their shewing, that those who at a later date discovered the other arts must be gods. Or if they do not deem these worthy of divine honour, but recognise that they are men, it were but consistent not to give even the name of gods to Zeus, Hera, and the others, but to believe that they too have been human beings, and all the more so, inasmuch as they were not even respectable in their day; just as by the very fact of sculpturing their form in statues they shew that they are nothing else but men.
§19. The inconsistency of image worship. Arguments in palliation. (1) The divine nature must be expressed in a visible sign. (2) The image a means of supernatural communications to men through angels.
For what other form do they give them by sculpture but that of men and women and
of creatures lower yet and of irrational nature, all manner of birds, beasts both tame and
wild, and creeping things, whatsoever land and sea and the whole realm of the waters produce?
For men having fallen into the unreasonableness of their passions and pleasures, and
unable to see anything beyond pleasures and lusts of the flesh, inasmuch as they keep their
mind in the midst of these irrational things, they imagined the divine principle to be in irrational
things, and carved a number of gods to match the variety of their passions. 2. For
there are with them images of beasts and creeping things and birds, as the interpreter of the
divine and true religion says, “They became vain in their reasonings, and their senseless
heart was darkened. Professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the
glory of the incorruptible God for the likeness of an image of corruptible man, and of birds
and four-footed beasts and creeping things, wherefore God gave them up unto vile passions.”
For having previously infected their soul, as I said above, with the irrationalities of pleasures,
they then came down to this making of gods; and, once fallen, thenceforward as though
abandoned in their rejection of God, thus they wallow134 in them, and portray God, the
Father of the Word, in irrational shapes. 3. As to which those who pass for philosophers
and men of knowledge135 among the Greeks, while driven to admit that their visible gods
are the forms and figures of men and of irrational objects, say in defence that they have such
things to the end that by their means the deity may answer them and be made manifest;
because otherwise they could not know the invisible God, save by such statues and rites. 4.
While those136 who profess to give still deeper and more philosophical reasons than these
say, that the reason of idols being prepared and fashioned is for the invocation and manifestation
of divine angels and powers, that appearing by these means they may teach men
concerning the knowledge of God; and that they serve as letters for men, by referring to
which they may learn to apprehend God, from the manifestation of the divine angels effected
by their means. Such then is their mythology,—for far be it from us to call it a theology. But
§20. But where does this supposed virtue of the image reside? in the material, or in the form, or in the maker’s skill? Untenability of all these views.
For one might reply to them, bringing the case before the tribunal of truth, How does God make answer or become known by such objects? Is it due to the matter of which they consist, or to the form which they possess? For if it be due to the matter, what need is there of the form, instead of God manifesting Himself through all matter without exception before these things were fashioned? And in vain have they built their temples to shut in a single stone, or stock, or piece of gold, when all the world is full of these substances. 2. But if the superadded form be the cause of the divine manifestation, what is the need of the material, gold and the rest, instead of God manifesting Himself by the actual natural animals of which the images are the figures? For the opinion held about God would on the same principle have been a nobler one, were He to manifest Himself by means of living animals, whether rational or irrational, instead of being looked for in things without life or motion. 3. Wherein they commit the most signal impiety against themselves. For while they abominate and turn from the real animals, beasts, birds, and creeping things, either because of their ferocity or because of their dirtiness, yet they carve their forms in stone, wood, or gold, and make them gods. But it would be better for them to worship the living things themselves, rather than to worship their figures in stone. 4. But perhaps neither is the case, nor is either the material or the form the cause of the divine presence, but it is only skilful art that summons the deity, inasmuch as it is an imitation of nature. But if the deity communicates with the inmates on account of the art, what need, once more, of the material, since the art resides in the men? For if God manifests Himself solely because of the art, and if for this reason the images are worshipped as gods, it would be right to worship and serve the men who are masters of the art, inasmuch as they are rational also, and have the skill in themselves.
§21. The idea of communications through angels involves yet wilder inconsistency, nor does it, even if true, justify the worship of the image.
But as to their second and as they say profounder defence, one might reasonably add as follows. If these things are made by you, ye Greeks, not for the sake of a self-manifestation of God Himself, but for the sake of a presence there of angels, why do you rank the images by which ye invoke the powers as superior and above the powers invoked? For ye carve the figures for the sake of the apprehension of God, as ye say, but invest the actual images with the honour and title of God, thus placing yourselves in a profane position. 2. For while confessing that the power of God transcends the littleness of the images, and for that reason not venturing to invoke God through them, but only the lesser powers, ye yourselves leap over these latter, and have bestowed on stocks and stones the title of Him, whose presence ye feared, and call them gods instead of stones and men’s workmanship, and worship them. For even supposing them to serve you, as ye falsely say, as letters for the contemplation of God, it is not right to give the signs greater honour than that which they signify. For neither if a man were to write the emperor’s name would it be without risk to give to the writing more honour than to the emperor; on the contrary, such a man incurs the penalty of death; while the writing is fashioned by the skill of the writer. 3. So also yourselves, had ye your reasoning power in full strength, would not reduce to matter so great a revelation of the Godhead: but neither would ye have given to the image greater honour than to the man that carved it. For if there be any truth in the plea that, as letters, they indicate the manifestation of God, and are therefore, as indications of God, worthy to be deified, yet far more would it be right to deify the artist who carved and engraved them, as being far more powerful and divine than they, inasmuch as they were cut and fashioned according to his will. If then the letters are worthy of admiration, much more does the writer exceed them in wonder, by reason of his art and the skill of his mind. If then it be not fitting to think that they are gods for this reason, one must again interrogate them about the madness concerning the idols, demanding from them the justification for their being in such a form.
§22. The image cannot represent the true form of God, else God would be corruptible.
For if the reason of their being thus fashioned is, that the Deity is of human form, why do they invest it also with the forms of irrational creatures? Or if the form of it is that of the latter, why do they embody it also in the images of rational creatures? Or if it be both at once, and they conceive God to be of the two combined, namely, that He has the forms both of rational and of irrational, why do they separate what is joined together, and separate the images of brutes and of men, instead of always carving it of both kinds, such as are the fictions in the myths, Scylla, Charybdis, the Hippocentaur, and the dog-headed Anubis of the Egyptians? For they ought either to represent them solely of two natures in this way, or, if they have a single form, not to falsely represent them in the other as well. 2. And again, if their forms are male, why do they also invest them with female shapes? Or if they are of the latter, why do they also falsify their forms as though they were males? Or if again they are a mixture of both, they ought not to be divided, but both ought to be combined, and follow the type of the so-called hermaphrodites, so that their superstition should furnish beholders with a spectacle not only of impiety and calumny, but of ridicule as well. 2. And generally, if they conceive the Deity to be corporeal, so that they contrive for it and represent belly and hands and feet, and neck also, and breasts and the other organs that go to make man, see to what impiety and godlessness their mind has come down, to have such ideas of the Deity. For it follows that it must be capable of all other bodily casualties as well, of being cut and divided, and even of perishing altogether. But these and like things are not properties of God, but rather of earthly bodies. 3. For while God is incorporeal and incorruptible, and immortal, needing nothing for any purpose, these are both corruptible, and are shapes of bodies, and need bodily ministrations, as we said before137. For often we see images which have grown old renewed, and those which time, or rain, or some or other of the animals of the earth have spoiled, restored. In which connexion one must condemn their folly, in that they proclaim as gods things of which they themselves are the makers, and themselves ask salvation of objects which they themselves adorn with their arts to preserve them from corruption, and beg that their own wants may be supplied by beings which they well know need attention from themselves, and are not ashamed to call lords of heaven and all the earth creatures whom they shut up in small chambers.
§23. The variety of idolatrous cults proves that they are false.
But not only from these considerations may one appreciate their godlessness, but also
from their discordant opinions about the idols themselves. For if they be gods according to
their assertion and their speculations, to which of them is one to give allegiance, and which
of them is one to judge to be the higher, so as either to worship God with confidence, or as
they say to recognise the Deity by them without ambiguity? For not the same beings are
called gods among all; on the contrary, for every nation almost there is a separate god imagined.
And there are cases of a single district and a single town being at internal discord
about the superstition of their idols. 2. The Phoenicians, for example, do not know those
who are called gods among the Egyptians, nor do the Egyptians worship the same idols as
the Phoenicians have. And while the Scythians reject the gods of the Persians, the Persians
reject those of the Syrians. But the Pelasgians also repudiate the gods in Thrace, while the
Thracians know not those of Thebes. The Indians moreover differ from the Arabs, the Arabs
from the Ethiopians, and the Ethiopians from the Arabs in their idols. And the Syrians
worship not the idols of the Cilicians, while the Cappadocian nation call gods beings different
from these. And while the Bithynians have adopted others, the Armenians have imagined
others again. And what need is there for me to multiply examples? The men on the continent
worship other gods than the islanders, while these latter serve other gods than those of the
main lands. 3. And, in general, every city and village, not knowing the gods of its neighbours,
prefers its own, and deems that these alone are gods. For concerning the abominations in
Egypt there is no need even to speak, as they are before the eyes of all: how the cities have
religions which are opposite and incompatible, and neighbours always make a point of
worshipping the opposite of those next to them138: so much so that the crocodile, prayed
to by some, is held in abomination by their neighbours, while the lion, worshipped as a god
by others, their neighbours, so far from worshipping, slay, if they find it, as a wild beast; and
the fish, consecrated by some people, is used as food in another place. And thus arise fights
and riots and frequent occasions of bloodshed, and every indulgence of the passions among
them. 4. And strange to say, according to the statement of historians, the very Pelasgians,
who learned from the Egyptians the names of the gods, do not know the gods of Egypt, but
worship others instead. And, speaking generally, all the nations that are infatuated with
idols have different opinions and religions, and consistency is not to be met with in any one
case. Nor is this surprising. 5. For having fallen from the contemplation of the one God,
§24. The so-called gods of one place are used as victims in another.
This, then, is no slight proof of their real godlessness. For, the gods for every city and country being many and various, and the one destroying the god of the other, the whole of them are destroyed by all. For those who are considered gods by some are offered as sacrifices and drink-offerings to the so-called gods of others, and the victims of some are conversely the gods of others. So the Egyptians serve the ox, and Apis, a calf, and others sacrifice these animals to Zeus. For even if they do not sacrifice the very animals the others have consecrated, yet by sacrificing their fellows they seem to offer the same. The Libyans have for god a sheep which they call Ammon, and in other nations this animal is slain as a victim to many gods. 2. The Indians worship Dionysus, using the name as a symbol for wine, and others pour out wine as an offering to the other gods. Others honour rivers and springs, and above all the Egyptians pay especial honour to water, calling them gods. And yet others, and even the Egyptians who worship the waters, use them to wash off the dirt from others and from themselves, and ignominiously throw away what is used. While nearly the whole of the Egyptian system of idols consists of what are victims to the gods of other nations, so that they are scorned even by those others for deifying what are not gods, but, both with others and even among themselves, propitiatory offerings and victims.
§25. Human sacrifice. Its absurdity. Its prevalence. Its calamitous results.
But some have been led by this time to such a pitch of irreligion and folly as to slay and to offer in sacrifice to their false gods even actual men, whose figures and forms the gods are. Nor do they see, wretched men, that the victims they are slaying are the patterns of the gods they make and worship, and to whom they are offering the men. For they are offering, one may say, equals to equals, or rather, the higher to the lower; for they are offering living creatures to dead, and rational beings to things without motion. 2. For the Scythians who are called Taurians offer in sacrifice to their Virgin, as they call her, survivors from wrecks, and such Greeks as they catch, going thus far in impiety against men of their own race, and thus exposing the savagery of their gods, in that those whom Providence has rescued from danger and from the sea, they slay, almost fighting against Providence; because they frustrate the kindness of Providence by their own brutal character. But others, when they are returned victorious from war, thereupon dividing their prisoners into hundreds, and taking a man from each, sacrifice to Ares the man they have picked out from each hundred. 3. Nor is it only Scythians who commit these abominations on account of the ferocity natural to them as barbarians: on the contrary, this deed is a special result of the wickedness connected with idols and false gods. For the Egyptians used formerly to offer victims of this kind to Hera, and the Phoenicians and Cretans used to propitiate Cronos in their sacrifices of children. And even the ancient Romans used to worship Jupiter Latiarius, as he was called, with human sacrifices, and some in one way, some in another, but all139 without exception committed and incurred the pollution: they incurred it by the mere perpetration of the murderous deeds, while they polluted their own temples by filling them with the smoke of such sacrifices. 4. This then was the ready source of numerous evils to mankind. For seeing that their false gods were pleased with these things, they forthwith imitated their gods with like misdoings, thinking that the imitation of superior beings, as they considered them, was a credit to themselves. Hence mankind was thinned by murders of grown men and children, and by licence of all kinds. For nearly every city is full of licentiousness of all kinds, the result of the savage character of its gods; nor is there one of sober life in the idols’ temples140 save only he whose licentiousness is witnessed to by them all141.
139 On human sacrifice see Saussaye, §17, and Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, pp. 343 sqq., especially p. 347, note 1, for references to examples near the time of this treatise.
140 Reading εἰδωλείοις conj. Marr.
141 i.e. among the licentious worshippers the lifeless image is the only one free from vice, although the worshippers credit him with divine attributes, and therefore, according to their superstition, with a licentious life.
§26. The moral corruptions of Paganism all admittedly originated with the gods.
Women, for example, used to sit out in old days in the temples of Phoenicia, consecrating to the gods there the hire of their bodies, thinking they propitiated their goddess by fornication, and that they would procure her favour by this. While men, denying their nature, and no longer wishing to be males, put on the guise of women, under the idea that they are thus gratifying and honouring the Mother of their so-called gods. But all live along with the basest, and vie with the worst among themselves, and as Paul said, the holy minister of Christ142: “For their women changed the natural use into that which is against nature: and likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the woman, burned in their lust one toward another, men with men working unseemliness.” 2. But acting in this and in like ways, they admit and prove that the life of their so-called gods was of the same kind. For from Zeus they have learned corruption of youth and adultery, from Aphrodite fornication, from Rhea licentiousness, from Ares murders, and from other gods other like things, which the laws punish and from which every sober man turns away. Does it then remain fit to consider them gods who do such things, instead of reckoning them, for the licentiousness of their ways, more irrational than the brutes? Is it fit to consider their worshippers human beings, instead of pitying them as more irrational than the brutes, and more soul-less than inanimate things? For had they considered the intellectual part of their soul they would not have plunged headlong into these things, nor have denied the true God, the Father of Christ.
§27. The refutation of popular Paganism being taken as conclusive, we come to the higher form of nature-worship. How Nature witnesses to God by the mutual dependence of all her parts, which forbid us to think of any one of them as the supreme God. This shewn at length.
But perhaps those who have advanced beyond these things, and who stand in awe of
Creation, being put to shame by these exposures of abominations, will join in repudiating
what is readily condemned and refuted on all hands, but will think that they have a wellgrounded
and unanswerable opinion, namely, the worship of the universe and of the parts
of the universe. 2. For they will boast that they worship and serve, not mere stocks and stones
and forms of men and irrational birds and creeping things and beasts, but the sun and moon
and all the heavenly universe, and the earth again, and the entire realm of water: and they
will say that none can shew that these at any rate are not of divine nature, since it is evident
to all, that they lack neither life nor reason, but transcend even the nature of mankind,
inasmuch as the one inhabit the heavens, the other the earth. 3. It is worth while then to
look into and examine these points also; for here, too, our argument will find that its proof
against them holds true. But before we look, or begin our demonstration, it suffices that
Creation almost raises its voice against them, and points to God as its Maker and Artificer,
Who reigns over Creation and over all things, even the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ;
Whom the would-be philosophers turn from to worship and deify the Creation which proceeded
from Him, which yet itself worships and confesses the Lord Whom they deny on its
account. 4. For if men are thus awestruck at the parts of Creation and think that they are
gods, they might well be rebuked by the mutual dependence of those parts; which moreover
makes known, and witnesses to, the Father of the Word, Who is the Lord and Maker of
these parts also, by the unbroken law of their obedience to Him, as the divine law also says:
“The heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth His handiwork143.” 5.
But the proof of all this is not obscure, but is clear enough in all conscience to those the eyes
of whose understanding are not wholly disabled. For if a man take the parts of Creation
separately, and consider each by itself,—as for example the sun by itself alone, and the moon
apart, and again earth and air, and heat and cold, and the essence of wet and of dry, separating
them from their mutual conjunction,—he will certainly find that not one is sufficient
for itself but all are in need of one another’s assistance, and subsist by their mutual help.
For the Sun is carried round along with, and is contained in, the whole heaven, and can
never go beyond his own orbit, while the moon and other stars testify to the assistance given
them by the Sun: while the earth again evidently does not yield her crops without rains,
which in their turn would not descend to earth without the assistance of the clouds; but not
even would the clouds ever appear of themselves and subsist, without the air. And the air
§28. But neither can the cosmic organism be God. For that would make God consist of dissimilar parts, and subject Him to possible dissolution.
How then can these things be gods, seeing that they need one another’s assistance? Or how is it proper to ask anything of them when they too ask help for themselves one from another? For if it is an admitted truth about God that He stands in need of nothing, but is self-sufficient and self-contained, and that in Him all things have their being, and that He ministers to all rather than they to Him, how is it right to proclaim as gods the sun and moon and other parts of creation, which are of no such kind, but which even stand in need of one another’s help? 2. But, perhaps, if divided and taken by themselves, our opponents themselves will admit that they are dependent, the demonstration being an ocular one. But they will combine all together, as constituting a single body, and will say that the whole is God. For the whole once put together, they will no longer need external help, but the whole will be sufficient for itself and independent in all respects; so at least the would-be philosophers will tell us, only to be refuted here once more. 3. Now this argument, not one whit less than those previously dealt with, will demonstrate their impiety coupled with great ignorance. For if the combination of the parts makes up the whole, and the whole is combined out of the parts, then the whole consists of the parts, and each of them is a portion of the whole. But this is very far removed from the conception of God. For God is a whole and not a number of parts, and does not consist of diverse elements, but is Himself the Maker of the system of the universe. For see what impiety they utter against the Deity when they say this. For if He consists of parts, certainly it will follow that He is unlike Himself, and made up of unlike parts. For if He is sun, He is not moon, and if He is moon, He is not earth, and if He is earth, He cannot be sea: and so on, taking the parts one by one, one may discover the absurdity of this theory of theirs. 4. But the following point, drawn from the observation of our human body, is enough to refute them. For just as the eye is not the sense of hearing, nor is the latter a hand: nor is the belly the breast, nor again is the neck a foot, but each of these has its own function, and a single body is composed of these distinct parts,—having its parts combined for use, but destined to be divided in course of time when nature, that brought them together, shall divide them at the will of God, Who so ordered it;—thus (but may He that is above pardon the argument144), if they combine the parts of creation into one body and proclaim it God, it follows, firstly, that He is unlike Himself, as shewn above; secondly, that He is destined to be divided again, in accordance with the natural tendency of the parts to separation.
§29. The balance of powers in Nature shews that it is not God, either collectively, or in parts.
And in yet another way one may refute their godlessness by the light of truth. For if God is incorporeal and invisible and intangible by nature, how do they imagine God to be a body, and worship with divine honour things which we both see with our eyes and touch with our hands? 2. And again, if what is said of God hold true, namely, that He is almighty, and that while nothing has power over Him, He has power and rule over all, how can they who deify creation fail to see that it does not satisfy this definition of God? For when the sun is under the earth, the earth’s shadow makes his light invisible, while by day the sun hides the moon by the brilliancy of his light. And hail ofttimes injures the fruits of the earth, while fire is put out if an overflow of water take place. And spring makes winter give place, while summer will not suffer spring to outstay its proper limits, and it in its turn is forbidden by autumn to outstep its own season. 3. If then they were gods, they ought not to be defeated and obscured by one another, but always to co-exist, and to discharge their respective functions simultaneously. Both by night and by day the sun and the moon and the rest of the band of stars ought to shine equally together, and give their light to all, so that all things might be illumined by them. Spring and summer and autumn and winter ought to go on without alteration, and together. The sea ought to mingle with the springs, and furnish their drink to man in common. Calms and windy blasts ought to take place at the same time. Fire and water together ought to furnish the same service to man. For no one would take any hurt from them, if they are gods, as our opponents say, and do nothing for hurt, but rather all things for good. 4. But if none of these things are possible, because of their mutual incompatibility, how does it remain possible to give to these things, mutually incompatible and at strife, and unable to combine, the name of gods, or to worship them with the honours due to God? How could things naturally discordant give peace to others for their prayers, and become to them authors of concord? It is not then likely that the sun or the moon, or any other part of creation, still less statues in stone, gold, or other material, or the Zeus, Apollo, and the rest, who are the subject of the poet’s fables, are true gods: this our argument has shewn. But some of these are parts of creation, others have no life, others have been mere mortal men. Therefore their worship and deification is no part of religion, but the bringing in of godlessness and of all impiety, and a sign of a wide departure from the knowledge of the one true God, namely the Father of Christ. 5. Since then this is thus proved, and the idolatry of the Greeks is shewn to be full of all ungodliness, and that its introduction has been not for the good, but for the ruin, of human life;—come now, as our argument promised at the outset, let us, after having confuted error, travel the way of truth, and behold the Leader and Artificer of the Universe, the Word of the Father, in order that through Him we may apprehend the Father, and that the Greeks may know how far they have separated themselves from the truth.
§30. The soul of man, being intellectual, can know God of itself, if it be true to its own nature.
The tenets we have been speaking of have been proved to be nothing more than a false guide for life; but the way of truth will aim at reaching the real and true God. But for its knowledge and accurate comprehension, there is need of none other save of ourselves. Neither as God Himself is above all, is the road to Him afar off or outside ourselves, but it is in us and it is possible to find it from ourselves, in the first instance, as Moses also taught, when he said145: “The word” of faith “is within thy heart.” Which very thing the Saviour declared and confirmed, when He said: “The kingdom of God is within you146.” 2. For having in ourselves faith, and the kingdom of God, we shall be able quickly to see and perceive the King of the Universe, the saving Word of the Father. And let not the Greeks, who worship idols, make excuses, nor let any one else simply deceive himself, professing to have no such road and therefore finding a pretext for his godlessness. 3. For we all have set foot upon it, and have it, even if not all are willing to travel by it, but rather to swerve from it and go wrong, because of the pleasures of life which attract them from without. And if one were to ask, what road is this? I say that it is the soul of each one of us, and the intelligence which resides there. For by it alone can God be contemplated and perceived. 4. Unless, as they have denied God, the impious men will repudiate having a soul; which indeed is more plausible than the rest of what they say, for it is unlike men possessed of an intellect to deny God, its Maker and Artificer. It is necessary then, for the sake of the simple, to shew briefly that each one of mankind has a soul, and that soul rational; especially as certain of the sectaries deny this also, thinking that man is nothing more than the visible form of the body. This point once proved, they will be furnished in their own persons with a clearer proof against the idols.
§31. Proof of the existence of the rational soul. (1) Difference of man from the brutes. (2) Man’s power of objective thought. Thought is to sense as the musician to his instrument. The phenomena of dreams bear this out.
Firstly, then, the rational nature of the soul is strongly confirmed by its difference from irrational creatures. For this is why common use gives them that name, because, namely, the race of mankind is rational. 2. Secondly, it is no ordinary proof, that man alone thinks of things external to himself, and reasons about things not actually present, and exercises reflection, and chooses by judgment the better of alternative reasonings. For the irrational animals see only what is present, and are impelled solely by what meets their eye, even if the consequences to them are injurious, while man is not impelled toward what he sees merely, but judges by thought what he sees with his eyes. Often for example his impulses are mastered by reasoning; and his reasoning is subject to after-reflection. And every one, if he be a friend of truth, perceives that the intelligence of mankind is distinct from the bodily senses. 3. Hence, because it is distinct, it acts as judge of the senses, and while they apprehend their objects, the intelligence distinguishes, recollects, and shews them what is best. For the sole function of the eye is to see, of the ears to hear, of the mouth to taste, of the nostrils to apprehend smells, and of the hands to touch. But what one ought to see and hear, what one ought to touch, taste and smell, is a question beyond the senses, and belonging to the soul and to the intelligence which resides in it. Why, the hand is able to take hold of a sword-blade, and the mouth to taste poison, but neither knows that these are injurious, unless the intellect decide. 4. And the case, to look at it by aid of a simile, is like that of a well-fashioned lyre in the hands of a skilled musician. For as the strings of the lyre have each its proper note, high, low, or intermediate, sharp or otherwise, yet their scale is indistinguishable and their time not to be recognized, without the artist. For then only is the scale manifest and the time right, when he that is holding the lyre strikes the strings and touches each in tune. In like manner, the senses being disposed in the body like a lyre, when the skilled intelligence presides over them, then too the soul distinguishes and knows what it is doing and how it is acting. 5. But this alone is peculiar to mankind, and this is what is rational in the soul of mankind, by means of which it differs from the brutes, and shews that it is truly distinct from what is to be seen in the body. Often, for example, when the body is lying on the earth, man imagines and contemplates what is in the heavens. Often when the body is quiet147, and at rest and asleep, man moves inwardly, and beholds what is outside himself, travelling to other countries, walking about, meeting his acquaintances, and often by these means divining and forecasting the actions of the day. But to what can this be due save to the rational soul, in which man thinks of and perceives things beyond himself?
§32. (3) The body cannot originate such phenomena; and in fact the action of the rational soul is seen in its over-ruling the instincts of the bodily organs.
We add a further point to complete our demonstration for the benefit of those148 who shamelessly take refuge in denial of reason. How is it, that whereas the body is mortal by nature, man reasons on the things of immortality, and often, where virtue demands it, courts death? Or how, since the body lasts but for a time, does man imagine of things eternal, so as to despise what lies before him, and desire what is beyond? The body could not have spontaneously such thoughts about itself, nor could it think upon what is external to itself. For it is mortal and lasts but for a time. And it follows that that which thinks what is opposed to the body and against its nature must be distinct in kind. What then can this be, save a rational and immortal soul? For it introduces the echo of higher things, not outside, but within the body, as the musician does in his lyre. 2. Or how again, the eye being naturally constituted to see and the ear to hear, do they turn from some objects and choose others? For who is it that turns away the eye from seeing? Or who shuts off the ear from hearing, its natural function? Or who often hinders the palate, to which it is natural to taste things, from its natural impulse? Or who withholds the hand from its natural activity of touching something, or turns aside the sense of smell from its normal exercise149? Who is it that thus acts against the natural instincts of the body? Or how does the body, turned from its natural course, turn to the counsels of another and suffer itself to be guided at the beck of that other? Why, these things prove simply this, that the rational soul presides over the body. 3. For the body is not even constituted to drive itself, but it is carried at the will of another, just as a horse does not yoke himself, but is driven by his master. Hence laws for human beings to practise what is good and to abstain from evil-doing, while to the brutes evil remains unthought of and undiscerned, because they lie outside rationality and the process of understanding. I think then that the existence of a rational soul in man is proved by what we have said.
§33. The soul immortal. Proved by (1) its being distinct from the body, (2) its being the source of motion, (3) its power to go beyond the body in imagination and thought.
But that the soul is made immortal is a further point in the Church’s teaching which you must know, to show how the idols are to be overthrown. But we shall more directly arrive at a knowledge of this from what we know of the body, and from the difference between the body and the soul. For if our argument has proved it to be distinct from the body, while the body is by nature mortal, it follows that the soul is immortal, because it is not like the body. 2. And again, if as we have shewn, the soul moves the body and is not moved by other things, it follows that the movement of the soul is spontaneous, and that this spontaneous movement goes on after the body is laid aside in the earth. If then the soul were moved by the body, it would follow that the severance of its motor would involve its death. But if the soul moves the body also, it follows all the more that it moves itself. But if moved by itself150, it follows that it outlives the body. 3. For the movement of the soul is the same thing as its life, just as, of course, we call the body alive when it moves, and say that its death takes place when it ceases moving. But this can be made clearer once for all from the action of the soul in the body. For if even when united and coupled with the body it is not shut in or commensurate with the small dimensions of the body, but often151, when the body lies in bed, not moving, but in death-like sleep, the soul keeps awake by virtue of its own power, and transcends the natural power of the body, and as though travelling away from the body while remaining in it, imagines and beholds things above the earth, and often even holds converse with the saints and angels who are above earthly and bodily existence, and approaches them in the confidence of the purity of its intelligence; shall it not all the more, when separated from the body at the time appointed by God Who coupled them together, have its knowledge of immortality more clear? For if even when coupled with the body it lived a life outside the body, much more shall its life continue after the death of the body, and live without ceasing by reason of God Who made it thus by His own Word, our Lord Jesus Christ. 4. For this is the reason why the soul thinks of and bears in mind things immortal and eternal, namely, because it is itself immortal. And just as, the body being mortal, its senses also have mortal things as their objects, so, since the soul contemplates and beholds immortal things, it follows that it is immortal and lives for ever. For ideas and thoughts about immortality never desert the soul, but abide in it, and are as it were the fuel in it which ensures its immortality. This then is why the soul has the capacity for beholding God, and is its own way thereto, receiving not from without but from herself the knowledge and apprehension of the Word of God.
§34. The soul, then, if only it get rid of the stains of sin is able to know God directly, its own rational nature imaging back the Word of God, after whose image it was created. But even if it cannot pierce the cloud which sin draws over its vision, it is confronted by the witness of creation to God.
We repeat then what we said before, that just as men denied God, and worship things without soul, so also in thinking they have not a rational soul, they receive at once the punishment of their folly, namely, to be reckoned among irrational creatures: and so, since as though from lack of a soul of their own they superstitiously worship soulless gods, they are worthy of pity and guidance. 2. But if they claim to have a soul, and pride themselves on the rational principle, and that rightly, why do they, as though they had no soul, venture to go against reason, and think not as they ought, but make themselves out higher even than the Deity? For having a soul that is immortal and invisible to them, they make a likeness of God in things visible and mortal. Or why, in like manner as they have departed from God, do they not betake themselves to Him again? For they are able, as they turned away their understanding from God, and feigned as gods things that were not, in like manner to ascend with the intelligence of their soul, and turn back to God again. 3. But turn back they can, if they lay aside the filth of all lust which they have put on, and wash it away persistently, until they have got rid of all the foreign matter that has affected their soul, and can shew it in its simplicity as it was made, that so they may be able by it to behold the Word of the Father after Whose likeness they were originally made. For the soul is made after the image and likeness of God, as divine Scripture also shews, when it says in the person of God152: “Let us make man after our Image and likeness.” Whence also when it gets rid of all the filth of sin which covers it and retains only the likeness of the Image in its purity, then surely this latter being thoroughly brightened, the soul beholds as in a mirror the Image of the Father, even the Word, and by His means reaches the idea of the Father, Whose Image the Saviour is. 4. Or, if the soul’s own teaching is insufficient, by reason of the external things which cloud its intelligence, and prevent its seeing what is higher, yet it is further possible to attain to the knowledge of God from the things which are seen, since Creation, as though in written characters, declares in a loud voice, by its order and harmony, its own Lord and Creator.
§35. Creation a revelation of God; especially in the order and harmony pervading the whole.
For God, being good and loving to mankind, and caring for the souls made by
Him,—since He is by nature invisible and incomprehensible, having His being beyond all
created existence153, for which reason the race of mankind was likely to miss the way to the
knowledge of Him, since they are made out of nothing while He is unmade,—for this cause
God by His own Word gave the Universe the Order it has, in order that since He is by nature
invisible, men might be enabled to know Him at any rate by His works154. For often the
artist even when not seen is known by his works. 2. And as they tell of Phidias the Sculptor
that his works of art by their symmetry and by the proportion of their parts betray Phidias
to those who see them although he is not there, so by the order of the Universe one ought
to perceive God its maker and artificer, even though He be not seen with the bodily eyes.
For God did not take His stand upon His invisible nature (let none plead that as an excuse)
and leave Himself utterly unknown to men; but as I said above, He so ordered Creation that
although He is by nature invisible He may yet be known by His works. 3. And I say this not
on my own authority, but on the strength of what I learned from men who have spoken of
God, among them Paul, who thus writes to the Romans155: “for the invisible things of Him
since the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are
made;” while to the Lycaonians he speaks out and says156: “We also are men of like passions
with you, and bring you good tidings, to turn from these vain things unto a Living God,
Who made the heaven and the earth and the sea, and all that in them is, Who in the generations
gone by suffered all nations to walk in their own ways. And yet He left not Himself
without witness, in that He did good, and gave you157 from heaven rains and fruitful seasons,
filling your hearts with food and gladness.” 4. For who that sees the circle of heaven and the
course of the sun and the moon, and the positions and movements of the other stars, as they
take place in opposite and different directions, while yet in their difference all with one accord
observe a consistent order, can resist the conclusion that these are not ordered by themselves,
but have a maker distinct from themselves who orders them? or who that sees the sun rising
by day and the moon shining by night, and waning and waxing without variation exactly
according to the same number of days, and some of the stars running their courses and with
§36. This the more striking, if we consider the opposing forces out of which this order is produced.
Who that sees things of opposite nature combined, and in concordant harmony, as for example fire mingled with cold, and dry with wet, and that not in mutual conflict, but making up a single body, as it were homogeneous, can resist the inference that there is One external to these things that has united them? Who that sees winter giving place to spring and spring to summer and summer to autumn, and that these things contrary by nature (for the one chills, the other burns, the one nourishes, the other destroys), yet all make up a balanced result beneficial to mankind,—can fail to perceive that there is One higher than they, Who balances and guides them all, even if he see Him not? 2. Who that sees the clouds supported in air, and the weight of the waters bound up in the clouds, can but perceive Him that binds them up and has ordered these things so? Or who that sees the earth, heaviest of all things by nature, fixed upon the waters, and remaining unmoved upon what is by nature mobile, will fail to understand that there is One that has made and ordered it, even God? Who that sees the earth bringing forth fruits in due season, and the rains from heaven, and the flow of rivers, and springing up of wells, and the birth of animals from unlike parents, and that these things take place not at all times but at determinate seasons,—and in general, among things mutually unlike and contrary, the balanced and uniform order to which they conform,—can resist the inference that there is one Power which orders and administers them, ordaining things well as it thinks fit? 4. For left to themselves they could not subsist or ever be able to appear, on account of their mutual contrariety of nature. For water is by nature heavy, and tends to flow downwards, while the clouds are light and belong to the class of things which tend to soar and mount upwards. And yet we see water, heavy as it is, borne aloft in the clouds. And again, earth is very heavy, while water on the other hand is relatively light; and yet the heavier is supported upon the lighter, and the earth does not sink, but remains immoveable. And male and female are not the same, while yet they unite in one, and the result is the generation from both of an animal like them. And to cut the matter short, cold is opposite to heat, and wet fights with dry, and yet they come together and are not at variance, but they agree, and produce as their result a single body, and the birth of everything.
§37. The same subject continued.
Things then of conflicting and opposite nature would not have reconciled themselves, were there not One higher and Lord over them to unite them, to Whom the elements themselves yield obedience as slaves that obey a master. And instead of each having regard to its own nature and fighting with its neighbour, they recognise the Lord Who has united them, and are at concord one with another, being by nature opposed, but at amity by the will of Him that guides them. 2. For if their mingling into one were not due to a higher authority, how could the heavy mingle and combine with the light, the wet with the dry, the round with the straight, fire with cold, or sea with earth, or the sun with the moon, or the stars with the heaven, and the air with the clouds, the nature of each being dissimilar to that of the other? For there would be great strife among them, the one burning, the other giving cold; the heavy dragging downwards, the light in the contrary direction and upwards; the sun giving light while the air diffused darkness: yes, even the stars would have been at discord with one another, since some have their position above, others beneath, and night would have refused to make way for day, but would have persisted in remaining to fight and strive against it. 3. But if this were so, we should consequently see not an ordered universe, but disorder, not arrangement but anarchy, not a system, but everything out of system, not proportion but disproportion. For in the general strife and conflict either all things would be destroyed, or the prevailing principle alone would appear. And even the latter would shew the disorder of the whole, for left alone, and deprived of the help of the others, it would throw the whole out of gear, just as, if a single hand and foot were left alone, that would not preserve the body in its integrity. 4. For what sort of an universe would it be, if only the sun appeared, or only the moon went her course, or there were only night, or always day? Or what sort of harmony would it be, again, if the heaven existed alone without the stars, or the stars without the heaven? Or what benefit would there be if there were only sea, or if the earth were there alone without waters and without the other parts of creation? Or how could man, or any animal, have appeared upon earth, if the elements were mutually at strife, or if there were one that prevailed, and that one insufficient for the composition of bodies. For nothing in the world could have been composed of heat, or cold, or wet, or dry, alone, but all would have been without arrangement or combination. But not even the one element which appeared to prevail would have been able to subsist without the assistance of the rest: for that is how each subsists now.
§38. The Unity of God shewn by the Harmony of the order of Nature.
Since then, there is everywhere not disorder but order, proportion and not disproportion, not disarray but arrangement, and that in an order perfectly harmonious, we needs must infer and be led to perceive the Master that put together and compacted all things, and produced harmony in them. For though He be not seen with the eyes, yet from the order and harmony of things contrary it is possible to perceive their Ruler, Arranger, and King. 2. For in like manner as if we saw a city, consisting of many and diverse people, great and small, rich and poor, old and young, male and female, in an orderly condition, and its inhabitants, while different from one another, yet at unity among themselves, and not the rich set against the poor, the great against the small, nor the young against the old, but all at peace in the enjoyment of equal rights,—if we saw this, the inference surely follows that the presence of a ruler enforces concord, even if we do not see him; (for disorder is a sign of absence of rule, while order shews the governing authority: for when we see the mutual harmony of the members in the body, that the eye does not strive with the hearing, nor is the hand at variance with the foot, but that each accomplishes its service without variance, we perceive from this that certainly there is a soul in the body that governs these members, though we see it not); so in the order and harmony of the Universe, we needs must perceive God the governor of it all, and that He is one and not many. 3. So then this order of its arrangement, and the concordant harmony of all things, shews that the Word, its Ruler and Governor, is not many, but One. For if there were more than one Ruler of Creation, such an universal order would not be maintained, but all things would fall into confusion because of their plurality, each one biasing the whole to his own will, and striving with the other. For just as we said that polytheism was atheism, so it follows that the rule of more than one is the rule of none. For each one would cancel the rule of the other, and none would appear ruler, but there would be anarchy everywhere. But where no ruler is, there disorder follows of course. 4. And conversely, the single order and concord of the many and diverse shews that the ruler too is one. For just as though one were to hear from a distance a lyre, composed of many diverse strings, and marvel at the concord of its symphony, in that its sound is composed neither of low notes exclusively, nor high nor intermediate only, but all combine their sounds in equal balance,—and would not fail to perceive from this that the lyre was not playing itself, nor even being struck by more persons than one, but that there was one musician, even if he did not see him, who by his skill combined the sound of each string into the tuneful symphony; so, the order of the whole universe being perfectly harmonious, and there being no strife of the higher against the lower or the lower against the higher, and all things making up one order, it is consistent to think that the Ruler and King of all Creation is one and not many, Who by His own light illumines and gives movement to all.
§39. Impossibility of a plurality of Gods.
For we must not think there is more than one ruler and maker of Creation: but it belongs to correct and true religion to believe that its Artificer is one, while Creation herself clearly points to this. For the fact that there is one Universe only and not more is a conclusive proof that its Maker is one. For if there were a plurality of gods, there would necessarily be also more universes than one. For neither were it reasonable for more than one God to make a single universe, nor for the one universe to be made by more than one, because of the absurdities which would result from this. 2. Firstly, if the one universe were made by a plurality of gods, that would mean weakness on the part of those who made it, because many contributed to a single result; which would be a strong proof of the imperfect creative skill of each. For if one were sufficient, the many would not supplement each other’s deficiency. But to say that there is any deficiency in God is not only impious, but even beyond all sacrilege. For even among men one would not call a workman perfect if he were unable to finish his work, a single piece, by himself and without the aid of several others. 3. But if, although each one was able to accomplish the whole, yet all worked at it in order to claim a share in the result, we have the laughable conclusion that each worked for reputation, lest he should be suspected of inability. But, once more, it is most grotesque to ascribe vainglory to gods. 4. Again, if each one were sufficient for the creation of the whole, what need of more than one, one being self-sufficient for the universe? Moreover it would be evidently impious and grotesque, to make the thing created one, while the creators were many and different, it being a maxim of science159 that what is one and complete is higher than things that are diverse. 5. And this you must know, that if the universe had been made by a plurality of gods, its movements would be diverse and inconsistent. For having regard to each one of its makers, its movements would be correspondingly different. But such difference again, as was said before, would involve disarray and general disorder; for not even a ship will sail aright if she be steered by many, unless one pilot hold the tiller160, nor will a lyre struck by many produce a tuneful sound, unless there be one artist who strikes it. 6. Creation, then, being one, and the Universe one, and its order one, we must perceive that its King and Artificer also is one. For this is why the Artificer Himself made the whole universe one, lest by the coexistence of more than one a plurality of makers should be supposed; but that as the work is one, its Maker also may be believed to be One. Nor does it follow from the unity of the Maker that the Universe must be one, for God might have made others as well. But because the Universe that has been made is one, it is necessary to believe that its Maker also is one.
§40. The rationality and order of the Universe proves that it is the work of the Reason or Word of God.
Who then might this Maker be? for this is a point most necessary to make plain, lest,
from ignorance with regard to him, a man should suppose the wrong maker, and fall once
more into the same old godless error, but I think no one is really in doubt about it. For if
our argument has proved that the gods of the poets are no gods, and has convicted of error
those that deify creation, and in general has shewn that the idolatry of the heathen is godlessness
and impiety, it strictly follows from the elimination of these that the true religion
is with us, and that the God we worship and preach is the only true One, Who is Lord of
Creation and Maker of all existence. 2. Who then is this, save the Father of Christ, most
holy and above all created existence161, Who like an excellent pilot, by His own Wisdom
and His own Word, our Lord and Saviour Christ, steers and preserves and orders all things,
and does as seems to Him best? But that is best which has been done, and which we see
taking place, since that is what He wills; and this a man can hardly refuse to believe. 3. For
if the movement of creation were irrational, and the universe were borne along without
plan, a man might fairly disbelieve what we say. But if it subsist in reason and wisdom and
skill, and is perfectly ordered throughout, it follows that He that is over it and has ordered
it is none other than the [reason or] Word of God. 4. But by Word I mean, not that which
is involved and inherent in all things created, which some are wont to call the seminal162
principle, which is without soul and has no power of reason or thought, but only works by
external art, according to the skill of him that applies it,—nor such a word as belongs to rational
beings and which consists of syllables, and has the air as its vehicle of expression,—but
I mean the living and powerful Word of the good God, the God of the Universe, the very
Word which is God163, Who while different from things that are made, and from all Creation,
is the One own Word of the good Father, Who by His own providence ordered and illumines
this Universe. 5. For being the good Word of the Good Father He produced the order of all
things, combining one with another things contrary, and reducing them to one harmonious
order. He being the Power of God and Wisdom of God causes the heaven to revolve, and
has suspended the earth, and made it fast, though resting upon nothing, by His own nod164.
Illumined by Him, the sun gives light to the world, and the moon has her measured period
of shining. By reason of Him the water is suspended in the clouds; the rains shower upon
§41. The Presence of the Word in nature necessary, not only for its original Creation, but also for its permanence.
But though He is Word, He is not, as we said, after the likeness of human words, composed of syllables; but He is the unchanging Image of His own Father. For men, composed of parts and made out of nothing, have their discourse composite and divisible. But God possesses true existence and is not composite, wherefore His Word also has true Existence and is not composite, but is the one and only-begotten God166, Who proceeds in His goodness from the Father as from a good Fountain, and orders all things and holds them together. 2. But the reason why the Word, the Word of God, has united Himself167 with created things is truly wonderful, and teaches us that the present order of things is none otherwise than is fitting. For the nature of created things, inasmuch as it is brought into being out of nothing, is of a fleeting sort, and weak and mortal, if composed of itself only. But the God of all is good and exceeding noble by nature,—and therefore is kind. For one that is good can grudge nothing168: for which reason he does not grudge even existence, but desires all to exist, as objects for His loving-kindness. 3. Seeing then all created nature, as far as its own laws were concerned, to be fleeting and subject to dissolution, lest it should come to this and lest the Universe should be broken up again into nothingness, for this cause He made all things by His own eternal Word, and gave substantive existence to Creation, and moreover did not leave it to be tossed in a tempest in the course of its own nature, lest it should run the risk of once more dropping out of existence169; but, because He is good He guides and settles the whole Creation by His own Word, Who is Himself also God, that by the governance and providence and ordering action of the Word, Creation may have light, and be enabled to abide alway securely. For it partakes of the Word Who derives true existence from the Father, and is helped by Him so as to exist, lest that should come to it which would have come but for the maintenance of it by the Word,—namely, dissolution,—“ for He is the Image of the invisible God, the first-born of all Creation, for through Him and in Him all things consist, things visible and things invisible, and He is the Head of the Church,” as the ministers of truth teach in their holy writings170.
§42. This function of the Word described at length.
The holy Word of the Father, then, almighty and all-perfect, uniting with the universe and having everywhere unfolded His own powers, and having illumined all, both things seen and things invisible, holds them together and binds them to Himself, having left nothing void of His own power, but on the contrary quickening and sustaining all things everywhere, each severally and all collectively; while He mingles in one the principles of all sensible existence, heat namely and cold and wet and dry, and causes them not to conflict, but to make up one concordant harmony. 2. By reason of Him and His power, fire does not fight with cold nor wet with dry, but principles mutually opposed, as if friendly and brotherly combine together, and give life to the things we see, and form the principles by which bodies exist. Obeying Him, even God the Word, things on earth have life and things in the heaven have their order. By reason of Him all the sea, and the great ocean, move within their proper bounds, while, as we said above, the dry land grows grasses and is clothed with all manner of diverse plants. And, not to spend time in the enumeration of particulars, where the truth is obvious, there is nothing that is and takes place but has been made and stands by Him and through Him, as also the Divine171 says, “In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God; all things were made by Him, and without Him was not anything made.” 3. For just as though some musician, having tuned a lyre, and by his art adjusted the high notes to the low, and the intermediate notes to the rest, were to produce a single tune as the result, so also the Wisdom of God, handling the Universe as a lyre, and adjusting things in the air to things on the earth, and things in the heaven to things in the air, and combining parts into wholes and moving them all by His beck and will, produces well and fittingly, as the result, the unity of the universe and of its order, Himself remaining unmoved with the Father while He moves all things by His organising action, as seems good for each to His own Father. 4. For what is surprising in His godhead is this, that by one and the same act of will He moves all things simultaneously, and not at intervals, but all collectively, both straight and curved, things above and beneath and intermediate, wet, cold, warm, seen and invisible, and orders them according to their several nature. For simultaneously at His single nod what is straight moves as straight, what is curved also, and what is intermediate, follows its own movement; what is warm receives warmth, what is dry dryness, and all things according to their several nature are quickened and organised by Him, and He produces as the result a marvellous and truly divine harmony.
§43. Three similes to illustrate the Word’s relation to the Universe.
And for so great a matter to be understood by an example, let what we are describing be compared to a great chorus. As then the chorus is composed of different people, children, women again, and old men, and those who are still young, and, when one, namely the conductor, gives the sign, each utters sound according to his nature and power, the man as a man, the child as a child, the old man as an old man, and the young man as a young man, while all make up a single harmony; 2. or as our soul at one time moves our several senses according to the proper function of each, so that when some one object is present all alike are put in motion, and the eye sees, the ear hears, the hand touches, the smell takes in odour, and the palate tastes,—and often the other parts of the body act too, as for instance if the feet walk; 3. or, to make our meaning plain by yet a third example, it is as though a very great city were built, and administered under the presence of the ruler and king who has built it; for when he is present and gives orders, and has his eye upon everything, all obey; some busy themselves with agriculture, others hasten for water to the aqueducts, another goes forth to procure provisions,—one goes to senate, another enters the assembly, the judge goes to the bench, and the magistrate to his court. The workman likewise settles to his craft, the sailor goes down to the sea, the carpenter to his workshop, the physician to his treatment, the architect to his building; and while one is going to the country, another is returning from the country, and while some walk about the town others are going out of the town and returning to it again: but all this is going on and is organised by the presence of the one Ruler, and by his management: 4. in like manner then we must conceive of the whole of Creation, even though the example be inadequate, yet with an enlarged idea. For with the single impulse of a nod as it were of the Word of God, all things simultaneously fall into order, and each discharge their proper functions, and a single order is made up by them all together.
§44. The similes applied to the whole Universe, seen and unseen.
For by a nod and by the power of the Divine Word of the Father that governs and presides over all, the heaven revolves, the stars move, the sun shines, the moon goes her circuit, and the air receives the sun’s light and the æther his heat, and the winds blow: the mountains are reared on high, the sea is rough with waves, and the living things in it grow, the earth abides fixed, and bears fruit, and man is formed and lives and dies again, and all things whatever have their life and movement; fire burns, water cools, fountains spring forth, rivers flow, seasons and hours come round, rains descend, clouds are filled, hail is formed, snow and ice congeal, birds fly, creeping things go along, water-animals swim, the sea is navigated, the earth is sown and grows crops in due season, plants grow, and some are young, some ripening, others in their growth become old and decay, and while some things are vanishing others are being engendered and are coming to light. 2. But all these things, and more, which for their number we cannot mention, the worker of wonders and marvels, the Word of God, giving light and life, moves and orders by His own nod, making the universe one. Nor does He leave out of Himself even the invisible powers; for including these also in the universe inasmuch as he is their maker also, He holds them together and quickens them by His nod and by His providence. And there can be no excuse for disbelieving this. 3. For as by His own providence bodies grow and the rational soul moves, and possesses life and thought, and this requires little proof, for we see what takes place,—so again the same Word of God with one simple nod by His own power moves and holds together both the visible universe and the invisible powers, allotting to each its proper function, so that the divine powers move in a diviner way, while visible things move as they are seen to do. But Himself being over all, both Governor and King and organising power, He does all for the glory and knowledge of His own Father, so that almost by the very works that He brings to pass He teaches us and says, “By the greatness and beauty of the creatures proportionably the maker of them is seen172.”
§45. Conclusion. Doctrine of Scripture on the subject of Part I.
For just as by looking up to the heaven and seeing its order and the light of the stars, it
is possible to infer the Word Who ordered these things, so by beholding the Word of God,
one needs must behold also God His Father, proceeding from Whom He is rightly called
His Father’s Interpreter and Messenger. 2. And this one may see from our own experience;
for if when a word proceeds from men173 we infer that the mind is its source, and, by
thinking about the word, see with our reason the mind which it reveals, by far greater evidence
and incomparably more, seeing the power of the Word, we receive a knowledge also
of His good Father, as the Saviour Himself says, “He that hath seen Me hath seen the Father174.”
But this all inspired Scripture also teaches more plainly and with more authority, so
that we in our turn write boldly to you as we do, and you, if you refer to them, will be able
to verify what we say. 3. For an argument when confirmed by higher authority is irresistibly
proved. From the first then the divine Word firmly taught the Jewish people about the abolition
of idols when it said175: “Thou shalt not make to thyself a graven image, nor the likeness
of anything that is in the heaven above or in the earth beneath.” But the cause of their abolition
another writer declares176, saying: “The idols of the heathen are silver and gold, the
works of men’s hands: a mouth have they and will not speak, eyes have they and will not
see, ears have they and will not hear, noses have they and will not smell, hands have they
and will not handle, feet have they and will not walk.” Nor has it passed over in silence the
doctrine of creation; but, knowing well its beauty, lest any attending solely to this beauty
should worship things as if they were gods, instead of God’s works, it teaches men firmly
beforehand when it says177: “And do not when thou lookest up with thine eyes and seest
the sun and moon and all the host of heaven, go astray and worship them, which the Lord
thy God hath given to all nations under heaven.” But He gave them, not to be their gods,
but that by their agency the Gentiles should know, as we have said, God the Maker of them
all. 4. For the people of the Jews of old had abundant teaching, in that they had the knowledge
of God not only from the works of Creation, but also from the divine Scriptures. And in
general to draw men away from the error and irrational imagination of idols, He saith178:
“Thou shalt have none other gods but Me.” Not as if there were other gods does He forbid
them to have them, but lest any, turning from the true God, should begin to make himself
gods of what were not, such as those who in the poets and writers are called gods, though
§46. Doctrine of Scripture on the subject of Part 3.
Has then the divine teaching, which abolished the godlessness of the heathen or the
idols, passed over in silence, and left the race of mankind to go entirely unprovided with
the knowledge of God? Not so: rather it anticipates their understanding when it says179:
“Hear, O Israel, the Lord thy God is one God;” and again, “Thou shalt love the Lord thy
God with all thy heart and with all thy strength;” and again, “Thou shalt worship the Lord
thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve, and shalt cleave to Him.” 2. But that the providence
and ordering power of the Word also, over all and toward all, is attested by all inspired
Scripture, this passage suffices to confirm our argument, where men who speak of God
say180: “Thou hast laid the foundation of the earth and it abideth. The day continueth according
to Thine ordinance.” And again181: “Sing to our God upon the harp, that covereth
the heaven with clouds, that prepareth rain for the earth, that bringeth forth grass upon the
mountains, and green herb for the service of man, and giveth food to the cattle.” 3. But by
whom does He give it, save by Him through Whom all things were made? For the providence
over all things belongs naturally to Him by Whom they were made; and who is this save the
Word of God, concerning Whom in another psalm182 he says: “By the Word of the Lord
were the heavens made, and all the host of them by the Breath of His mouth.” For He tells
us that all things were made in Him and through Him. 4. Wherefore He also persuades us
and says183, “He spake and they were made, He commanded and they were created;” as the
illustrious Moses also at the beginning of his account of Creation confirms what we say by
his narrative184, saying: and God said, “let us make man in our image and after our likeness:”
for also when He was carrying out the creation of the heaven and earth and all things, the
Father said to Him185, “Let the heaven be made,” and “let the waters be gathered together
and let the dry land appear,” and “let the earth bring forth herb” and “every green thing:”
so that one must convict Jews also of not genuinely attending to the Scriptures. 5. For one
might ask them to whom was God speaking, to use the imperative mood? If He were commanding
and addressing the things He was creating, the utterance would be redundant, for
they were not yet in being, but were about to be made; but no one speaks to what does not
exist, nor addresses to what is not yet made a command to be made. For if God were giving
a command to the things that were to be, He must have said, “Be made, heaven, and be
§47. Necessity of a return to the Word if our corrupt nature is to be restored.
Who then, who can declare the Father by number, so as to discover the powers of His Word? For like as He is the Father’s Word and Wisdom, so too condescending to created things, He becomes, to impart the knowledge and apprehension of Him that begot Him, His very Brightness and very Life, and the Door, and the Shepherd, and the Way, and King and Governor, and Saviour over all, and Light, and Giver of Life, and Providence over all. Having then such a Son begotten of Himself, good, and Creator, the Father did not hide Him out of the sight of His creatures, but even day by day reveals Him to all by means of the organisation and life of all things, which is His work. 2. But in and through Him He reveals Himself also, as the Saviour says189: “I in the Father and the Father in Me:” so that it follows that the Word is in Him that begat Him, and that He that is begotten lives eternally with the Father. But this being so, and nothing being outside Him, but both heaven and earth and all that in them is being dependent on Him, yet men in their folly have set aside the knowledge and service of Him, and honoured things that are not instead of things that are: and instead of the real and true God deified things that were not, “serving the creature rather than the Creator190,” thus involving themselves in foolishness and impiety. 3. For it is just as if one were to admire the works more than the workman, and being awestruck at the public works in the city, were to make light of their builder, or as if one were to praise a musical instrument but to despise the man who made and tuned it. Foolish and sadly disabled in eyesight! For how else had they known the building, or ship, or lyre, had not the ship-builder made it, the architect built it, or the musician fashioned it? 4. As then he that reasons in such a way is mad, and beyond all madness, even so affected in mind, I think, are those who do not recognise God or worship His Word, our Lord Jesus Christ the Saviour of all, through Whom the Father orders, and holds together all things, and exercises providence over the Universe; having faith and piety towards Whom, my Christ-loving friend, be of good cheer and of good hope, because immortality and the kingdom of heaven is the fruit of faith and devotion towards Him, if only the soul be adorned according to His laws. For just as for them who walk after His example, the prize is life everlasting, so for those who walk the opposite way, and not that of virtue, there is great shame, and peril without pardon in the day of judgment, because although they knew the way of truth their acts were contrary to their knowledge.
The tract ‘against the Gentiles’ leaves the reader face to face with the necessity of restoration by the Divine Word as the remedy for corrupt human nature. How this necessity is met in the Incarnation is shewn in the pages which follow. The general design of the second tract is to illustrate and confirm the doctrine of the Incarnation by shewing (1) its necessity and end, (2) the congruity of its details, (3) its truth, as against the objections of Jews and Gentiles, (4) its result. He begins by a review (recapitulating c. Gent. 2–7) of the doctrine of creation and of man’s place therein. The abuse by man of his special Privilege had resulted in its loss. By foregoing the Divine Life, man had entered upon a course of endless undoing, of progressive decay, from which none could rescue him but the original bestower of his life (2–7). Then follows a description in glowing words of the Incarnation of the Divine Word and of its efficacy against the plague of corruption (8–10). With the Divine Life, man had also received, in the knowledge of God, the conscious reflex of the Divine Likeness, the faculty of reason in its highest exercise. This knowledge their moral fall dimmed and perverted. Heeding not even the means by which God sought to remind them of Himself, they fell deeper and deeper into materialism and superstition. To restore the effaced likeness the presence of the Original was requisite. Accordingly, condescending to man’s sense-bound intelligence—lest men should have been created in vain in the Image of God—the Word took Flesh and became an object of Sense, that through the Seen He might reveal the Invisible (11–16).
Having dwelt (17–19) upon the meaning and purpose of the Incarnation, he proceeds to speak of the Death and Resurrection of the Incarnate Word. He, Who alone could renew the handiwork and restore the likeness and give afresh the knowledge of God, must needs, in order to pay the debt which all had incurred (τὸ παρὰ πάντων ὀφειλόμενον), die in our stead, offering the sacrifice on behalf of all, so as to rise again, as our first-fruits, from the grave (20–32, note especially §20). After speaking of the especial fitness of the Cross, once the instrument of shame, now the trophy of victory, and after meeting some difficulties connected with the manner of the Lord’s Death, he passes to the Resurrection. He shews how Christ by His triumph over the grave changed (27) the relative ascendancy of Death and Life: and how the Resurrection with its momentous train of consequences, follows of necessity (31) from the Incarnation of Him in Whom was Life.
The two main divisions of contemporary unbelief are next combated. In either case the root of the difficulty is moral; with the Greeks it is a frivolous cynicism, with the Jews, inveterate obstinacy. The latter (33–40) are confuted, firstly, by their own Scriptures, which predict both in general and in detail the coming of Jesus Christ. Also, the old Jewish polity, both civil and religious, has passed away, giving place to the Church of Christ.
Turning to the Greeks (41–45), and assuming that they allow the existence of a per vading Spirit, whose presence is the sustaining principle of all things, he challenges them to reject, without inconsistency, the Union of that Spirit, the Logos (compare St. Augustine Conf. VII. ix.), with one in particular of the many constituents of that Universe wherein he already dwells. And since man alone (43. 3) of the creatures had departed from the order of his creation, it was man’s nature that the Word united to Himself, thus repairing the breach between the creature and the Creator at the very point where it had occurred.
God did not restore man by a mere fiat (44) because, just as repentance on man’s part (7) could not eradicate his disease, so such a fiat on God’s part would have amounted to the annihilation of human nature as it was, and the creation of a fresh race. Man’s definite disorder God met with a specific remedy, overcoming death with life. Thus man has been enabled once more to shew forth, in common with the rest of Creation, the handiwork and glory of his Maker.
Athanasius then confronts the Greeks, as he had the Jews, with facts. Since the coming of Christ, paganism, popular and philosophic, had been falling into discredit and decay. The impotence and rivalries of the philosophic teachers, the local and heterogeneous character, the low moral ideals of the old worships, are contrasted with the oneness and inspiring power of the religion of the Crucified. Such are the two, the dying and the living systems; it remains for him who will to taste and see what that life is which is the gift of Christ to them that follow Him (46–end).
The purpose of the tract, in common with the contra Gentes, being to commend the
religion of Christ to acceptance, the argument is concerned more with the Incarnation as a
living fact, and with its place in the scheme of God’s dealing with man, than with its analysis
as a theological doctrine. He does not enter upon the question, fruitful of controversy in
the previous century at Alexandria, but soon to burst forth into furious debate, of the Sonship
of the Word and of His relation to God the Father. Still less does he touch the Christological
questions which arose with the decline of the Arian tempest, questions associated with the
names of Apollinarius, Theodore, Cyril, Nestorius, Eutyches, Theodoret, and Dioscorus.
But we feel already that firm grasp of soteriological principles which mark him out as the
destined conqueror of Arianism, and which enabled him by a sure instinct to anticipate
unconsciously the theological difficulties which troubled the Church for the century after
his death. It is the broad comprehensive treatment of the subject in its relation to God, human
nature, and sin, that gives the work its interest to readers of the present day. In strong reaction
It may therefore be worth while to devote a word or two to some peculiarities incidental to its aim and method. We observe first of all how completely the power of the writer is absorbed in the subject under discussion. It is therefore highly precarious to infer anything from his silence even on points which might seem to require explanation in the course of his argument. Not a word is said of the doctrine of the Trinity, nor of the Holy Spirit; this directly follows from the purpose of the work, in accordance with the general truth that while the Church preaches Christ to the World, the Office and Personality of the Spirit belongs to her inner life. The teaching of the tract with regard to the constitution of man is another case in point. It might appear (§3, cf. 11. 2, 13. 2) that Athanasius ascribed the reasonable soul of man, and his immortality after death, not to the constitution of human nature as such, but to the grace superadded to it by the Creator (ἡ τοῦ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα χάρις), a grace which constituted men λογικοί (3. 4) by virtue of the power of the Logos, and which, if not forfeited by sin, involved the privilege of immortality. We have, then, to carefully consider whether Athanasius held, or meant to suggest, that man is by nature, and apart from union with God, (1) rational, or (2) immortal. If we confine our view to the treatise before us, there would be some show of reason in answering both questions in the negative; and with regard to immortality this has been recently done by an able correspondent of The Times (April 9, 1890).
But that Athanasius held the essential rationality and immortality of the soul is absolutely
clear, if only from c. Gent. 32 and 33. We have, then, to find an explanation of his language
in the present treatise. With regard to immortality, it should be observed (1) that the language
employed (in 4. 5, where κενωθῆναι τοῦ εἶναι ἀεί is explained by τὸ διαλυθέντας μένειν
ἐν τῷ θανάτῳ καὶ τῇ φθόρᾳ) suggests a continued condition, and therefore something short
of annihilation, although not worthy of the name of existence or life,—(2) that even in the
worst of men the image of God is defaced, but not effaced (14. 1, U+0026c.), and that even when
grace is lost (7. 4), man cannot be as though the contact with the divine had never taken
place;—(3) that in this work, as by St. Paul in 1 Cor. xv., the final destiny of the wicked is
passed over (but for the general reference 56. 3) in silence. It may be added (4) that Athanasius
puts together all that separates man from irrational creatures without clearly drawing
the line between what belongs to the natural man and what to the κατ᾽ εἰκόνα χάρις. The
subject of eschatology is nowhere dealt with in full by Athanasius; while it is quite certain
A somewhat similar caution is necessary with regard to the analogy drawn out (41, U+0026c.) between the Incarnation and the Union of the Word with the Universe. The treatise itself (17. 1, ἐκτὸς κατ᾽ οὐσίαν, and see notes on 41) supplies the necessary corrective in this case. It may be pointed out here that the real difference between Athanasius and the neo-Platonists was not so much upon the Union of the Word with any created Substance, which they were prepared to allow, as upon the exclusive Union of the Word with Man, in Contrast to His essential distinctness from the Universe. This difference goes back to the doctrine of Creation, which was fixed as a great gulf between the Christian and the Platonist view of the Universe. The relation of the latter to the Word is fully discussed in the third part of the contra Gentes, the teaching of which must be borne in mind while reading the forty-first and following chapters of the present treatise.
Lastly, the close relation between the doctrine of Creation and that of Redemption marks off the Soteriology of this treatise from that of the middle ages and of the Reformation. Athanasius does not leave out of sight the idea of satisfaction for a debt. To him also the Cross was the central purpose (20. 2, cf. 9. 1, 2, U+0026c.) of His Coming. But the idea of Restora- tion is most prominent in his determination of the necessity of the Incarnation. God could have wiped out our guilt, had He so pleased, by a word (44): but human nature required to be healed, restored, recreated. This (ἀνακτίσαι) is the foremost of the three ideas (7. 5) which sum up his account of the ‘dignus tanto Vindice nodus191.
The translation which follows is that printed in 1885 (D. Nutt, second edition, 1891) by the editor of this volume, with a very few changes (chiefly 2. 2, 8. 4, 34. 2, 44. 7, 8): it was originally made for the purpose of lectures at Oxford (1879–1882), and the analytical headings now prefixed to each chapter are extracted verbatim from notes made for the same course of lectures. The notes have mostly appeared either in the former edition of the translation, or appended to the Greek text published (D. Null, 1882) by the translator. A few, however, have now been added, including some references to the Sermo Major, which borrows wholesale from the present treatise (Prolegg. ch. III. §1. 37). Two other English translations have appeared, the one (Parker, 1880) previous, the other (Religious Tract Society, n.d.) subsequent to that of the present translator. The text followed is that of the Benedictine editors, with a few exceptions. Of those that at all affect the sense, 43.6 (καὶ τὸ σῶμα) and 51. 2 (κατὰ τῆς εἰδ·) are due to Mr. Marriott (Analecta Christiana, Oxf. 1844). For the others (13. 2, omission of μή, 28. 3, κατὰ τοῦ πύρος rejecting conjectures of Montf. and Marriott, 42. 6, omission of πεποιηκέναι 57. 3, καὶ τὰ for τὰ καί) the present editor is alone responsible.
Synopsis of the Treatise.
Page
§1.Introduction. The Redempt- ive work of the Word based on His initial relation to the Creature.36
FIRST PART.—The Incarnation of the Word.
§§2, 3. Doctrine of Creation: (1) Three erroneous views (2) rejected:
The Epicurean (materialist- ic) as failing to recognize a differentiating Principle.36
The Platonic (matter pre- existent) as not satisfying the idea of God 37
The Gnostic (dualistic) as contradictory to Scripture 37
(2) The true doctrine (3) and its application to the Creation of Man This directly brings us to a 37
§§4–10.First Reason for the Incarnation:
By departing from the Word, men lost the Principle of Life, and were wasting away (4, 5) 38
God could neither avert nor suffer this (6) 39
The latter would argue weakness, the former changeableness (7) on God’s part 39
The Word alone could solve this dilemma (7. 4). This done by His becoming man (8) and dying for us all (9). Reasonableness, and results of this (10) 40
§§11–16.Second Reason for the Incarnation:
In departing from the Word, men had also lost the Principle of Reason, by which they knew God. In spite of God’s witness to Himself, they were sunk into superstition and mental degradation (11, 12) 42
How none but the Word could remedy this (13, 14) 43
How He actually did so (15, 16). The Incarnation, a revelation of the Invisible Godhead 44
(§§17, 18 explain this in fur- ther detail) 45
§19.Transition to Second Part:
The Incarnation an irresist- ible revelation of God. This is especially true of the Death of Christ. 46
SECOND PART.—The Death and Resurrection of Christ.
His Death:
§20. 1.—Why necessary 47
§§21–25.2.—Why death by Crucifixion—
a.—Why public, and not natural, but at the hands of others (21–23) 47
b.—Why not of His own choosing (24) 49
c.—Why the Cross, of all deaths (25) 49
His rising again:
§26. 1.—Why on the third day 50
2.—Changed relation of 50 Death to mankind 50
§27.3.—Reality of His Resurrection— This:
§§28–32. a.—To be tested by Experi- ence (28) 51
b.—Implied by its visible ef- fects (29–31. 3) 51
c.—Involved in the Nature of the Incarnate Word (31. 4) 53
d.—Confirmed by what we 53
see; as is the case with all
Summary of what is thus proved to be true (32. 6) THIRD PART.—Refutation of Contemporary Unbelief. 53
§§33–40. A.—Refutation of Jews:
§§33–39.1.—From principles admit- 54 ted by them—i.e., from prophecies relating to the Messiah
(§39 forms the step to the next section) 57
§40.2.—From facts: cessation of the Jewish dispensation, as foretold by Daniel 57
§§41–55. B.—Refutation of Gentiles:
§§41–45.1.—From principles admitted by them–
§§41, 42.a.—The Word, whose exist- ence contemporary philo- sophy allowed, might reasonably be supposed to unite Himself to some particular nature: consequently, to human nature 58
§43.b.—Reasons for His Union with Man in particular 59
§44.c.—Reasons why man should not be restored by a mere fiat 60
§45.d.—Results of the Scheme 61 actually adopted
§§46–55.2.—Refutation of Gentiles from facts—
§§46–50.a.—Discredit and decay, 61 since the coming of Christ,
of philosophic and popular paganism
§§51, 52.b.—Influence of Christian morals on Society 64
§53.c.—Influence of Christ on the individual 65
§§54, 55.d.—Nature and glory of Christ’s Work: summary of His victory over paganism 65
§§56, 57.CONCLUSION: the en- quirer referred to the Scrip- tures. Indispensable moral conditions of the investigation of Spiritual Truth 66
§1. Introductory.—The subject of this treatise: the humiliation and incarnation of the Word. Presupposes the doctrine of Creation, and that by the Word. The Father has saved the world by Him through Whom he first made it.
Whereas in what precedes we have drawn out—choosing a few points from among
many—a sufficient account of the error of the heathen concerning idols, and of the worship
of idols, and how they originally came to be invented; how, namely, out of wickedness men
devised for themselves the worshipping of idols: and whereas we have by God’s grace noted
somewhat also of the divinity of the Word of the Father, and of His universal Providence
and power, and that the Good Father through Him orders all things, and all things are
moved by Him, and in Him are quickened: come now, Macarius192 (worthy of that name),
and true lover of Christ, let us follow up the faith of our religion193, and set forth also what
relates to the Word’s becoming Man, and to His divine Appearing amongst us, which Jews
traduce and Greeks laugh to scorn, but we worship; in order that, all the more for the
seeming low estate of the Word, your piety toward Him may be increased and multiplied.
2. For the more He is mocked among the unbelieving, the more witness does He give of His
own Godhead; inasmuch as He not only Himself demonstrates as possible what men mistake,
thinking impossible, but what men deride as unseemly, this by His own goodness He clothes
with seemliness, and what men, in their conceit of wisdom, laugh at as merely human, He
by His own power demonstrates to be divine, subduing the pretensions of idols by His
supposed humiliation—by the Cross—and those who mock and disbelieve invisibly winning
over to recognise His divinity and power. 3. But to treat this subject it is necessary to recall
what has been previously said; in order that you may neither fail to know the cause of the
bodily appearing of the Word of the Father, so high and so great, nor think it a consequence
of His own nature that the Saviour has worn a body; but that being incorporeal by nature,
and Word from the beginning, He has yet of the loving-kindness and goodness of His own
Father been manifested to us in a human body for our salvation. 4. It is, then, proper for us
to begin the treatment of this subject by speaking of the creation of the universe, and of God
its Artificer, that so it may be duly perceived that the renewal of creation has been the work
§2. Erroneous views of Creation rejected. (1) Epicurean (fortuitous generation). But diversity of bodies and parts argues a creating intellect. (2.) Platonists (pre-existent matter.) But this subjects God to human limitations, making Him not a creator but a mechanic. (3) Gnostics (an alien Demiurge). Rejected from Scripture.
Of the making of the universe and the creation of all things many have taken different views, and each man has laid down the law just as he pleased. For some say that all things have come into being of themselves, and in a chance fashion; as, for example, the Epicureans, who tell us in their self-contempt, that universal providence does not exist, speaking right in the face of obvious fact and experience. 2. For if, as they say, everything has had its beginning of itself, and independently of purpose, it would follow that everything had come into194 mere being, so as to be alike and not distinct. For it would follow in virtue of the unity of body that everything must be sun or moon, and in the case of men it would follow that the whole must be hand, or eye, or foot. But as it is this is not so. On the contrary, we see a distinction of sun, moon, and earth; and again, in the case of human bodies, of foot, hand, and head. Now, such separate arrangement as this tells us not of their having come into being of themselves, but shews that a cause preceded them; from which cause it is possible to apprehend God also as the Maker and Orderer of all.
3. But others, including Plato, who is in such repute among the Greeks, argue that God
has made the world out of matter previously existing and without beginning. For God could
have made nothing had not the material existed already; just as the wood must exist ready
at hand for the carpenter, to enable him to work at all. 4. But in so saying they know not
that they are investing God with weakness. For if He is not Himself the cause of the material,
but makes things only of previously existing material, He proves to be weak, because unable
to produce anything He makes without the material; just as it is without doubt a weakness
of the carpenter not to be able to make anything required without his timber. For, ex hypothesi,
had not the material existed, God would not have made anything. And how could He
in that case be called Maker and Artificer, if He owes His ability to make to some other
source—namely, to the material? So that if this be so, God will be on their theory a Mechanic
only, and not a Creator out of nothing195; if, that is, He works at existing material, but is
not Himself the cause of the material. For He could not in any sense be called Creator unless
He is Creator of the material of which the things created have in their turn been made. 5.
But the sectaries imagine to themselves a different artificer of all things, other than the
Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, in deep blindness even as to the words they use. 6. For
§3. The true doctrine. Creation out of nothing, of God’s lavish bounty of being. Man created above the rest, but incapable of independent perseverance. Hence the exceptional and supra-natural gift of being in God’s Image, with the promise of bliss conditionally upon his perseverance in grace.
Thus do they vainly speculate. But the godly teaching and the faith according to Christ
brands their foolish language as godlessness. For it knows that it was not spontaneously,
because forethought is not absent; nor of existing matter, because God is not weak; but that
out of nothing, and without its having any previous existence, God made the universe to
exist through His word, as He says firstly through Moses: “In198 the beginning God created
the heaven and the earth;” secondly, in the most edifying book of the Shepherd, “First199
of all believe that God is one, which created and framed all things, and made them to exist
out of nothing.” 2. To which also Paul refers when he says, “By200 faith we understand that
the worlds have been framed by the Word of God, so that what is seen hath not been made
out of things which do appear.” 3. For God is good, or rather is essentially the source of
goodness: nor201 could one that is good be niggardly of anything: whence, grudging existence
to none, He has made all things out of nothing by His own Word, Jesus Christ our Lord.
And among these, having taken especial pity, above all things on earth, upon the race of
men, and having perceived its inability, by virtue of the condition of its origin, to continue
in one stay, He gave them a further gift, and He did not barely create man, as He did all the
irrational creatures on the earth, but made them after His own image, giving them a portion
even of the power of His own Word; so that having as it were a kind of reflexion of the
Word, and being made rational, they might be able to abide ever in blessedness, living the
true life which belongs to the saints in paradise. 4. But knowing once more how the will of
man could sway to either side, in anticipation He secured the grace given them by a law and
by the spot where He placed them. For He brought them into His own garden, and gave
them a law: so that, if they kept the grace and remained good, they might still keep the life
in paradise without sorrow or pain or care besides having the promise of incorruption in
heaven; but that if they transgressed and turned back, and became evil, they might know
that they were incurring that corruption in death which was theirs by nature: no longer to
live in paradise, but cast out of it from that time forth to die and to abide in death and in
corruption. 5. Now this is that of which Holy Writ also gives warning, saying in the Person
of God: “Of every tree202 that is in the garden, eating thou shalt eat: but of the tree of the
§4. Our creation and God’s Incarnation most intimately connected. As by the Word man was called from non-existence into being, and further received the grace of a divine life, so by the one fault which forfeited that life they again incurred corruption and untold sin and misery filled the world.
You are wondering, perhaps, for what possible reason, having proposed to speak of the
Incarnation of the Word, we are at present treating of the origin of mankind. But this, too,
properly belongs to the aim of our treatise. 2. For in speaking of the appearance of the Saviour
amongst us, we must needs speak also of the origin of men, that you may know that the
reason of His coming down was because of us, and that our transgression203 called forth
the loving-kindness of the Word, that the Lord should both make haste to help us and appear
among men. 3. For of His becoming Incarnate we were the object, and for our salvation He
dealt so lovingly as to appear and be born even in a human body. 4. Thus, then, God has
made man, and willed that he should abide in incorruption; but men, having despised and
rejected the contemplation of God, and devised and contrived evil for themselves (as was
said204 in the former treatise), received the condemnation of death with which they had
been threatened; and from thenceforth no longer remained as they were made, but205 were
being corrupted according to their devices; and death had the mastery over them as king206.
For transgression of the commandment was turning them back to their natural state, so
that just as they have had their being out of nothing, so also, as might be expected, they
might look for corruption into nothing in the course of time. 5. For if, out of a former normal
state of non-existence, they were called into being by the Presence and loving-kindness of
the Word, it followed naturally that when men were bereft of the knowledge of God and
were turned back to what was not (for what is evil is not, but what is good is), they should,
since they derive their being from God who IS, be everlastingly bereft even of being; in
other words, that they should be disintegrated and abide in death and corruption. 6. For
man is by nature mortal, inasmuch as he is made out of what is not; but by reason of his
likeness to Him that is (and if he still preserved this likeness by keeping Him in his knowledge)
he would stay his natural corruption, and remain incorrupt; as Wisdom207 says: “The
taking heed to His laws is the assurance of immortality;” but being incorrupt, he would live
henceforth as God, to which I suppose the divine Scripture refers, when it says: “I have208
§5. For God has not only made us out of nothing; but He gave us freely, by the Grace of the Word, a life in correspondence with God. But men, having rejected things eternal, and, by counsel of the devil, turned to the things of corruption, became the cause209 of their own corruption in death, being, as I said before, by nature corruptible, but destined, by the grace following from partaking of the Word, to have escaped their natural state, had they remained good. 2. For because of the Word dwelling with them, even their natural corruption did not come near them, as Wisdom also says210: “God made man for incorruption, and as an image of His own eternity; but by envy of the devil death came into the world.” But when this was come to pass, men began to die, while corruption thence-forward prevailed against them, gaining even more than its natural power over the whole race, inasmuch as it had, owing to the transgression of the commandment, the threat of the Deity as a further advantage against them.
3. For even in their misdeeds men had not stopped short at any set limits; but gradually pressing forward, have passed on beyond all measure: having to begin with been inventors of wickedness and called down upon themselves death and corruption; while later on, having turned aside to wrong and exceeding all lawlessness, and stopping at no one evil but devising all manner of new evils in succession, they have become insatiable in sinning. 4. For there were adulteries everywhere and thefts, and the whole earth was full of murders and plunderings. And as to corruption and wrong, no heed was paid to law, but all crimes were being practised everywhere, both individually and jointly. Cities were at war with cities, and nations were rising up against nations; and the whole earth was rent with civil commotions and battles; each man vying with his fellows in lawless deeds. 8. Nor were even crimes against nature far from them, but, as the Apostle and witness of Christ says: “For their211 women changed the natural use into that which is against nature: and likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the women, burned in their lust one toward another, men with men working unseemliness, and receiving in themselves that recompense of their error which was meet.”
§6. The human race then was wasting, God’s image was being effaced, and His work ruined. Either, then, God must forego His spoken word by which man had incurred ruin; or that which had shared in the being of the Word must sink back again into destruction, in which case God’s design would be defeated. What then? was God’s goodness to suffer this? But if so, why had man been made? It could have been weakness, not goodness on God’s part.
For this cause, then, death having gained upon men, and corruption abiding upon them, the race of man was perishing; the rational man made in God’s image was disappearing, and the handiwork of God was in process of dissolution. 2. For death, as I said above, gained from that time forth a legal212 hold over us, and it was impossible to evade the law, since it had been laid down by God because213 of the transgression, and the result was in truth at once monstrous and unseemly. 3. For it were monstrous, firstly, that God, having spoken, should prove false—that, when once He had ordained that man, if he transgressed the commandment, should die the death, after the transgression man should not die, but God’s word should be broken. For God would not be true, if, when He had said we should die, man died not. 4. Again, it were unseemly that creatures once made rational, and having partaken of the Word, should go to ruin, and turn again toward non-existence by the way of corruption214. 5. For it were not worthy of God’s goodness that the things He had made should waste away, because of the deceit practised on men by the devil. 6. Especially it was unseemly to the last degree that God’s handicraft among men should be done away, either because of their own carelessness, or because of the deceitfulness of evil spirits.
7. So, as the rational creatures were wasting and such works in course of ruin, what was God in His goodness to do? Suffer corruption to prevail against them and death to hold them fast? And where were the profit of their having been made, to begin with? For better were they not made, than once made, left to neglect and ruin. 8. For neglect reveals weakness, and not goodness on God’s part—if, that is, He allows His own work to be ruined when once He had made it—more so than if He had never made man at all. 9. For if He had not made them, none could impute weakness; but once He had made them, and created them out of nothing, it were most monstrous for the work to be ruined, and that before the eyes of the Maker. 10. It was, then, out of the question to leave men to the current of corruption; because this would be unseemly, and unworthy of God’s goodness.
§7. On the other hand there was the consistency of God’s nature, not to be sacrificed for our profit. Were men, then, to be called upon to repent? But repentance cannot avert the execution of a law; still less can it remedy a fallen nature. We have incurred corruption and need to be restored to the Grace of God’s Image. None could renew but He Who had created. He alone could (1) recreate all, (2) suffer for all, (3) represent all to the Father.
But just as this consequence must needs hold, so, too, on the other side the just claims215 of God lie against it: that God should appear true to the law He had laid down concerning death. For it were monstrous for God, the Father of truth, to appear a liar for our profit and preservation. 2. So here, once more, what possible course was God to take? To demand re- pentance of men for their transgression? For this one might pronounce worthy of God; as though, just as from transgression men have become set towards corruption, so from repentance they may once more be set in the way of incorruption. 3. But repentance would, firstly, fail to guard the just claim216 of God. For He would still be none the more true, if men did not remain in the grasp of death; nor, secondly, does repentance call men back from what is their nature—it merely stays them from acts of sin. 4. Now, if there were merely a misdemeanour in question, and not a consequent corruption, repentance were well enough. But if, when transgression had once gained a start, men became involved in that corruption which was their nature, and were deprived of the grace which they had, being in the image of God, what further step was needed? or what was required for such grace and such recall, but the Word of God, which had also at the beginning made everything out of nought? 5. For His it was once more both to bring the corruptible to incorruption, and to maintain intact the just claim217 of the Father upon all. For being Word of the Father, and above all, He alone of natural fitness was both able to recreate everything, and worthy to suffer on behalf of all and to be ambassador for all with the Father.
§8. The Word, then, visited that earth in which He was yet always present ; and saw all these evils. He takes a body of our Nature, and that of a spotless Virgin, in whose womb He makes it His own, wherein to reveal Himself, conquer death, and restore life.
For this purpose, then, the incorporeal and incorruptible and immaterial Word of God
comes to our realm, howbeit he was not far from us218 before. For no part of Creation is
left void of Him: He has filled all things everywhere, remaining present with His own Father.
But He comes in condescension to shew loving-kindness upon us, and to visit us. 2. And
seeing the race of rational creatures in the way to perish, and death reigning over them by
corruption; seeing, too, that the threat against transgression gave a firm hold to the corruption
which was upon us, and that it was monstrous that219 before the law was fulfilled it should
fall through: seeing, once more, the unseemliness of what was come to pass: that the things
whereof He Himself was Artificer were passing away: seeing, further, the exceeding
wickedness of men, and how by little and little they had increased it to an intolerable pitch
against themselves: and seeing, lastly, how all men were under penalty of death: He took
pity on our race, and had mercy on our infirmity, and condescended to our corruption,
and, unable to bear that death should have the mastery—lest the creature should perish,
and His Father’s handiwork in men be spent for nought—He takes unto Himself a body,
and that of no different sort from ours. 3. For He did not simply will to become embodied,
or will merely to appear220. For if He willed merely to appear, He was able to effect His divine
appearance by some other and higher means as well. But He takes a body of our kind, and
not merely so, but from a spotless and stainless virgin, knowing not a man, a body clean
and in very truth pure from intercourse of men. For being Himself mighty, and Artificer of
everything, He prepares the body in the Virgin as a temple unto Himself, and makes it His
very own221 as an instrument, in it manifested, and in it dwelling. 4. And thus taking from
our bodies one of like nature, because all were under penalty of the corruption of death He
gave it over to death in the stead of all, and offered it to the Father—doing this, moreover,
of His loving-kindness, to the end that, firstly, all being held to have died in Him, the law
involving the ruin of men might be undone (inasmuch as its power was fully spent in the
Lord’s body, and had no longer holding-ground against men, his peers), and that, secondly,
whereas men had turned toward corruption, He might turn them again toward incorruption,
§9. The Word, since death alone could stay the plague, took a mortal body which, united with Him, should avail for all, and by partaking of His immortality stay the corruption of the Race. By being above all, He made His Flesh an offering for our souls; by being one with us all, he clothed us with immortality. Simile to illustrate this.
For the Word, perceiving that no otherwise could the corruption of men be undone save by death as a necessary condition, while it was impossible for the Word to suffer death, being immortal, and Son of the Father; to this end He takes to Himself a body capable of death, that it, by partaking of the Word Who is above all, might be worthy to die in the stead of all, and might, because of the Word which was come to dwell in it, remain incorruptible, and that thenceforth corruption might be stayed from all by the Grace of the Resurrection. Whence, by offering unto death the body He Himself had taken, as an offering and sacrifice free from any stain, straightway He put away death from all His peers by the offering of an equivalent. 2. For being over all, the Word of God naturally by offering His own temple and corporeal instrument for the life224 of all satisfied the debt by His death. And thus He, the incorruptible Son of God, being conjoined with all by a like nature, naturally clothed all with incorruption, by the promise of the resurrection. For the actual corruption in death has no longer holding-ground against men, by reason of the Word, which by His one body has come to dwell among them. 3. And like as225 when a great king has entered into some large city and taken up his abode in one of the houses there, such city is at all events held worthy of high honour, nor does any enemy or bandit any longer descend upon it and subject it; but, on the contrary, it is thought entitled to all care, because of the king’s having taken up his residence in a single house there: so, too, has it been with the Monarch of all. 4. For now that He has come to our realm, and taken up his abode in one body among His peers, henceforth the whole conspiracy of the enemy against mankind is checked, and the corruption of death which before was prevailing against them is done away. For the race of men had gone to ruin, had not the Lord and Saviour of all, the Son of God, come among us to meet the end of death226.
§10. By a like simile, the reasonableness of the work of redemption is shewn. How Christ wiped away our ruin, and provided its antidote by His own teaching. Scripture proofs of the Incarnation of the Word, and of the Sacrifice He wrought.
Now in truth this great work was peculiarly suited to God’s goodness. 1. For if a king,
having founded a house or city, if it be beset by bandits from the carelessness of its inmates,
does not by any means neglect it, but avenges and reclaims it as his own work, having regard
not to the carelessness of the inhabitants, but to what beseems himself; much more did God
the Word of the all-good Father not neglect the race of men, His work, going to corruption:
but, while He blotted out the death which had ensued by the offering of His own body, He
corrected their neglect by His own teaching, restoring all that was man’s by His own power.
2. And of this one may be assured at the hands of the Saviour’s own inspired writers, if one
happen upon their writings, where they say: “For the love of Christ227 constraineth us; because
we thus judge, that if one died for all, then all died, and He died for all that we should
no longer live unto ourselves, but unto Him Who for our sakes died and rose again,” our
Lord Jesus Christ. And, again: “But228 we behold Him, Who hath been made a little lower
than the angels, even Jesus, because of the suffering of death crowned with glory and honour,
that by the grace of God He should taste of death for every man.” 3. Then He also points
out the reason why it was necessary for none other than God the Word Himself to become
incarnate; as follows: “For it became Him, for Whom are all things, and through Whom are
all things, in bringing many sons unto glory, to make the Captain of their salvation perfect
through suffering;” by which words He means, that it belonged to none other to bring man
back from the corruption which had begun, than the Word of God, Who had also made
them from the beginning. 4. And that it was in order to the sacrifice for bodies such as His
own that the Word Himself also assumed a body, to this, also, they refer in these words229:
“Forasmuch then as the children are the sharers in blood and flesh, He also Himself in like
manner partook of the same, that through death He might bring to naught Him that had
the power of death, that is, the devil; and might deliver them who, through fear of death,
were all their lifetime subject to bondage.” 5. For by the sacrifice of His own body, He both
put an end to the law which was against us, and made a new beginning of life for us, by the
hope of resurrection which He has given us. For since from man it was that death prevailed
over men, for this cause conversely, by the Word of God being made man has come about
the destruction of death and the resurrection of life; as the man which bore Christ230 saith:
§11. Second reason for the Incarnation. God, knowing that man was not by nature sufficient to know Him, gave him, in order that he might have some profit in being, a knowledge of Himself. He made them in the Image of the Word, that thus they might know the Word, and through Him the Father. Yet man, despising this, fell into idolatry, leaving the unseen God for magic and astrology; and all this in spite of God’s manifold revelation of Himself.
God, Who has the power over all things, when He was making the race of men through
His own Word, seeing the weakness of their nature, that it was not sufficient of itself to
know its Maker, nor to get any idea at all of God; because while He was uncreate, the creatures
had been made of nought, and while He was incorporeal, men had been fashioned in a lower
way in the body, and because in every way the things made fell far short of being able to
comprehend and know their Maker—taking pity, I say, on the race of men, inasmuch as He
is good, He did not leave them destitute of the knowledge of Himself, lest they should find
no profit in existing at all233. 2. For what profit to the creatures if they knew not their Maker?
or how could they be rational without knowing the Word (and Reason) of the Father, in
Whom they received their very being? For there would be nothing to distinguish them even
from brute creatures if they had knowledge of nothing but earthly things. Nay, why did God
make them at all, as He did not wish to be known by them? 3. Whence, lest this should be
so, being good, He gives them a share in His own Image, our Lord Jesus Christ, and makes
them after His own Image and after His likeness: so that by such grace perceiving the Image,
that is, the Word of the Father, they may be able through Him to get an idea of the Father,
and knowing their Maker, live the happy and truly blessed life. 4. But men once more in
their perversity having set at nought, in spite of all this, the grace given them, so wholly rejected
God, and so darkened their soul, as not merely to forget their idea of God, but also
to fashion for themselves one invention after another. For not only did they grave idols for
themselves, instead of the truth, and honour things that were not before the living God,
“and234 serve the creature rather than the Creator,” but, worst of all, they transferred the
honour of God even to stocks and stones and to every material object and to men, and went
even further than this, as we have said in the former treatise. 5. So far indeed did their impiety
go, that they proceeded to worship devils, and proclaimed them as gods, fulfilling their
own235 lusts. For they performed, as was said above, offerings of brute animals, and sacrifices
of men, as was meet for them236, binding themselves down all the faster under their maddening
inspirations. 6. For this reason it was also that magic arts were taught among them,
and oracles in divers places led men astray, and all men ascribed the influences of their birth
§12. For though man was created in grace, God, foreseeing his forgetfulness, provided also the works of creation to remind man of him. Yet further, He ordained a Law and Prophets, whose ministry was meant for all the world. Yet men heeded only their own lusts.
For whereas the grace of the Divine Image was in itself sufficient to make known God the Word, and through Him the Father; still God, knowing the weakness of men, made provision even for their carelessness: so that if they cared not to know God of themselves, they might be enabled through the works of creation to avoid ignorance of the Maker. 2. But since men’s carelessness, by little and little, descends to lower things, God made provision, once more, even for this weakness of theirs, by sending a law, and prophets, men such as they knew, so that even if they were not ready to look up to heaven and know their Creator, they might have their instruction from those near at hand. For men are able to learn from men more directly about higher things. 3. So it was open to them, by looking into the height of heaven, and perceiving the harmony of creation, to know its Ruler, the Word of the Father, Who, by His own providence over all things makes known the Father to all, and to this end moves all things, that through Him all may know God. 4. Or, if this were too much for them, it was possible for them to meet at least the holy men, and through them to learn of God, the Maker of all things, the Father of Christ; and that the worship of idols is godlessness, and full of all impiety. 5. Or it was open to them, by knowing the law even, to cease from all lawlessness and live a virtuous life. For neither was the law for the Jews alone, nor were the Prophets sent for them only, but, though sent to the Jews and persecuted by the Jews, they were for all the world a holy school of the knowledge of God and the conduct of the soul. 6. God’s goodness then and loving-kindness being so great—men nevertheless, overcome by the pleasures of the moment and by the illusions and deceits sent by demons, did not raise their heads toward the truth, but loaded themselves the more with evils and sins, so as no longer to seem rational, but from their ways to be reckoned void of reason.
§13. Here again, was God to keep silence? to allow to false gods the worship He made us to render to Himself? A king whose subjects had revolted would, after sending letters and messages, go to them in person. How much more shall God restore in us the grace of His image. This men, themselves but copies, could not do. Hence the Word Himself must come (1) to recreate, (2) to destroy death in the Body.
So then, men having thus become brutalized, and demoniacal deceit thus clouding every place, and hiding the knowledge of the true God, what was God to do? To keep still silence at so great a thing, and suffer men to be led astray by demons and not to know God? 2. And what was the use of man having been originally made in God’s image? For it had been better for him to have been made simply like a brute animal, than, once made rational, for him to live237 the life of the brutes. 3. Or where was any necessity at all for his receiving the idea of God to begin with? For if he be not fit to receive it even now, it were better it had not been given him at first. 4. Or what profit to God Who has made them, or what glory to Him could it be, if men, made by Him, do not worship Him, but think that others are their makers? For God thus proves to have made these for others instead of for Himself. 5. Once again, a merely human king does not let the lands he has colonized pass to others to serve them, nor go over to other men; but he warns them by letters, and often sends to them by friends, or, if need be, he comes in person, to put them to rebuke in the last resort by his presence, only that they may not serve others and his own work be spent for naught. 6. Shall not God much more spare His own creatures, that they be not led astray from Him and serve things of nought? especially since such going astray proves the cause of their ruin and undoing, and since it was unfitting that they should perish which had once been partakers of God’s image. 7. What then was God to do? or what was to be done save the renewing of that which was in God’s image, so that by it men might once more be able to know Him? But how could this have come to pass save by the presence of the very Image of God, our Lord Jesus Christ? For by men’s means it was impossible, since they are but made after an image; nor by angels either, for not even they are (God’s) images. Whence the Word of God came in His own person, that, as He was the Image of the Father, He might be able to create afresh the man after the image. 8. But, again, it could not else have taken place had not death and corruption been done away. 9. Whence He took, in natural fitness, a mortal body, that while death might in it be once for all done away, men made after His Image might once more be renewed. None other then was sufficient for this need, save the Image of the Father.
§14. A portrait once effaced must be restored from the original. Thus the Son of the Father came to seek, save, and regenerate. No other way was possible. Blinded himself, man could not see to heal. The witness of creation had failed to preserve him, and could not bring him back. The Word alone could do so. But how? Only by revealing Himself as Man.
For as, when the likeness painted on a panel has been effaced by stains from without,
he whose likeness it is must needs come once more to enable the portrait to be renewed on
the same wood: for, for the sake of his picture, even the mere wood on which it is painted
is not thrown away, but the outline is renewed upon it; 2. in the same way also the most
holy Son of the Father, being the Image of the Father, came to our region to renew man
once made in His likeness, and find him, as one lost, by the remission of sins; as He says
Himself in the Gospels: “I came238 to find and to save the lost.” Whence He said to the Jews
also: “Except239 a man be born again,” not meaning, as they thought, birth from woman,
but speaking of the soul born and created anew in the likeness of God’s image. 3. But since
wild idolatry and godlessness occupied the world, and the knowledge of God was hid, whose
part was it to teach the world concerning the Father? Man’s, might one say? But it was not
in man’s power to penetrate everywhere beneath the sun; for neither had they the physical
strength to run so far, nor would they be able to claim credence in this matter, nor were
they sufficient by themselves to withstand the deceit and impositions of evil spirits. 4. For
where all were smitten and confused in soul from demoniacal deceit, and the vanity of idols,
how was it possible for them to win over man’s soul and man’s mind—whereas they cannot
even see them? Or how can a man convert what he does not see? 5. But perhaps one might
say creation was enough; but if creation were enough, these great evils would never have
come to pass. For creation was there already, and all the same, men were grovelling in the
same error concerning God. 6. Who, then, was needed, save the Word of God, that sees
both soul and mind, and that gives movement to all things in creation, and by them makes
known the Father? For He who by His own Providence and ordering of all things was
teaching men concerning the Father, He it was that could renew this same teaching as well.
7. How, then, could this have been done? Perhaps one might say, that the same means were
open as before, for Him to shew forth the truth about the Father once more by means of
the work of creation. But this was no longer a sure means. Quite the contrary; for men
missed seeing this before, and have turned their eyes no longer upward but downward. 8.
Whence, naturally, willing to profit men, He sojourns here as man, taking to Himself a body
like the others, and from things of earth, that is by the works of His body [He teaches them],
so that they who would not know Him from His Providence and rule over all things, may
§15. Thus the Word condescended to man’s engrossment in corporeal things, by even taking a body. All man’s superstitions He met halfway; whether men were inclined to worship Nature, Man, Demons, or the dead, He shewed Himself Lord of all these.
For as a kind teacher who cares for His disciples, if some of them cannot profit by higher subjects, comes down to their level, and teaches them at any rate by simpler courses; so also did the Word of God. As Paul also says: “For seeing240 that in the wisdom of God the world through its wisdom knew not God, it was God’s good pleasure through the foolishness of the word preached to save them that believe.” 2. For seeing that men, having rejected the contemplation of God, and with their eyes downward, as though sunk in the deep, were seeking about for God in nature and in the world of sense, feigning gods for themselves of mortal men and demons; to this end the loving and general Saviour of all, the Word of God, takes to Himself a body, and as Man walks among men and meets the senses of all men half-way241, to the end, I say, that they who think that God is corporeal may from what the Lord effects by His body perceive the truth, and through Him recognize242 the Father. 3. So, men as they were, and human in all their thoughts, on whatever objects they fixed their senses, there they saw themselves met half-way243, and taught the truth from every side. 4. For if they looked with awe upon the Creation, yet they saw how she confessed Christ as Lord; or if their mind was swayed toward men, so as to think them gods, yet from the Saviour’s works, supposing they compared them, the Saviour alone among men appeared Son of God; for there were no such works done among the rest as have been done by the Word of God. 5. Or if they were biassed toward evil spirits, even, yet seeing them cast out by the Word, they were to know that He alone, the Word of God, was God, and that the spirits were none. 6. Or if their mind had already sunk even to the dead, so as to worship heroes, and the gods spoken of in the poets, yet, seeing the Saviour’s resurrection, they were to confess them to be false gods, and that the Lord alone is true, the Word of the Father, that was Lord even of death. 7. For this cause He was both born and appeared as Man, and died, and rose again, dulling and casting into the shade the works of all former men by His own, that in whatever direction the bias of men might be, from thence He might recall them, and teach them of His own true Father, as He Himself says: “I came to save and to find that which was lost244.”
240 1 Cor. i. 21.
241 Lit. “draws toward Himself.”
242 Lit. “infer.”
243 Lit. “draws toward Himself.”
244 Cf. 14. 2.
§16. He came then to attract man’s sense-bound attention to Himself as man, and so to lead him on to know Him as God.
For men’s mind having finally fallen to things of sense, the Word disguised Himself by appearing in a body, that He might, as Man, transfer men to Himself, and centre their senses on Himself, and, men seeing Him thenceforth as Man, persuade them by the works He did that He is not Man only, but also God, and the Word and Wisdom of the true God. 2. This, too, is what Paul means to point out when he says: “That ye245 being rooted and grounded in love, may be strong to apprehend with all the saints what is the breadth and length, and height and depth, and to know the love of Christ which passeth knowledge, that ye may be filled unto all the fulness of God.” 3. For by the Word revealing Himself everywhere, both above and beneath, and in the depth and in the breadth—above, in the creation; beneath, in becoming man; in the depth, in Hades; and in the breadth, in the world—all things have been filled with the knowledge of God. 4. Now for this cause, also, He did not immediately upon His coming accomplish His sacrifice on behalf of all, by offering His body to death and raising it again, for by this246 means He would have made Himself invisible. But He made Himself visible enough by what247 He did, abiding in it, and doing such works, and shewing such signs, as made Him known no longer as Man, but as God the Word. 5. For by His becoming Man, the Saviour was to accomplish both works of love; first, in putting away death from us and renewing us again; secondly, being unseen and invisible, in manifesting and making Himself known by His works to be the Word of the Father, and the Ruler and King of the universe.
§17. How the Incarnation did not limit the ubiquity of the Word, nor diminish His Purity. (Simile of the Sun.)
For He was not, as might be imagined, circumscribed in the body, nor, while present in the body, was He absent elsewhere; nor, while He moved the body, was the universe left void of His working and Providence; but, thing most marvellous, Word as He was, so far from being contained by anything, He rather contained all things Himself; and just as while present in the whole of Creation, He is at once distinct in being from the universe, and present in all things by His own power,—giving order to all things, and over all and in all revealing His own providence, and giving life to each thing and all things, including the whole without being included, but being in His own Father alone wholly and in every respect,— 2. thus, even while present in a human body and Himself quickening it, He was, without inconsistency, quickening the universe as well, and was in every process of nature, and was outside the whole, and while known from the body by His works, He was none the less manifest from the working of the universe as well. 3. Now, it is the function of soul to behold even what is outside its own body, by acts of thought, without, however, working outside its own body, or moving by its presence things remote from the body. Never, that is, does a man, by thinking of things at a distance, by that fact either move or displace them; nor if a man were to sit in his own house and reason about the heavenly bodies, would he by that fact either move the sun or make the heavens revolve. But he sees that they move and have their being, without being actually able to influence them. 4. Now, the Word of God in His man’s nature was not like that; for He was not bound to His body, but rather was Himself wielding it, so that He was not only in it, but was actually in everything, and while external to the universe, abode in His Father only. 5. And this was the wonderful thing that He was at once walking as man, and as the Word was quickening all things, and as the Son was dwelling with His Father. So that not even when the Virgin bore Him did He suffer any change, nor by being in the body was [His glory] dulled: but, on the contrary, He sanctified the body also. 6. For not even by being in the universe does He share in its nature, but all things, on the contrary, are quickened and sustained by Him. 7. For if the sun too, which was made by Him, and which we see, as it revolves in the heaven, is not defiled248 by touching the bodies upon earth, nor is it put out by darkness, but on the contrary itself illuminates and cleanses them also, much less was the all-holy Word of God, Maker and Lord also of the sun, defiled by being made known in the body; on the contrary, being incorruptible, He quickened and cleansed the body also, which was in itself mortal: “who249 did,” for so it says, “no sin, neither was guile found in His mouth.”
§18. How the Word and Power of God works in His human actions: by casting out devils, by Miracles, by His Birth of the Virgin.
Accordingly, when inspired writers on this matter speak of Him as eating and being
born, understand250 that the body, as body, was born, and sustained with food corresponding
to its nature, while God, the Word Himself, Who was united with the body, while ordering
all things, also by the works He did in the body shewed Himself to be not man, but God the
Word. But these things are said of Him, because the actual body which ate, was born, and
suffered, belonged to none other but to the Lord: and because, having become man, it was
proper for these things to be predicated of Him as man, to shew Him to have a body in truth,
and not in seeming. 2. But just as from these things He was known to be bodily present, so
from the works He did in the body He made Himself known to be Son of God. Whence also
He cried to the unbelieving Jews; “If251 I do not the works of My Father, believe Me not.
But if I do them, though ye believe not Me, believe My works; that ye may know and understand
that the Father is in Me, and I in the Father.” 3. For just as, though invisible, He is
known through the works of creation; so, having become man, and being in the body unseen,
it may be known from His works that He Who can do these is not man, but the Power and
Word of God. 4. For His charging evil spirits, and their being driven forth, this deed is not
of man, but of God. Or who that saw Him healing the diseases to which the human race is
subject, can still think Him man and not God? For He cleansed lepers, made lame men to
walk, opened the hearing of deaf men, made blind men to see again, and in a word drove
away from men all diseases and infirmities: from which acts it was possible even for the
most ordinary observer to see His Godhead. For who that saw Him give back252 what was
deficient to men born lacking, and open the eyes of the man blind from his birth, would
have failed to perceive that the nature of men was subject to Him, and that He was its Artificer
and Maker? For He that gave back that which the man from his birth had not, must be, it
is surely evident, the Lord also of men’s natural birth. 5. Therefore, even to begin with, when
He was descending to us, He fashioned His body for Himself from a Virgin, thus to afford
to all no small proof of His Godhead, in that He Who formed this is also Maker of everything
else as well. For who, seeing a body proceeding forth from a Virgin alone without man, can
fail to infer that He Who appears in it is Maker and Lord of other bodies also? 6. Or who,
seeing the substance of water changed and transformed into wine, fails to perceive that He
Who did this is Lord and Creator of the substance of all waters? For to this end He went
upon the sea also as its Master, and walked as on dry land, to afford evidence to them that
saw it of His lordship over all things. And in feeding so vast a multitude on little, and of His
§19. Man, unmoved by nature, was to be taught to know God by that sacred Manhood, Whose deity all nature confessed, especially in His Death.
But all this it seemed well for the Saviour to do; that since men had failed to know His Providence, revealed in the Universe, and had failed to perceive His Godhead shewn in creation, they might at any rate from the works of His body recover their sight, and through Him receive an idea of the knowledge of the Father, inferring, as I said before, from particular cases His Providence over the whole. 2. For who that saw His power over evil spirits, or who that saw the evil spirits confess that He was their Lord, will hold his mind any longer in doubt whether this be the Son and Wisdom and Power of God? 3. For He made even the creation break silence: in that even at His death, marvellous to relate, or rather at His actual trophy over death—the Cross I mean—all creation was confessing that He that was made manifest and suffered in the body was not man merely, but the Son of God and Saviour of all. For the sun hid His face, and the earth quaked and the mountains were rent: all men were awed. Now these things shewed that Christ on the Cross was God, while all creation was His slave, and was witnessing by its fear to its Master’s presence. Thus, then, God the Word shewed Himself to men by His works. But our next step must be to recount and speak of the end of His bodily life and course, and of the nature of the death of His body; especially as this is the sum of our faith, and all men without exception are full of it: so that you may know that no whit the less from this also Christ is known to be God and the Son of God.
§20. None, then, could bestow incorruption, but He Who had made, none restore the likeness of God, save His Own Image, none quicken, but the Life, none teach, but the Word. And He, to pay our debt of death, must also die for us, and rise again as our first-fruits from the grave. Mortal therefore His Body must be; corruptible, His Body could not be.
We have, then, now stated in part, as far as it was possible, and as ourselves had been
able to understand, the reason of His bodily appearing; that it was in the power of none
other to turn the corruptible to incorruption, except the Saviour Himself, that had at the
beginning also made all things out of nought and that none other could create anew the
likeness of God’s image for men, save the Image of the Father; and that none other could
render the mortal immortal, save our Lord Jesus Christ, Who is the Very Life253; and that
none other could teach men of the Father, and destroy the worship of idols, save the Word,
that orders all things and is alone the true Only-begotten Son of the Father. 2. But since it
was necessary also that the debt owing from all should be paid again: for, as I have already
said254, it was owing that all should die, for which especial cause, indeed, He came among
us: to this intent, after the proofs of His Godhead from His works, He next offered up His
sacrifice also on behalf of all, yielding His Temple to death in the stead of all, in order firstly
to make men quit and free of their old trespass, and further to shew Himself more powerful
even than death, displaying His own body incorruptible, as first-fruits of the resurrection
of all. 3. And do not be surprised if we frequently255 repeat the same words on the same
subject. For since we are speaking of the counsel of God, therefore we expound the same
sense in more than one form, lest we should seem to be leaving anything out, and incur the
charge of inadequate treatment: for it is better to submit to the blame of repetition than to
leave out anything that ought to be set down. 4. The body, then, as sharing the same nature
with all, for it was a human body, though by an unparalleled miracle it was formed of a
virgin only, yet being mortal, was to die also, conformably to its peers. But by virtue of the
union of the Word with it, it was no longer subject to corruption according to its own nature,
but by reason of the Word that was come to dwell256 in it it was placed out of the reach of
corruption. 5. And so it was that two marvels came to pass at once, that the death of all was
accomplished in the Lord’s body, and that death and corruption were wholly done away by
reason of the Word that was united with it. For there was need of death, and death must
needs be suffered on behalf of all, that the debt owing from all might be paid. 6. Whence,
as I said before, the Word, since it was not possible for Him to die, as He was immortal,
§21. Death brought to nought by the death of Christ. Why then did not Christ die privately, or in a more honourable way? He was not subject to natural death, but had to die at the hands of others. Why then did He die? Nay but for that purpose He came, and but for that, He could not have risen.
Why, now that the common Saviour of all has died on our behalf, we, the faithful in
Christ, no longer die the death as before, agreeably to the warning of the law; for this condemnation
has ceased; but, corruption ceasing and being put away by the grace of the Resurrection,
henceforth we are only dissolved, agreeably to our bodies’ mortal nature, at the
time God has fixed for each, that we may be able to gain a better resurrection. 2. For like
the seeds which are cast into the earth, we do not perish by dissolution, but sown in the
earth, shall rise again, death having been brought to nought by the grace of the Saviour.
Hence it is that blessed Paul, who was made a surety of the Resurrection to all, says: “This
corruptible259 must put on incorruption, and this mortal must put on immortality; but
when this corruptible shall have put on incorruption, and this mortal shall have put on immortality,
then shall be brought to pass the saying that is written, Death is swallowed up in
victory. O death where is thy sting? O grave where is thy victory?” 3. Why, then, one might
say, if it were necessary for Him to yield up His body to death in the stead of all, did He not
lay it aside as man privately, instead of going as far as even to be crucified? For it were more
fitting for Him to have laid His body aside honourably, than ignominiously to endure a
death like this. 4. Now, see to it, I reply, whether such an objection be not merely human,
whereas what the Saviour did is truly divine and for many reasons worthy of His Godhead.
Firstly, because the death which befalls men comes to them agreeably to the weakness of
their nature; for, unable to continue in one stay, they are dissolved with time. Hence, too,
diseases befall them, and they fall sick and die. But the Lord is not weak, but is the Power
of God and Word of God and Very Life. 5. If, then, He had laid aside His body somewhere
in private, and upon a bed, after the manner of men, it would have been thought that He
also did this agreeably to the weakness of His nature, and because there was nothing in him
more than in other men. But since He was, firstly, the Life and the Word of God, and it was
necessary, secondly, for the death on behalf of all to be accomplished, for this cause, on the
one hand, because He was life and power, the body gained strength in Him; 6. while on the
other, as death must needs come to pass, He did not Himself take, but received at others’
hands; the occasion of perfecting His sacrifice. Since it was not fit, either, that the Lord
should fall sick, who healed the diseases of others; nor again was it right for that body to
lose its strength, in which He gives strength to the weaknesses of others also. 7. Why, then,
did He not prevent death, as He did sickness? Because it was for this that He had the body,
and it was unfitting to prevent it, lest the Resurrection also should be hindered, while yet it
§22. But why did He not withdraw His body from the Jews, and so guard its immortality? (1) It became Him not to inflict death on Himself, and yet not to shun it. (2) He came to receive death as the due of others, therefore it should come to Him from without. (3) His death must be certain, to guarantee the truth of His Resurrection. Also, He could not die from infirmity, lest He should be mocked in His healing of others.
But it were better, one might say, to have hidden from the designs of the Jews, that He might guard His body altogether from death. Now let such an one be told that this too was unbefitting the Lord. For as it was not fitting for the Word of God, being the Life, to inflict death Himself on His own body, so neither was it suitable to fly from death offered by others, but rather to follow it up unto destruction, for which reason He naturally neither laid aside His body of His own accord, nor, again, fled from the Jews when they took counsel against Him. 2. But this did not shew weakness on the Word’s part, but, on the contrary, shewed Him to be Saviour and Life; in that He both awaited death to destroy it, and hasted to accomplish the death offered Him for the salvation of all. 3. And besides, the Saviour came to accomplish not His own death, but the death of men; whence He did not lay aside His body by a death of His own260—for He was Life and had none—but received that death which came from men, in order perfectly to do away with this when it met Him in His own body. 4. Again, from the following also one might see the reasonableness of the Lord’s body meeting this end. The Lord was especially concerned for the resurrection of the body which He was set to accomplish. For what He was to do was to manifest it as a monument of victory over death, and to assure all of His having effected the blotting out of corruption, and of the incorruption of their bodies from thenceforward; as a gage of which and a proof of the resurrection in store for all, He has preserved His own body incorrupt. 5. If, then, once more, His body had fallen sick, and the word had been sundered from it in the sight of all, it would have been unbecoming that He who healed the diseases of others should suffer His own instrument to waste in sickness. For how could His driving out the diseases of others have been believed261 in if His own temple fell sick in Him262? For either He had been mocked as unable to drive away diseases, or if He could, but did not, He would be thought insensible toward others also.
§23. Necessity of a public death for the doctrine of the Resurrection.
But even if, without any disease and without any pain, He had hidden His body away privily and by Himself “in263 a corner,” or in a desert place, or in a house, or anywhere, and afterwards suddenly appeared and said that He had been raised from the dead, He would have seemed on all hands to be telling idle tales264, and what He said about the Resurrection would have been all the more discredited, as there was no one at all to witness to His death. Now, death must precede resurrection, as it would be no resurrection did not death precede; so that if the death of His body had taken place anywhere in secret, the death not being apparent nor taking place before witnesses, His Resurrection too had been hidden and without evidence. 2. Or why, while when He had risen He proclaimed the Resurrection, should He cause His death to take place in secret? or why, while He drove out evil spirits in the presence of all, and made the man blind from his birth recover his sight, and changed the water into wine, that by these means He might be believed to be the Word of God, should He not manifest His mortal nature as incorruptible in the presence of all, that He might be believed Himself to be the Life? 3. Or how were His disciples to have boldness in speaking of the Resurrection, were they not able to say that He first died? Or how could they be believed, saying that death had first taken place and then the Resurrection, had they not had as witnesses of His death the men before whom they spoke with boldness? For if, even as it was, when His death and Resurrection had taken place in the sight of all, the Pharisees of that day would not believe, but compelled even those who had seen the Resurrection to deny it, why, surely, if these things had happened in secret, how many pretexts for disbelief would they have devised? 4. Or how could the end of death, and the victory over it be proved, unless challenging it before the eyes of all He had shewn it to be dead, annulled for the future by the incorruption of His body?
§24. Further objections anticipated. He did not choose His manner of death; for He was to prove Conqueror of death in all or any of its forms: (simile of a good wrestler). The death chosen to disgrace Him proved the Trophy against death: moreover it preserved His body undivided.
But what others also might have said, we must anticipate in reply. For perhaps a man might say even as follows: If it was necessary for His death to take place before all, and with witnesses, that the story of His Resurrection also might be believed, it would have been better at any rate for Him to have devised for Himself a glorious death, if only to escape the ignominy of the Cross. 2. But had He done even this, He would give ground for suspicion against Himself, that He was not powerful against every death, but only against the death devised for265 Him; and so again there would have been a pretext for disbelief about the Resurrection all the same. So death came to His body, not from Himself, but from hostile counsels, in order that whatever death they offered to the Saviour, this He might utterly do away. 3. And just as a noble wrestler, great in skill and courage, does not pick out his antagonists for himself, lest he should raise a suspicion of his being afraid of some of them, but puts it in the choice of the onlookers, and especially so if they happen to be his enemies, so that against whomsoever they match him, him he may throw, and be believed superior to them all; so also the Life of all, our Lord and Saviour, even Christ, did not devise a death for His own body, so as not to appear to be fearing some other death; but He accepted on the Cross, and endured, a death inflicted by others, and above all by His enemies, which they thought dreadful and ignominious and not to be faced; so that this also being destroyed, both He Himself might be believed to be the Life, and the power of death be brought utterly to nought. 4. So something surprising and startling has happened; for the death, which they thought to inflict as a disgrace, was actually a monument of victory against death itself. Whence neither did He suffer the death of John, his head being severed, nor, as Esaias, was He sawn in sunder; in order that even in death He might still keep His body undivided and in perfect soundness, and no pretext be afforded to those that would divide the Church.
§25. Why the Cross, of all deaths? (1) He had to bear the curse for us. (2) On it He held out His hands to unite all, Jews and Gentiles, in Himself. (3) He defeated the “Prince of the powers of the air” in His own region, clearing the way to heaven and opening for us the everlasting doors.
And thus much in reply to those without who pile up arguments for themselves. But if
any of our own people also inquire, not from love of debate, but from love of learning, why
He suffered death in none other way save on the Cross, let him also be told that no other
way than this was good for us, and that it was well that the Lord suffered this for our sakes.
2. For if He came Himself to bear the curse laid upon us, how else could He have “become266
a curse,” unless He received the death set for a curse? and that is the Cross. For this is exactly
what is written: “Cursed267 is he that hangeth on a tree.” 3. Again, if the Lord’s death is the
ransom of all, and by His death “the middle268 wall of partition” is broken down, and the
calling of the nations is brought about, how would He have called us to Him, had He not
been crucified? For it is only on the cross that a man dies with his hands spread out. Whence
it was fitting for the Lord to bear this also and to spread out His hands, that with the one
He might draw the ancient people, and with the other those from the Gentiles, and unite
both in Himself. 4. For this is what He Himself has said, signifying by what manner of death
He was to ransom all: “I, when269 I am lifted up,” He saith, “shall draw all men unto Me.”
5. And once more, if the devil, the enemy of our race, having fallen from heaven, wanders
about our lower atmosphere, and there bearing rule over his fellow-spirits, as his peers in
disobedience, not only works illusions by their means in them that are deceived, but tries
to hinder them that are going up (and about this270 the Apostle says: “According to the
prince of the power of the air, of the spirit that now worketh in the sons of disobedience”);
while the Lord came to cast down the devil, and clear the air and prepare the way for us up
into heaven, as said the Apostle: “Through271 the veil, that is to say, His flesh”—and this
must needs be by death—well, by what other kind of death could this have come to pass,
than by one which took place in the air, I mean the cross? for only he that is perfected on
the cross dies in the air. Whence it was quite fitting that the Lord suffered this death. 6. For
thus being lifted up He cleared the air272 of the malignity both of the devil and of demons
§26. Reasons for His rising on the Third Day. (1) Not sooner for else His real death would be denied, nor (2) later; to (a) guard the identity of His body, (b) not to keep His disciples too long in suspense, nor (c) to wait till the witnesses of His death were dispersed, or its memory faded.
The death on the Cross, then, for us has proved seemly and fitting, and its cause has been shewn to be reasonable in every respect; and it may justly be argued that in no other way than by the Cross was it right for the salvation of all to take place. For not even thus—not even on the Cross—did He leave Himself concealed; but far otherwise, while He made creation witness to the presence of its Maker, He suffered not the temple of His body to remain long, but having merely shewn it to be dead, by the contact of death with it, He straightway raised it up on the third day, bearing away, as the mark of victory and the triumph over death, the incorruptibility and impassibility which resulted to His body. 2. For He could, even immediately on death, have raised His body and shewn it alive; but this also the Saviour, in wise foresight, did not do. For one might have said that He had not died at all, or that death had not come into perfect contact with Him, if He had manifested the Resurrection at once. 3. Perhaps, again, had the interval of His dying and rising again been one of two days275 only, the glory of His incorruption would have been obscure. So in order that the body might be proved to be dead, the Word tarried yet one intermediate day, and on the third shewed it incorruptible to all. 4. So then, that the death on the Cross might be proved, He raised His body on the third day. 5. But lest, by raising it up when it had remained a long time and been completely corrupted, He should be disbelieved, as though He had exchanged it for some other body—for a man might also from lapse of time distrust what he saw, and forget what had taken place—for this cause He waited not more than three days; nor did He keep long in suspense those whom He had told about the Resurrection: 6. but while the word was still echoing in their ears and their eyes were still expectant and their mind in suspense, and while those who had slain Him were still living on earth, and were on the spot and could witness to the death of the Lord’s body, the Son of God Himself, after an interval of three days, shewed His body, once dead, immortal and incorruptible; and it was made manifest to all that it was not from any natural weakness of the Word that dwelt in it that the body had died, but in order that in it death might be done away by the power of the Saviour.
§27. The change wrought by the Cross in the relation of Death to Man.
For that death is destroyed, and that the Cross is become the victory over it, and that it has no more power but is verily dead, this is no small proof, or rather an evident warrant, that it is despised by all Christ’s disciples, and that they all take the aggressive against it and no longer fear it; but by the sign of the Cross and by faith in Christ tread it down as dead. 2. For of old, before the divine sojourn of the Saviour took place, even to the saints death was terrible276, and all wept for the dead as though they perished. But now that the Saviour has raised His body, death is no longer terrible; for all who believe in Christ tread him under as nought, and choose rather to die than to deny their faith in Christ. For they verily know that when they die they are not destroyed, but actually [begin to] live, and become incorruptible through the Resurrection. 3. And that devil that once maliciously exulted in death, now that its277 pains were loosed, remained the only one truly dead. And a proof of this is, that before men believe Christ, they see in death an object of terror, and play the coward before him. But when they are gone over to Christ’s faith and teaching, their contempt for death is so great that they even eagerly rush upon it, and become witnesses for the Resurrection the Saviour has accomplished against it. For while still tender in years they make haste to die, and not men only, but women also, exercise themselves by bodily discipline against it. So weak has he become, that even women who were formerly deceived by him, now mock at him as dead and paralyzed. 4. For as when a tyrant has been defeated by a real king, and bound hand and foot, then all that pass by laugh him to scorn, buffeting and reviling him, no longer fearing his fury and barbarity, because of the king who has conquered him; so also, death having been conquered and exposed by the Saviour on the Cross, and bound hand and foot, all they who are in Christ, as they pass by, trample on him, and witnessing to Christ scoff at death, jesting at him, and saying what has been written against him of old: “O death278, where is thy victory? O grave, where is thy sting.”
§28. This exceptional fact must be tested by experience. Let those who doubt it become Christians.
Is this, then, a slight proof of the weakness of death? or is it a slight demonstration of the victory won over him by the Saviour, when the youths and young maidens that are in Christ despise this life and practise to die? 2. For man is by nature afraid of death and of the dissolution of the body; but there is this most startling fact, that he who has put on the faith of the Cross despises even what is naturally fearful, and for Christ’s sake is not afraid of death. 3. And just as, whereas fire has the natural property of burning, if some one said there was a substance which did not fear its burning, but on the contrary proved it weak—as the asbestos among the Indians is said to do—then one who did not believe the story, if he wished to put it to the test, is at any rate, after putting on the fireproof material and touching the fire, thereupon assured of the weakness attributed279 to the fire: 4. or if any one wished to see the tyrant bound, at any rate by going into the country and domain of his conqueror he may see the man, a terror to others, reduced to weakness; so if a man is incredulous even still after so many proofs and after so many who have become martyrs in Christ, and after the scorn shewn for death every day by those who are illustrious in Christ, still, if his mind be even yet doubtful as to whether death has been brought to nought and had an end, he does well to wonder at so great a thing, only let him not prove obstinate in incredulity, nor case-hardened in the face of what is so plain. 5. But just as he who has got the asbestos knows that fire has no burning power over it, and as he who would see the tyrant bound goes over to the empire of his conqueror, so too let him who is incredulous about the victory over death receive the faith of Christ, and pass over to His teaching, and he shall see the weakness of death, and the triumph over it. For many who were formerly incredulous and scoffers have afterwards believed and so despised death as even to become martyrs for Christ Himself.
§29. Here then are wonderful effects, and a sufficient cause, the Cross, to account for them, as sunrise accounts for daylight.
Now if by the sign of the Cross, and by faith in Christ, death is trampled down, it must be evident before the tribunal of truth that it is none other than Christ Himself that has displayed trophies and triumphs over death, and made him lose all his strength. 2. And if, while previously death was strong, and for that reason terrible, now after the sojourn of the Saviour and the death and Resurrection of His body it is despised, it must be evident that death has been brought to nought and conquered by the very Christ that ascended the Cross. 3. For as, if after night-time the sun rises, and the whole region of earth is illumined by him, it is at any rate not open to doubt that it is the sun who has revealed his light everywhere, that has also driven away the dark and given light to all things; so, now that death has come into contempt, and been trodden under foot, from the time when the Saviour’s saving manifestation in the flesh and His death on the Cross took place, it must be quite plain that it is the very Saviour that also appeared in the body, Who has brought death to nought, and Who displays the signs of victory over him day by day in His own disciples. 4. For when one sees men, weak by nature, leaping forward to death, and not fearing its corruption nor frightened of the descent into Hades, but with eager soul challenging it; and not flinching from torture, but on the contrary, for Christ’s sake electing to rush upon death in preference to life upon earth, or even if one be an eye-witness of men and females and young children rushing and leaping upon death for the sake of Christ’s religion; who is so silly, or who is so incredulous, or who so maimed in his mind, as not to see and infer that Christ, to Whom the people witness, Himself supplies and gives to each the victory over death, depriving him of all his power in each one of them that hold His faith and bear the sign of the Cross. 5. For he that sees the serpent trodden under foot, especially knowing his former fierceness no longer doubts that he is dead and has quite lost his strength, unless he is perverted in mind and has not even his bodily senses sound. For who that sees a lion, either, made sport of by children, fails to see that he is either dead or has lost all his power? 6. Just as, then, it is possible to see with the eyes the truth of all this, so, now that death is made sport of and despised by believers in Christ let none any longer doubt, nor any prove incredulous, of death having been brought to nought by Christ, and the corruption of death destroyed and stayed.
§30. The reality of the resurrection proved by facts: (1) the victory over death described above: (2) the Wonders of Grace are the work of One Living, of One who is God: (3) if the gods be (as alleged) real and living, a fortiori He Who shatters their power is alive.
What we have so far said, then, is no small proof that death has been brought to naught, and that the Cross of the Lord is a sign of victory over him. But of the Resurrection of the body to immortality thereupon accomplished by Christ, the common Saviour and true Life of all, the demonstration by facts is clearer than arguments to those whose mental vision is sound. 2. For if, as our argument shewed, death has been brought to nought, and because of Christ all tread him under foot, much more did He Himself first tread him down with His own body, and bring him to nought. But supposing death slain by Him, what could have happened save the rising again of His body, and its being displayed as a monument of victory against death? or how could death have been shewn to be brought to nought unless the Lord’s body had risen? But if this demonstration of the Resurrection seem to any one insufficient, let him be assured of what is said even from what takes place before his eyes. 3. For whereas on a man’s decease he can put forth no power, but his influence lasts to the grave and thenceforth ceases; and actions, and power over men, belong to the living only; let him who will, see and be judge, confessing the truth from what appears to sight. 4. For now that the Saviour works so great things among men, and day by day is invisibly persuading so great a multitude from every side, both from them that dwell in Greece and in foreign lands, to come over to His faith, and all to obey His teaching, will any one still hold his mind in doubt whether a Resurrection has been accomplished by the Saviour, and whether Christ is alive, or rather is Himself the Life? 5. Or is it like a dead man to be pricking the consciences of men, so that they deny their hereditary laws and bow before the teaching of Christ? Or how, if he is no longer active (for this is proper to one dead), does he stay from their activity those who are active and alive, so that the adulterer no longer commits adultery, and the murderer murders no more, nor is the inflicter of wrong any longer grasping, and the profane is henceforth religious? Or how, if He be not risen but is dead, does He drive away, and pursue, and cast down those false gods said by the unbelievers to be alive, and the demons they worship? 6. For where Christ is named, and His faith, there all idolatry is deposed and all imposture of evil spirits is exposed, and any spirit is unable to endure even the name, nay even on barely hearing it flies and disappears. But this work is not that of one dead, but of one that lives—and especially of God. 7. In particular, it would be ridiculous to say that while the spirits cast out by Him and the idols brought to nought are alive, He who chases them away, and by His power prevents their even appearing, yea, and is being confessed by them all to be Son of God, is dead.
§31. If Power is the sign of life, what do we learn from the impotence of idols, for good or evil, and the constraining power of Christ and of the Sign of the Cross? Death and the demons are by this proved to have lost their sovereignty. Coincidence of the above argument from facts with that from the Personality of Christ.
But they who disbelieve in the Resurrection afford a strong proof against themselves, if instead of all the spirits and the gods worshipped by them casting out Christ, Who, they say, is dead, Christ on the contrary proves them all to be dead. 2. For if it be true that one dead can exert no power, while the Saviour does daily so many works, drawing men to religion, persuading to virtue, teaching of immortality, leading on to a desire for heavenly things, revealing the knowledge of the Father, inspiring strength to meet death, shewing Himself to each one, and displacing the godlessness of idolatry, and the gods and spirits of the unbelievers can do none of these things, but rather shew themselves dead at the presence of Christ, their pomp being reduced to impotence and vanity; whereas by the sign of the Cross all magic is stopped, and all witchcraft brought to nought, and all the idols are being deserted and left, and every unruly pleasure is checked, and every one is looking up from earth to heaven: Whom is one to pronounce dead? Christ, that is doing so many works? But to work is not proper to one dead. Or him that exerts no power at all, but lies as it were without life? which is essentially proper to the idols and spirits, dead as they are. 3. For the Son of God is280 “living and active,” and works day by day, and brings about the salvation of all. But death is daily proved to have lost all his power, and idols and spirits are proved to be dead rather than Christ, so that henceforth no man can any longer doubt of the Resurrection of His body. 4. But he who is incredulous of the Resurrection of the Lord’s body would seem to be ignorant of the power of the Word and Wisdom of God. For if He took a body to Himself at all, and—in reasonable consistency, as our argument shewed— appropriated it as His own, what was the Lord to do with it? or what should be the end of the body when the Word had once descended upon it? For it could not but die, inasmuch as it was mortal, and to be offered unto death on behalf of all: for which purpose it was that the Saviour fashioned it for Himself. But it was impossible for it to remain dead, because it had been made the temple of life. Whence, while it died as mortal, it came to life again by reason of the Life in it; and of its Resurrection the works are a sign.
§32. But who is to see Him risen, so as to believe? Nay, God is ever invisible and known by His works only: and here the works cry out in proof. If you do not believe, look at those who do, and perceive the Godhead of Christ. The demons see this, though men be blind. Summary of the argument so far.
But if, because He is not seen, His having risen at all is disbelieved, it is high time for those who refuse belief to deny the very course of Nature. For it is God’s peculiar property at once to be invisible and yet to be known from His works, as has been already stated above. 2. If, then, the works are not there, they do well to disbelieve what does not appear. But if the works cry aloud and shew it clearly, why do they choose to deny the life so manifestly due to the Resurrection? For even if they be maimed in their intelligence, yet even with the external senses men may see the unimpeachable power and Godhead of Christ. 3. For even a blind man, if he see not the sun, yet if he but take hold of the warmth the sun gives out, knows that there is a sun above the earth. Thus let our opponents also, even if they believe not as yet, being still blind to the truth, yet at least knowing His power by others who believe, not deny the Godhead of Christ and the Resurrection accomplished by Him. 4. For it is plain that if Christ be dead, He could not be expelling demons and spoiling idols; for a dead man the spirits would not have obeyed. But if they be manifestly expelled by the naming of His name, it must be evident that He is not dead; especially as spirits, seeing even what is unseen by men, could tell if Christ were dead and refuse Him any obedience at all. 5. But as it is, what irreligious men believe not, the spirits see—that He is God,—and hence they fly and fall at His feet, saying just what they uttered when He was in the body: “We281 know Thee Who Thou art, the Holy One of God;” and, “Ah, what have we to do with Thee, Thou Son of God? I pray Thee, torment me not.” 6. As then demons confess Him, and His works bear Him witness day by day, it must be evident, and let none brazen it out against the truth, both that the Saviour raised His own body, and that He is the true Son of God, being from Him, as from His Father, His own Word, and Wisdom, and Power, Who in ages later took a body for the salvation of all, and taught the world concerning the Father, and brought death to nought, and bestowed incorruption upon all by the promise of the Resurrection, having raised His own body as a first-fruits of this, and having displayed it by the sign of the Cross as a monument of victory over death and its corruption.
§33. Unbelief of Jews and scoffing of Greeks. The former confounded by their own Scriptures. Prophecies of His coming as God and as Man.
These things being so, and the Resurrection of His body and the victory gained over death by the Saviour being clearly proved, come now let us put to rebuke both the disbelief of the Jews and the scoffing of the Gentiles. 2. For these, perhaps, are the points where Jews express incredulity, while Gentiles laugh, finding fault with the unseemliness of the Cross, and of the Word of God becoming man. But our argument shall not delay to grapple with both especially as the proofs at our command against them are clear as day. 3. For Jews in their incredulity may be refuted from the Scriptures, which even themselves read; for this text and that, and, in a word, the whole inspired Scripture, cries aloud concerning these things, as even its express words abundantly shew. For prophets proclaimed beforehand concerning the wonder of the Virgin and the birth from her, saying: “Lo, the282 Virgin shall be with child, and shall bring forth a Son, and they shall call his name Emmanuel, which is, being interpreted, God with us.” 4. But Moses, the truly great, and whom they believe to speak truth, with reference to the Saviour’s becoming man, having estimated what was said as important, and assured of its truth, set it down in these words: “There283 shall rise a star out of Jacob, and a man out of Israel, and he shall break in pieces the captains of Moab.” And again: “How lovely are thy habitations O Jacob, thy tabernacles O Israel, as shadowing gardens, and as parks by the rivers, and as tabernacles which the Lord hath fixed, as cedars by the waters. A man shall come forth out of his seed, and shall be Lord over many peoples.” And again, Esaias: “Before284 the Child know how to call father or mother, he shall take the power of Damascus and the spoils of Samaria before the king of Assyria.” 5. That a man, then, shall appear is foretold in those words. But that He that is to come is Lord of all, they predict once more as follows: “Behold285 the Lord sitteth upon a light cloud, and shall come into Egypt, and the graven images of Egypt shall be shaken.” For from thence also it is that the Father calls Him back, saying: “I called286 My Son out of Egypt.”
§34. Prophecies of His passion and death in all its circumstances.
Nor is even His death passed over in silence: on the contrary, it is referred to in the divine Scriptures, even exceeding clearly. For to the end that none should err for want of instruction in the actual events, they feared not to mention even the cause of His death,—that He suffers it not for His own sake, but for the immortality and salvation of all, and the counsels of the Jews against Him and the indignities offered Him at their hands. 2. They say then: “A man287 in stripes, and knowing how to bear weakness, for his face is turned away: he was dishonoured and held in no account. He beareth our sins, and is in pain on our account; and we reckoned him to be in labour, and in stripes, and in ill-usage; but he was wounded for our sins, and made weak for our wickedness. The chastisement of our peace was upon him, and by his stripes we were healed.” O marvel at the loving-kindness of the Word, that for our sakes He is dishonoured, that we may be brought to honour. “For all we,” it says, “like sheep were gone astray; man had erred in his way; and the Lord delivered him for our sins; and he openeth not his mouth, because he hath been evilly entreated. As a sheep was he brought to the slaughter, and as a lamb dumb before his shearer, so openeth he not his mouth: in his abasement his judgment was taken away288.” 3. Then lest any should from His suffering conceive Him to be a common man, Holy Writ anticipates the surmises of man, and declares the power (which worked) for Him289, and the difference of His nature compared with ourselves, saying: “But who shall declare his generation? For his life is taken away290 from the earth. From the wickedness of the people was he brought to death. And I will give the wicked instead of his burial, and the rich instead of his death; for he did no wickedness, neither was guile found in his mouth. And the Lord will cleanse him from his stripes.”
§35. Prophecies of the Cross. How these prophecies are satisfied in Christ alone.
But, perhaps, having heard the prophecy of His death, you ask to learn also what is set
forth concerning the Cross. For not even this is passed over: it is displayed by the holy men
with great plainness. 2. For first Moses predicts it, and that with a loud voice, when he says:
“Ye shall see291 your Life hanging before your eyes, and shall not believe.” 3. And next, the
prophets after him witness of this, saying: “But292 I as an innocent lamb brought to be slain,
knew it not; they counselled an evil counsel against me, saying, Hither and let us cast a tree
upon his293 bread, and efface him from the land of the living.” 4. And again: “They pierced294
my hands and my feet, they numbered all my bones, they parted my garments among them,
and for my vesture they cast lots.” 5. Now a death raised aloft and that takes place on a tree,
could be none other than the Cross: and again, in no other death are the hands and feet
pierced, save on the Cross only. 6. But since by the sojourn of the Saviour among men all
nations also on every side began to know God; they did not leave this point, either, without
a reference: but mention is made of this matter as well in the Holy Scriptures. For “there295
shall be,” he saith, “the root of Jesse, and he that riseth to rule the nations, on him shall the
nations hope.” This then is a little in proof of what has happened. 7. But all Scripture teems
with refutations of the disbelief of the Jews. For which of the righteous men and holy
prophets, and patriarchs, recorded in the divine Scriptures, ever had his corporal birth of a
virgin only? Or what woman has sufficed without man for the conception of human kind?
Was not Abel born of Adam, Enoch of Jared, Noe of Lamech, and Abraham of Tharra, Isaac
of Abraham, Jacob of Isaac? Was not Judas born of Jacob, and Moses and Aaron of Ameram?
Was not Samuel born of Elkana, was not David of Jesse, was not Solomon of David, was not
Ezechias of Achaz, was not Josias of Amos, was not Esaias of Amos, was not Jeremy of
Chelchias, was not Ezechiel of Buzi? Had not each a father as author of his existence? Who
then is he that is born of a virgin only? For the prophet made exceeding much of this sign.
8. Or whose birth did a star in the skies forerun, to announce to the world him that was
born? For when Moses was born, he was hid by his parents: David was not heard of, even
by those of his neighbourhood, inasmuch as even the great Samuel knew him not, but asked,
had Jesse yet another son? Abraham again became known to his neighbours as296 a great
§36. Prophecies of Christ’s sovereignty, flight into Egypt, U+0026c.
But what king that ever was, before he had strength to call father or mother, reigned and gained triumphs over his enemies297? Did not David come to the throne at thirty years of age, and Solomon, when he had grown to be a young man? Did not Joas enter on the kingdom when seven years old, and Josias, a still later king, receive the government about the seventh year of his age? And yet they at that age had strength to call father or mother. 2. Who, then, is there that was reigning and spoiling his enemies almost before his birth? Or what king of this sort has ever been in Israel and in Juda—let the Jews, who have searched out the matter, tell us—in whom all the nations have placed their hopes and had peace, instead of being at enmity with them on every side? 3. For as long as Jerusalem stood there was war without respite betwixt them, and they all fought with Israel; the Assyrians oppressed them, the Egyptians persecuted them, the Babylonians fell upon them; and, strange to say, they had even the Syrians their neighbours at war against them. Or did not David war against them of Moab, and smite the Syrians, Josias guard against his neighbours, and Ezechias quail at the boasting of Senacherim, and Amalek make war against Moses, and the Amorites oppose him, and the inhabitants of Jericho array themselves against Jesus son of Naue? And, in a word, treaties of friendship had no place between the nations and Israel. Who, then, it is on whom the nations are to set their hope, it is worth while to see. For there must be such an one, as it is impossible for the prophet to have spoken falsely. 4. But which of the holy prophets or of the early patriarchs has died on the Cross for the salvation of all? Or who was wounded and destroyed for the healing of all? Or which of the righteous men, or kings, went down to Egypt, so that at his coming the idols of Egypt fell298? For Abraham went thither, but idolatry prevailed universally all the same. Moses was born there, and the deluded worship of the people was there none the less.
§37. Psalm xxii. 16, U+0026c. Majesty of His birth and death. Confusion of oracles and demons in Egypt.
Or who among those recorded in Scripture was pierced in the hands and feet, or hung
at all upon a tree, and was sacrificed on a cross for the salvation of all? For Abraham died,
ending his life on a bed; Isaac and Jacob also died with their feet raised on a bed; Moses and
Aaron died on the mountain; David in his house, without being the object of any conspiracy
at the hands of the people; true, he was pursued by Saul, but he was preserved unhurt.
Esaias was sawn asunder, but not hung on a tree. Jeremy was shamefully treated, but did
not die under condemnation; Ezechie suffered, not however for the people, but to indicate
what was to come upon the people. 2. Again, these, even where they suffered, were men resembling
all in their common nature; but he that is declared in Scripture to suffer on behalf
of all is called not merely man, but the Life of all, albeit He was in fact like men in nature.
For “ye shall299 see,” it says, “your Life hanging before your eyes;” and “who shall declare
his generation?” For one can ascertain the genealogy of all the saints, and declare it from
the beginning, and of whom each was born; but the generation of Him that is the Life the
Scriptures refer to as not to be declared. 3. Who then is he of whom the Divine Scriptures
say this? Or who is so great that even the prophets predict of him such great things? None
else, now, is found in the Scriptures but the common Saviour of all, the Word of God, our
Lord Jesus Christ. For He it is that proceeded from a virgin and appeared as man on the
earth, and whose generation after the flesh cannot be declared. For there is none that can
tell His father after the flesh, His body not being of a man, but of a virgin alone; 4. so that
no one can declare the corporal generation of the Saviour from a man, in the same way as
one can draw up a genealogy of David and of Moses and of all the patriarchs. For He it is
that caused the star also to mark the birth of His body; since it was fit that the Word, coming
down from heaven, should have His constellation also from heaven, and it was fitting that
the King of Creation when He came forth should be openly recognized by all creation. 5.
Why, He was born in Judæa, and men from Persia came to worship Him. He it is that even
before His appearing in the body won the victory over His demon adversaries and a triumph
over idolatry. All heathen at any rate from every region, abjuring their hereditary tradition
and the impiety of idols, are now placing their hope in Christ, and enrolling themselves
under Him, the like of which you may see with your own eyes. 6. For at no other time has
the impiety of the Egyptians ceased, save when the Lord of all, riding as it were upon a cloud,
came down there in the body and brought to nought the delusion of idols, and brought over
all to Himself, and through Himself to the Father. 7. He it is that was crucified before the
sun and all creation as witnesses, and before those who put Him to death: and by His death
has salvation come to all, and all creation been ransomed. He is the Life of all, and He it is
§38. Other clear prophecies of the coming of God in the flesh. Christ’s miracles unprecedented.
For if they do not think these proofs sufficient, let them be persuaded at any rate by
other reasons, drawn from the oracles they themselves possess. For of whom do the prophets
say: “I was300 made manifest to them that sought me not, I was found of them that asked
not for me: I said Behold, here am I, to the nation that had not called upon my name; I
stretched out my hands to a disobedient and gainsaying people.” 2. Who, then, one might
say to the Jews, is he that was made manifest? For if it is the prophet, let them say when he
was hid, afterward to appear again. And what manner of prophet is this, that was not only
made manifest from obscurity, but also stretched out his hands on the Cross? None surely
of the righteous, save the Word of God only, Who, incorporeal by nature, appeared for our
sakes in the body and suffered for all. 3. Or if not even this is sufficient for them, let them
at least be silenced by another proof, seeing how clear its demonstrative force is. For the
Scripture says: “Be strong301 ye hands that hang down, and feeble knees; comfort ye, ye of
faint mind; be strong, fear not. Behold, our God recompenseth judgment; He shall come
and save us. Then shall the eyes of the blind be opened, and the ears of the deaf shall hear;
then shall the lame man leap as an hart, and the tongue of the stammerers shall be plain.”
4. Now what can they say to this, or how can they dare to face this at all? For the prophecy
not only indicates that God is to sojourn here, but it announces the signs and the time of
His coming. For they connect the blind recovering their sight, and the lame walking, and
the deaf hearing, and the tongue of the stammerers being made plain, with the Divine
Coming which is to take place. Let them say, then, when such signs have come to pass in
Israel, or where in Jewry anything of the sort has occurred. 5. Naaman, a leper, was cleansed,
but no deaf man heard nor lame walked. Elias raised a dead man; so did Eliseus; but none
blind from birth regained his sight. For in good truth, to raise a dead man is a great thing,
but it is not like the wonder wrought by the Saviour. Only, if Scripture has not passed over
the case of the leper, and of the dead son of the widow, certainly, had it come to pass that a
lame man also had walked and a blind man recovered his sight, the narrative would not
have omitted to mention this also. Since then nothing is said in the Scriptures, it is evident
that these things had never taken place before. 6. When, then, have they taken place, save
when the Word of God Himself came in the body? Or when did He come, if not when lame
men walked, and stammerers were made to speak plain, and deaf men heard, and men blind
from birth regained their sight? For this was the very thing the Jews said who then witnessed
it, because they had not heard of these things having taken place at any other time: “Since302
§39. Do you look for another? But Daniel foretells the exact time. Objections to this removed.
But perhaps, being unable, even they, to fight continually against plain facts, they will, without denying what is written, maintain that they are looking for these things, and that the Word of God is not yet come. For this it is on which they are for ever harping, not blushing to brazen it out in the face of plain facts. 2. But on this one point, above all, they shall be all the more refuted, not at our hands, but at those of the most wise Daniel, who marks both the actual date, and the divine sojourn of the Saviour, saying: “Seventy303 weeks are cut short upon thy people, and upon the holy city, for a full end to be made of sin, and for sins to be sealed up, and to blot out iniquities, and to make atonement for iniquities, and to bring everlasting righteousness, and to seal vision and prophet, and to anoint a Holy of Holies; and thou shalt know and understand from the going forth of the word to restore304 and to build Jerusalem unto Christ the Prince” 3. Perhaps with regard to the other (prophecies) they may be able even to find excuses and to put off what is written to a future time. But what can they say to this, or can they face it at all? Where not only is the Christ referred to, but He that is to be anointed is declared to be not man simply, but Holy of Holies; and Jerusalem is to stand till His coming, and thenceforth, prophet and vision cease in Israel. 4. David was anointed of old, and Solomon and Ezechias; but then, nevertheless, Jerusalem and the place stood, and prophets were prophesying: God and Asaph and Nathan; and, later, Esaias and Osee and Amos and others. And again, the actual men that were anointed were called holy, and not Holy of Holies. 5. But if they shield themselves with the captivity, and say that because of it Jerusalem was not, what can they say about the prophets too? For in fact when first the people went down to Babylon, Daniel and Jeremy were there, and Ezechiel and Aggæus and Zachary were prophesying.
§40. Argument (1) from the withdrawal of prophecy and destruction of Jerusalem, (2) from the conversion of the Gentiles, and that to the God of Moses. What more remains for the Messiah to do, that Christ has not done?
So the Jews are trifling, and the time in question, which they refer to the future, is actually
come. For when did prophet and vision cease from Israel, save when Christ came, the Holy
of Holies? For it is a sign, and an important proof, of the coming of the Word of God, that
Jerusalem no longer stands, nor is any prophet raised up nor vision revealed to them,—and
that very naturally. 2. For when He that was signified was come, what need was there any
longer of any to signify Him? When the truth was there, what need any more of the shadow?
For this was the reason of their prophesying at all,—namely, till the true Righteousness
should come, and He that was to ransom the sins of all. And this was why Jerusalem stood
till then—namely, that there they might be exercised in the types as a preparation for the
reality. 3. So when the Holy of Holies was come, naturally vision and prophecy were sealed
and the kingdom of Jerusalem ceased. For kings were to be anointed among them only until
the Holy of Holies should have been anointed; and Jacob prophesies that the kingdom of
the Jews should be established until Him, as follows:—“The ruler305 shall not fail from Juda,
nor the Prince from his loins, until that which is laid up for him shall come; and he is the
expectation of the nations.” 4. Whence the Saviour also Himself cried aloud and said: “The306
law and the prophets prophesied until John.” If then there is now among the Jews king or
prophet or vision, they do well to deny the Christ that is come. But if there is neither king
nor vision, but from that time forth all prophecy is sealed and the city and temple taken,
why are they so irreligious and so perverse as to see what has happened, and yet to deny
Christ, Who has brought it all to pass? Or why, when they see even heathens deserting their
idols, and placing their hope, through Christ, on the God of Israel, do they deny Christ,
Who was born of the root of Jesse after the flesh and henceforth is King? For if the nations
were worshipping some other God, and not confessing the God of Abraham and Isaac and
Jacob and Moses, then, once more, they would be doing well in alleging that God had not
come. 5. But if the Gentiles are honouring the same God that gave the law to Moses and
made the promise to Abraham, and Whose word the Jews dishonoured,—why are they ignorant,
or rather why do they choose to ignore, that the Lord foretold by the Scriptures has
shone forth upon the world, and appeared to it in bodily form, as the Scripture said: “The307
Lord God hath shined upon us;” and again: “He308 sent His Word and healed them;” and
§41. Answer to the Greeks. Do they recognise the Logos? If He manifests Himself in the organism of the Universe, why not in one Body? for a human body is a part of the same whole.
But one cannot but be utterly astonished at the Gentiles, who, while they laugh at what is no matter for jesting, are themselves insensible to their own disgrace, which they do not see that they have set up in the shape of stocks and stones. 2. Only, as our argument is not lacking in demonstrative proof, come let us put them also to shame on reasonable grounds,—mainly from what we ourselves also see. For what is there on our side that is absurd, or worthy of derision? Is it merely our saying that the Word has been made manifest in the body? But this even they will join in owning to have happened without any absurdity, if they show themselves friends of truth. 3. If then they deny that there is a Word of God at all, they do so gratuitously310, jesting at what they know not. 4. But if they confess that there is a Word of God, and He ruler of the universe, and that in Him the Father has produced the creation, and that by His Providence the whole receives light and life and being, and that He reigns over all, so that from the works of His providence He is known, and through Him the Father,—consider, I pray you, whether they be not unwittingly raising the jest against themselves. 5. The philosophers of the Greeks say that the universe is a great body311; and rightly so. For we see it and its parts as objects of our senses. If, then, the Word of God is in the Universe, which is a body, and has united Himself with the whole and with all its parts, what is there surprising or absurd if we say that He has united Himself312 with man also. 6. For if it were absurd for Him to have been in a body at all, it would be absurd for Him to be united with the whole either, and to be giving light and movement to all things by His providence. For the whole also is a body. 7. But if it beseems Him to unite Himself with the universe, and to be made known in the whole, it must beseem Him also to appear in a human body, and that by Him it should be illumined and work. For mankind is part of the whole as well as the rest. And if it be unseemly for a part to have been adopted as His instrument to teach men of His Godhead, it must be most absurd that He should be made known even by the whole universe.
§42. His union with the body is based upon His relation to Creation as a whole. He used a human body, since to man it was that He wished to reveal Himself.
For just as, while the whole body is quickened and illumined by man, supposing one
said it were absurd that man’s power should also be in the toe, he would be thought foolish;
because, while granting that he pervades and works in the whole, he demurs to his being in
the part also; thus he who grants and believes that the Word of God is in the whole Universe,
and that the whole is illumined and moved by Him, should not think it absurd that a single
human body also should receive movement and light from Him. 2. But if it is because the
human race is a thing created and has been made out of nothing, that they regard that
manifestation of the Saviour in man, which we speak of, as not seemly, it is high time for
them to eject Him from creation also; for it too has been brought into existence by the Word
out of nothing. 3. But if, even though creation be a thing made, it is not absurd that the
Word should be in it, then neither is it absurd that He should be in man. For whatever idea
they form of the whole, they must necessarily apply the like idea to the part. For man also,
as I said before, is a part of the whole. 4. Thus it is not at all unseemly that the Word should
be in man, while all things are deriving from Him their light and movement and light, as
also their authors say, “In313 him we live and move and have our being.” 5. So, then, what
is there to scoff at in what we say, if the Word has used that, wherein He is, as an instrument
to manifest Himself? For were He not in it, neither could He have used it; but if we have
previously allowed that He is in the whole and in its parts, what is there incredible in His
manifesting Himself in that wherein He is? 6. For by His own power He is united314 wholly
with each and all, and orders all things without stint, so that no one could have called it out
of place for Him to speak, and make known Himself and His Father, by means of sun, if He
so willed, or moon, or heaven, or earth, or waters, or fire315; inasmuch as He holds in one
all things at once, and is in fact not only in all but also in the part in question, and there invisibly
manifests Himself. In like manner it cannot be absurd if, ordering as He does the
whole, and giving life to all things, and having willed to make Himself known through men,
He has used as His instrument a human body to manifest the truth and knowledge of the
Father. For humanity, too, is an actual part of the whole. 7. And as Mind, pervading man
all through, is interpreted by a part of the body, I mean the tongue, without any one saying,
I suppose, that the essence of the mind is on that account lowered, so if the Word, pervading
all things, has used a human instrument, this cannot appear unseemly. For, as I have said
§43. He came in human rather than in any nobler form, because (I) He came to save, not to impress ; (2) man alone of creatures had sinned. As men would not recognise His works in the Universe, He came and worked among them as Man; in the sphere to which they had limited themselves.
Now, if they ask, Why then did He not appear by means of other and nobler parts of
creation, and use some nobler instrument, as the sun, or moon, or stars, or fire, or air, instead
of man merely? let them know that the Lord came not to make a display, but to heal and
teach those who were suffering. 2. For the way for one aiming at display would be, just to
appear, and to dazzle the beholders; but for one seeking to heal and teach the way is, not
simply to sojourn here, but to give himself to the aid of those in want, and to appear as they
who need him can bear it; that he may not, by exceeding the requirements of the sufferers,
trouble the very persons that need him, rendering God’s appearance useless to them. 3.
Now, nothing in creation had gone astray with regard to their notions of God, save man
only. Why, neither sun, nor moon, nor heaven, nor the stars, nor water, nor air had swerved
from their order; but knowing their Artificer and Sovereign, the Word, they remain as they
were made316. But men alone, having rejected what was good, then devised things of nought
instead of the truth, and have ascribed the honour due to God, and their knowledge of Him,
to demons and men in the shape of stones. 4. With reason, then, since it were unworthy of
the Divine Goodness to overlook so grave a matter, while yet men were not able to recognise
Him as ordering and guiding the whole, He takes to Himself as an instrument a part of the
whole, His human body, and unites317 Himself with that, in order that since men could not
recognise Him in the whole, they should not fail to know Him in the part; and since they
could not look up to His invisible power, might be able, at any rate, from what resembled
themselves to reason to Him and to contemplate Him. 5. For, men as they are, they will be
able to know His Father more quickly and directly by a body of like nature and by the divine
works wrought through it, judging by comparison that they are not human, but the works
of God, which are done by Him. 6. And if it were absurd, as they say, for the Word to be
known through the works of the body, it would likewise be absurd for Him to be known
through the works of the universe. For just as He is in creation, and yet does not partake of
its nature in the least degree, but rather all things partake318 of His power; so while He used
the body as His instrument He partook of no corporeal property, but, on the contrary,
§44. As God made man by a word, why not restore him by a word? But (1) creation out of nothing is different from reparation of what already exists. (2) Man was there with a definite need, calling for a definite remedy. Death was ingrained in man’s nature: He then must wind life closely to human nature. Therefore the Word became Incarnate that He might meet and conquer death in His usurped territory. (Simile of straw and asbestos.)
But perhaps, shamed into agreeing with this, they will choose to say that God, if He
wished to reform and to save mankind, ought to have done so by a mere fiat321, without
His word taking a body, in just the same way as He did formerly, when He produced them
out of nothing. 2. To this objection of theirs a reasonable answer would be: that formerly,
nothing being in existence at all, what was needed to make everything was a fiat and the
bare will to do so. But when man had once been made, and necessity demanded a cure, not
for things that were not, but for things that had come to be, it was naturally consequent that
the Physician and Saviour should appear in what had come to be, in order also to cure the
things that were. For this cause, then, He has become man, and used His body as a human
instrument. 3. For if this were not the right way, how was the Word, choosing to use an instrument,
to appear? or whence was He to take it, save from those already in being, and in
need of His Godhead by means of one like themselves? For it was not things without being
that needed salvation, so that a bare command should suffice, but man, already in existence,
was going to corruption and ruin322. It was then natural and right that the Word should
use a human instrument and reveal Himself everywhither. 4. Secondly, you must know this
also, that the corruption which had set in was not external to the body, but had become attached
to it; and it was required that, instead of corruption, life should cleave to it; so that,
just as death has been engendered in the body, so life may be engendered in it also. 5. Now
if death were external to the body, it would be proper for life also to have been engendered
externally to it. But if death was wound closely to the body and was ruling over it as though
united to it, it was required that life also should be wound closely to the body, that so the
body, by putting on life in its stead, should cast off corruption. Besides, even supposing that
the Word had come outside the body, and not in it, death would indeed have been defeated
by Him, in perfect accordance with nature, inasmuch as death has no power against the
Life; but the corruption attached to the body would have remained in it none the less323. 6.
For this cause the Saviour reasonably put on Him a body, in order that the body, becoming
wound closely to the Life, should no longer, as mortal, abide in death, but, as having put on
immortality, should thenceforth rise again and remain immortal. For, once it had put on
§45. Thus once again every part of creation manifests the glory of God. Nature, the witness to her Creator, yields (by miracles) a second testimony to God Incarnate. The witness of Nature, perverted by man’s sin, was thus forced back to truth. If these reasons suffice not, let the Greeks look at facts.
Consistently, therefore, the Word of God took a body and has made use of a human instrument, in order to quicken the body also, and as He is known in creation by His works so to work in man as well, and to shew Himself everywhere, leaving nothing void of His own divinity, and of the knowledge of Him. 2. For I resume, and repeat what I said before, that the Saviour did this in order that, as He fills all things on all sides by His presence, so also He might fill all things with the knowledge of Him, as the divine Scripture also says325: “The whole earth was filled with the knowledge of the Lord.” 3. For if a man will but look up to heaven, he sees its Order, or if he cannot raise his face to heaven, but only to man, he sees His power, beyond comparison with that of men, shewn by His works, and learns that He alone among men is God the Word. Or if a man is gone astray among demons, and is in fear of them, he may see this man drive them out, and make up his mind that He is their Master. Or if a man has sunk to the waters326, and thinks that they are God,—as the Egyptians, for instance, reverence the water,—he may see its nature changed by Him, and learn that the Lord is Creator of the waters. 4. But if a man is gone down even to Hades, and stands in awe of the heroes who have descended thither, regarding them as gods, yet he may see the fact of Christ’s Resurrection and victory over death, and infer that among them also Christ alone is true God and Lord. 5. For the Lord touched all parts of creation, and freed and undeceived all of them from every illusion; as Paul says: “Having327 put off from Himself the principalities and the powers, He triumphed on the Cross:” that no one might by any possibility be any longer deceived, but everywhere might find the true Word of God. 6. For thus man, shut in on every side328, and beholding the divinity of the Word unfolded everywhere, that is, in heaven, in Hades, in man, upon earth, is no longer exposed to deceit concerning God, but is to worship Christ alone, and through Him come rightly to know the Father. 7. By these arguments, then, on grounds of reason, the Gentiles in their turn will fairly be put to shame by us. But if they deem the arguments insufficient to shame them, let them be assured of what we are saying at any rate by facts obvious to the sight of all.
§46. Discredit, from the date of the Incarnation, of idol-cultus, oracles, mythologies, demoniacal energy, magic, and Gentile philosophy. And whereas the old cults were strictly local and independent, the worship of Christ is catholic and uniform.
When did men begin to desert the worshipping of idols, save since God, the true Word of God, has come among men? Or when have the oracles among the Greeks, and everywhere, ceased and become empty, save when the Saviour has manifested Himself upon earth? 2. Or when did those who are called gods and heroes in the poets begin to be convicted of being merely mortal men329, save since the Lord erected His conquest of death, and preserved incorruptible the body he had taken, raising it from the dead? 3. Or when did the deceitfulness and madness of demons fall into contempt, save when the power of God, the Word, the Master of all these as well, condescending because of man’s weakness, appeared on earth? Or when330 did the art and the schools of magic begin to be trodden down, save when the divine manifestation of the Word took place among men? 4. And, in a word, at what time has the wisdom of the Greeks become foolish, save when the true Wisdom of God manifested itself on earth? For formerly the whole world and every place was led astray by the worshipping of idols, and men regarded nothing else but the idols as gods. But now, all the world over, men are deserting the superstition of the idols, and taking refuge with Christ; and, worshipping Him as God, are by His means coming to know that Father also Whom they knew not. 5. And, marvellous fact, whereas the objects of worship were various and of vast number, and each place had its own idol, and he who was accounted a god among them had no power to pass over to the neighbouring place, so as to persuade those of neighbouring peoples to worship him, but was barely served even among his own people; for no one else worshipped his neighbour’s god—on the contrary, each man kept to his own idol331, thinking it to be lord of all;—Christ alone is worshipped as one and the same among all peoples; and what the weakness of the idols could not do—to persuade, namely, even those dwelling close at hand,—this Christ has done, persuading not only those close at hand, but simply the entire world, to worship one and the same Lord, and through Him God, even His Father.
§47. The numerous oracles,—fancied apparitions in sacred places, U+0026c., dispelled by the sign of the Cross. The old gods prove to have been mere men. Magic is exposed. And whereas Philosophy could only persuade select and local cliques of Immortality, and goodness,—men of little intellect have infused into the multitudes of the churches the principle of a supernatural life.
And whereas formerly every place was full of the deceit of the oracles332, and the oracles
at Delphi and Dodona, and in Boeotia333 and Lycia334 and Libya335 and Egypt and those of
the Cabiri336, and the Pythoness, were held in repute by men’s imagination, now, since
Christ has begun to be preached everywhere, their madness also has ceased and there is
none among them to divine any more. 2. And whereas formerly demons used to deceive337
men’s fancy, occupying springs or rivers, trees or stones, and thus imposed upon the simple
by their juggleries; now, after the divine visitation of the Word, their deception has ceased.
For by the Sign of the Cross, though a man but use it, he drives out their deceits. 3. And
while formerly men held to be gods the Zeus and Cronos and Apollo and the heroes mentioned
in the poets, and went astray in honouring them; now that the Saviour has appeared
among men, those others have been exposed as mortal men338, and Christ alone has been
recognised among men as the true God, the Word of God. 4. And what is one to say of the
magic339 esteemed among them? that before the Word sojourned among us this was strong
and active among Egyptians, and Chaldees, and Indians, and inspired awe in those who saw
it; but that by the presence of the Truth, and the Appearing of the Word, it also has been
thoroughly confuted, and brought wholly to nought. 5. But as to Gentile wisdom, and the
sounding pretensions of the philosophers, I think none can need our argument, since the
wonder is before the eyes of all, that while the wise among the Greeks had written so much,
and were unable to persuade even a few340 from their own neighbourhood, concerning
§48. Further facts. Christian continence of virgins and ascetics. Martyrs. The power of the Cross against demons and magic. Christ by His Power shews Himself more than a man, more than a magician, more than a spirit. For all these are totally subject to Him. Therefore He is the Word of God.
Now these arguments of ours do not amount merely to words, but have in actual experience
a witness to their truth. 2. For let him that will, go up and behold the proof of virtue
in the virgins of Christ and in the young men that practise holy chastity341, and the assurance
of immortality in so great a band of His martyrs. 3. And let him come who would test by
experience what we have now said, and in the very presence of the deceit of demons and
the imposture of oracles and the marvels of magic, let him use the Sign of that Cross which
is laughed at among them, and he shall see how by its means demons fly, oracles cease, all
magic and witchcraft is brought to nought. 4. Who, then, and how great is this Christ, Who
by His own Name and Presence casts into the shade and brings to nought all things on every
side, and is alone strong against all, and has filled the whole world with His teaching? Let
the Greeks tell us, who are pleased to laugh, and blush not. 5. For if He is a man, how then
has one man exceeded the power of all whom even themselves bold to be gods, and convicted
them by His own power of being nothing? But if they call Him a magician, how can it be
that by a magician all magic is destroyed, instead of being confirmed? For if He conquered
particular magicians, or prevailed over one only, it would be proper for them to hold that
He excelled the rest by superior skill; 6. but if His Cross has won the victory over absolutely
all magic, and over the very name of it, it must be plain that the Saviour is not a magician,
seeing that even those demons who are invoked by the other magicians fly from Him as
their Master. 7. Who He is, then, let the Greeks tell us, whose only serious pursuit is jesting.
Perhaps they might say that He, too, was a demon, and hence His strength. But say this as
they will, they will have the laugh against them, for they can once more be put to shame by
our former proofs. For how is it possible that He should be a demon who drives the demons
out? 8. For if He simply drove out particular demons, it might properly be held that by the
chief of demons He prevailed against the lesser, just as the Jews said to Him when they
wished to insult Him. But if, by His Name being named, all madness of the demons is uprooted
and chased away, it must be evident that here, too, they are wrong, and that our Lord
and Saviour Christ is not, as they think, some demoniacal power. 9. Then, if the Saviour is
neither a man simply, nor a magician, nor some demon, but has by His own Godhead
brought to nought and cast into the shade both the doctrine found in the poets and the delusion
of the demons and the wisdom of the Gentiles, it must be plain and will be owned
by all, that this is the true Son of God, even the Word and Wisdom and Power of the Father
from the beginning. For this is why His works also are no works of man, but are recognised
§49. His Birth and Miracles. You call Asclepius, Heracles, and Dionysus gods for their works. Contrast their works with His, and the wonders at His death, U+0026c.
For what man, that ever was born, formed a body for himself from a virgin alone? Or what man ever healed such diseases as the common Lord of all? Or who has restored what was wanting to man’s nature, and made one blind from his birth to see? 2. Asclepius was deified among them, because he practised medicine and found out herbs for bodies that were sick; not forming them himself out of the earth, but discovering them by science drawn from nature. But what is this to what was done by the Saviour, in that, instead of healing a wound, He modified a man’s original nature, and restored the body whole. 3. Heracles is worshipped as a god among the Greeks because he fought against men, his peers, and destroyed wild beasts by guile. What is this to what was done by the Word, in driving away from man diseases and demons and death itself? Dionysus is worshipped among them because he has taught man drunkenness; but the true Saviour and Lord of all, for teaching temperance, is mocked by these people. 4. But let these matters pass. What will they say to the other miracles of His Godhead? At what man’s death was the sun darkened and the earth shaken? Lo even to this day men are dying, and they died also of old. When did any such-like wonder happen in their case? 5. Or, to pass over the deeds done through His body, and mention those after its rising again: what man’s doctrine that ever was has prevailed everywhere, one and the same, from one end of the earth to the other, so that his worship has winged its way through every land? 6. Or why, if Christ is, as they say, a man, and not God the Word, is not His worship prevented by the gods they have from passing into the same land where they are? Or why on the contrary does the Word Himself, sojourning here, by His teaching stop their worship and put their deception to shame?
§50. Impotence and rivalries of the Sophists put to shame by the Death of Christ. His Resurrection unparalleled even in Greek legend.
Many before this Man have been kings and tyrants of the world, many are on record who have been wise men and magicians, among the Chaldæans and Egyptians and Indians; which of these, I say, not after death, but while still alive, was ever able so far to prevail as to fill the whole earth with his teaching and reform so great a multitude from the superstition of idols, as our Saviour has brought over from idols to Himself? 2. The philosophers of the Greeks have composed many works with plausibility and verbal skill; what result, then, have they exhibited so great as has the Cross of Christ? For the refinements they taught were plausible enough till they died; but even the influence they seemed to have while alive was subject to their mutual rivalries; and they were emulous, and declaimed against one another. 3. But the Word of God, most strange fact, teaching in meaner language, has cast into the shade the choice sophists; and while He has, by drawing all to Himself, brought their schools to nought, He has filled His own churches; and the marvellous thing is, that by going down as man to death, He has brought to nought the sounding utterances of the wise342 concerning idols. 4. For whose death ever drove out demons? or whose death did demons ever fear, as they did that of Christ? For where the Saviour’s name is named, there every demon is driven out. Or who has so rid men of the passions of the natural man, that whoremongers are chaste, and murderers no longer hold the sword, and those who were formerly mastered by cowardice play the man? 5. And, in short, who persuaded men of barbarous countries and heathen men in divers places to lay aside their madness, and to mind peace, if it be not the Faith of Christ and the Sign of the Cross? Or who else has given men such assurance of immortality, as has the Cross of Christ, and the Resurrection of His Body? 6. For although the Greeks have told all manner of false tales, yet they were not able to feign a Resurrection of their idols,—for it never crossed their mind, whether it be at all possible for the body again to exist after death. And here one would most especially accept their testimony, inasmuch as by this opinion they have exposed the weakness of their own idolatry, while leaving the possibility open to Christ, so that hence also He might be made known among all as Son of God.
§51. The new virtue of continence. Revolution of Society, purified and pacified by Christianity.
Which of mankind, again, after his death, or else while living, taught concerning virginity, and that this virtue was not impossible among men? But Christ, our Saviour and King of all, had such power in His teaching concerning it, that even children not yet arrived at the lawful age vow that virginity which lies beyond the law. 2. What man has ever yet been able to pass so far as to come among Scythians and Ethiopians, or Persians or Armenians or Goths, or those we hear of beyond the ocean or those beyond Hyrcania, or even the Egyptians and Chaldees, men that mind magic and are superstitious beyond nature and savage in their ways, and to preach at all about virtue and self-control, and against the worshipping of idols, as has the Lord of all, the Power of God, our Lord Jesus Christ? 3. Who not only preached by means of His own disciples, but also carried persuasion to men’s mind, to lay aside the fierceness of their manners, and no longer to serve their ancestral gods, but to learn to know Him, and through Him to worship the Father. 4. For formerly, while in idolatry, Greeks and Barbarians used to war against each other, and were actually cruel to their own kin. For it was impossible for any one to cross sea or land at all, without arming the hand with swords343, because of their implacable fighting among themselves. 5. For the whole course of their life was carried on by arms, and the sword with them took the place of a staff, and was their support in every emergency; and still, as I said before, they were serving idols, and offering sacrifices to demons, while for all their idolatrous superstition they could not be reclaimed from this spirit. 6. But when they have come over to the school of Christ, then, strangely enough, as men truly pricked in conscience, they have laid aside the savagery of their murders and no longer mind the things of war: but all is at peace with them, and from henceforth what makes for friendship is to their liking.
§52. Wars, U+0026c., roused by demons, lulled by Christianity.
Who then is He that has done this, or who is He that has united in peace men that hated one another, save the beloved Son of the Father, the common Saviour of all, even Jesus Christ, Who by His own love underwent all things for our salvation? For even from of old it was prophesied of the peace He was to usher in, where the Scripture says: “They344 shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their pikes into sickles, and nation shall not take the sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.” 2. And this is at least not incredible, inasmuch as even now those barbarians who have an innate savagery of manners, while they still sacrifice to the idols of their country, are mad against one another, and cannot endure to be a single hour without weapons: 3. but when they hear the teaching of Christ, straightway instead of fighting they turn to husbandry, and instead of arming their hands with weapons they raise them in prayer, and in a word, in place of fighting among themselves, henceforth they arm against the devil and against evil spirits, subduing these by self-restraint and virtue of soul. 4. Now this is at once a proof of the divinity of the Saviour, since what men could not learn among idols345 they have learned from Him; and no small exposure of the weakness and nothingness of demons and idols. For demons, knowing their own weakness, for this reason formerly set men to make war against one another, lest, if they ceased from mutual strife, they should turn to battle against demons. 5. Why, they who become disciples of Christ, instead of warring with each other, stand arrayed against demons by their habits and their virtuous actions: and they rout them, and mock at their captain the devil; so that in youth they are self-restrained, in temptations endure, in labours persevere, when insulted are patient, when robbed make light of it: and, wonderful as it is, they despise even death and become martyrs of Christ.
§53. The whole fabric of Gentilism levelled at a blow by Christ secretly addressing the conscience of Man.
And to mention one proof of the divinity of the Saviour, which is indeed utterly surprising,— what mere man or magician or tyrant or king was ever able by himself to engage with so many, and to fight the battle against all idolatry and the whole demoniacal host and all magic, and all the wisdom of the Greeks, while they were so strong and still flourishing and imposing upon all, and at one onset to check them all, as was our Lord, the true Word of God, Who, invisibly exposing each man’s error, is by Himself bearing off all men from them all, so that while they who were worshipping idols now trample upon them, those in repute for magic burn their books, and the wise prefer to all studies the interpretation of the Gospels? 2. For whom they used to worship, them they are deserting, and Whom they used to mock as one crucified, Him they worship as Christ, confessing Him to be God. And they that are called gods among them are routed by the Sign of the Cross, while the Crucified Saviour is proclaimed in all the world as God and the Son of God. And the gods worshipped among the Greeks are falling into ill repute at their hands, as scandalous beings; while those who receive the teaching of Christ live a chaster life than they. 3. If, then, these and the like are human works, let him who will point out similar works on the part of men of former time, and so convince us. But if they prove to be, and are, not men’s works, but God’s, why are the unbelievers so irreligious as not to recognise the Master that wrought them? 4. For their case is as though a man, from the works of creation, failed to know God their Artificer. For if they knew His Godhead from His power over the universe, they would have known that the bodily works of Christ also are not human, but are the works of the Saviour of all, the Word of God. And did they thus know, “they would not,” as Paul said346, “have crucified the Lord of glory.”
§54. The Word Incarnate, as is the case with the Invisible God, is known to us by His works. By them we recognise His deifying mission. Let us be content to enumerate a few of them, leaving their dazzling plentitude to him who will behold.
As, then, if a man should wish to see God, Who is invisible by nature and not seen at all, he may know and apprehend Him from His works: so let him who fails to see Christ with his understanding, at least apprehend Him by the works of His body, and test whether they be human works or God’s works. 2. And if they be human, let him scoff; but if they are not human, but of God, let him recognise it, and not laugh at what is no matter for scoffing; but rather let him marvel that by so ordinary a means things divine have been manifested to us, and that by death immortality has reached to all, and that by the Word becoming man, the universal Providence has been known, and its Giver and Artificer the very Word of God. 3. For He was made man that we might be made God347; and He manifested Himself by a body that we might receive the idea of the unseen Father; and He endured the insolence of men that we might inherit immortality. For while He Himself was in no way injured, being impossible and incorruptible and very Word and God, men who were suffering, and for whose sakes He endured all this, He maintained and preserved in His own impassibility. 4. And, in a word, the achievements of the Saviour, resulting from His becoming man, are of such kind and number, that if one should wish to enumerate them, he may be compared to men who gaze at the expanse of the sea and wish to count its waves. For as one cannot take in the whole of the waves with his eyes, for those which are coming on baffle the sense of him that attempts it; so for him that would take in all the achievements of Christ in the body, it is impossible to take in the whole, even by reckoning them up, as those which go beyond his thought are more than those he thinks he has taken in. 5. Better is it, then, not to aim at speaking of the whole, where one cannot do justice even to a part, but, after mentioning one more, to leave the whole for you to marvel at. For all alike are marvellous, and wherever a man turns his glance, he may behold on that side the divinity of the Word, and be struck with exceeding great awe.
§55. Summary of foregoing. Cessation of pagan oracles, U+0026c.: propagation of the faith. The true King has come forth and silenced all usurpers.
This, then, after what we have so far said, it is right for you to realize, and to take as the sum of what we have already stated, and to marvel at exceedingly; namely, that since the Saviour has come among us, idolatry not only has no longer increased, but what there was is diminishing and gradually coming to an end: and not only does the wisdom of the Greeks no longer advance, but what there is is now fading away: and demons, so far from cheating any more by illusions and prophecies and magic arts, if they so much as dare to make the attempt, are put to shame by the sign of the Cross. 2. And to sum the matter up: behold how the Saviour’s doctrine is everywhere increasing, while all idolatry and everything opposed to the faith of Christ is daily dwindling, and losing power, and falling. And thus beholding, worship the Saviour, “Who is above all” and mighty, even God the Word; and condemn those who are being worsted and done away by Him. 3. For as, when the sun is come, darkness no longer prevails, but if any be still left anywhere it is driven away; so, now that the divine Appearing of the Word of God is come, the darkness of the idols prevails no more, and all parts of the world in every direction are illumined by His teaching. 4. And as, when a king is reigning in some country without appearing but keeps at home in his own house, often some disorderly persons, abusing his retirement, proclaim themselves; and each of them, by assuming the character, imposes on the simple as king, and so men are led astray by the name, hearing that there is a king, but not seeing him, if for no other reason, because they cannot enter the house; but when the real king comes forth and appears, then the disorderly impostors are exposed by his presence, while men, seeing the real king, desert those who previously led them astray: 5. in like manner, the evil spirits formerly used to deceive men, investing themselves with God’s honour; but when the Word of God appeared in a body, and made known to us His own Father, then at length the deceit of the evil spirits is done away and stopped, while men, turning their eyes to the true God, Word of the Father, are deserting the idols, and now coming to know the true God. 6. Now this is a proof that Christ is God the Word, and the Power of God. For whereas human things cease, and the Word of Christ abides, it is clear to all eyes that what ceases is temporary, but that He Who abides is God, and the true Son of God, His only-begotten Word.
§56. Search then, the Scriptures, if you can, and so fill up this sketch. Learn to look for the Second Advent and Judgment.
Let this, then, Christ-loving man, be our offering to you, just for a rudimentary sketch and outline, in a short compass, of the faith of Christ and of His Divine appearing to usward. But you, taking occasion by this, if you light upon the text of the Scriptures, by genuinely applying your mind to them, will learn from them more completely and clearly the exact detail of what we have said. 2. For they were spoken and written by God, through men who spoke of God. But we impart of what we have learned from inspired teachers who have been conversant with them, who have also become martyrs for the deity of Christ, to your zeal for learning, in turn. 3. And you will also learn about His second glorious and truly divine appearing to us, when no longer in lowliness, but in His own glory,—no longer in humble guise, but in His own magnificence,—He is to come, no more to suffer, but thenceforth to render to all the fruit of His own Cross, that is, the resurrection and incorruption; and no longer to be judged, but to judge all, by what each has done in the body, whether good or evil; where there is laid up for the good the kingdom of heaven, but for them that have done evil everlasting fire and outer darkness. 4. For thus the Lord Himself also says: “Henceforth348 ye shall see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of power, and coming on the clouds of heaven in the glory of the Father.” 5. And for this very reason there is also a word of the Saviour to prepare us for that day, in these words: “Be349 ye ready and watch, for He cometh at an hour ye know not.” For, according to the blessed Paul: “We350 must all stand before the judgment-seat of Christ, that each one may receive according as he hath done in the body, whether it be good or bad.”
§57. Above all, so live that you may have the right to eat of this tree of knowledge and life, and so come to eternal joys. Doxology.
But for the searching of the Scriptures and true knowledge of them, an honourable life is needed, and a pure soul, and that virtue which is according to Christ; so that the intellect guiding its path by it, may be able to attain what it desires, and to comprehend it, in so far as it is accessible to human nature to learn concerning the Word of God. 2. For without a pure mind and a modelling of the life after the saints, a man could not possibly comprehend the words of the saints. 3. For just as, if a man wished to see the light of the sun, he would at any rate wipe and brighten his eye, purifying himself in some sort like what he desires, so that the eye, thus becoming light, may see the light of the sun; or as, if a man would see a city or country, he at any rate comes to the place to see it;—thus he that would comprehend the mind of those who speak of God must needs begin by washing and cleansing his soul, by his manner of living, and approach the saints themselves by imitating their works; so that, associated with them in the conduct of a common life, he may understand also what has been revealed to them by God, and thenceforth, as closely knit to them, may escape the peril of the sinners and their fire at the day of judgment, and receive what is laid up for the saints in the kingdom of heaven, which “Eye hath not seen351, nor ear heard, neither have entered into the heart of man,” whatsoever things are prepared for them that live a virtuous life, and love the God and Father, in Christ Jesus our Lord: through Whom and with Whom be to the Father Himself, with the Son Himself, in the Holy Spirit, honour and might and glory for ever and ever. Amen.
Introduction to the ‘Deposition of Arius’ and Encyclical Letter of Alexander.
The following documents form the fittest opening to the series of Anti-Arian writings of Athanasius. They are included in the Benedictine edition of his works, and in the Oxford Collection of Historical Tracts, of which the present translation is a revision. The possibility that the Encyclical Letter was drawn up by Athanasius himself, now deacon and Secretary to Bishop Alexander (Prolegg. ch. ii. §2), is a further reason for its inclusion. The Athanasian authorship is maintained by Newman on the following grounds, which his notes will be found to bear out. (1) Total dissimilarity of style as compared with Alexander’s letter to his namesake of Byzantium (given by Theodoret, H. E. i. 4). That piece is in an elaborate and involved style, full of compound words, with nothing of the Athanasian simplicity and vigour. (2) Remarkable identity of style with that of Athanasius, extending to his most characteristic expressions. (3) Distinctness of the ‘theological view’ and terminology of Alexander as compared with Athanasius; the Encyclical coinciding with the latter against the former. (4) Athanasian use of certain texts. These arguments are of great weight, and make out at least a prima facie case for Newman’s view. The latter has the weight of Böhringer’s opinion on its side, while the counter-arguments of Kölling (vol. 1. p. 105) are trivial. Gwatkin, Studies, 29, note 4, misses the points (Nos. 1 and 3) of Newman’s argument, which may fairly be said to hold the field. The deposition of Arius at Alexandria took place (Prolegg, ubi supra) in 320 or 321; more likely the latter. Whether the Encyclical was drawn up at the Synod which deposed Arius, as is generally supposed, or some two years later, as has been inferred from the references to Eusebius of Nicomedia (D. C. B. i. 80, cf. Prolegg. ubi supra, note 1), is a question that may for our present purpose be left open. In any case it is one of the earliest documents of the Arian controversy. It should be noted that the ὁμοούσιον does not occur in this document, a fact of importance in the history of the adoption of the word as a test at Nicæa, cf. Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) and (2) b. At this stage the Alexandrians were content with the formulæ ὅμοιος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν (Athan.), ἀπαραλλακτος εἰκών, ἀπηκριβωμένη ἐμφέρεια (Alex. in Thdt.), which were afterwards found inadequate.
The letter, after stating the circumstances which call it forth, and recording the doctrine
propounded by Arius, and his deposition, points out some of the leading texts which condemn
the doctrine (§§3, 4). The Arians are then (§5) compared to other heretics, and the
bishops of the Church generally warned (§6) against the intrigues of Eusebius of Nicomedia.
The letter is signed by the sixteen presbyters of Alexandria, and the twenty-four deacons
(Athanasius signs fourth), as well as by eighteen presbyters and twenty deacons of the
Alexander’s Deposition of Arius and his companions, and Encyclical Letter on the subject.
Alexander, being assembled with his beloved brethren, the Presbyters and Deacons of Alexandria, and the Mareotis, greets them in the Lord.
Although you have already subscribed to the letter I addressed to Arius and his fellows, exhorting them to renounce his impiety, and to submit themselves to the sound Catholic Faith, and have shewn your right-mindedness and agreement in the doctrines of the Catholic Church: yet forasmuch as I have written also to our fellow-ministers in every place concerning Arius and his fellows, and especially since some of you, as the Presbyters Chares and Pistus352, and the Deacons Serapion, Parammon, Zosimus, and Irenæus, have joined Arius and his fellows, and been content to suffer deposition with them, I thought it needful to assemble together you, the Clergy of the city, and to send for you the Clergy of the Mareotis, in order that you may learn what I am now writing, and may testify your agreement thereto, and give your concurrence in the deposition of Arius, Pistus, and their fellows. For it is desirable that you should be made acquainted with what I write, and that each of you should heartily embrace it, as though he had written it himself.
A Copy.
To his dearly beloved and most honoured fellow-ministers of the Catholic Church in every place, Alexander sends health in the Lord.
1. As there is one body353 of the Catholic Church, and a command is given us in the
sacred Scriptures to preserve the bond of unity and peace, it is agreeable thereto that we
should write and signify to one another whatever is done by each of us individually; so that
whether one member suffer or rejoice, we may either suffer or rejoice with one another.
Now there are gone forth in this diocese, at this time, certain lawless354 men, enemies of
Christ, teaching an apostasy, which one may justly suspect and designate as a forerunner355
2. Now those who became apostates are these, Arius, Achilles, Aeithales, Carpones,
another Arius, and Sarmates, sometime Presbyters: Euzoïus, Lucius, Julius, Menas, Helladius,
and Gaius, sometime Deacons: and with them Secundus and Theonas, sometime called
Bishops. And the novelties they have invented and put forth contrary to the Scriptures are
these following:—God was not always a Father363, but there was a time when God was not
a Father. The Word of God was not always, but originated from things that were not; for
God that is, has made him that was not, of that which was not; wherefore there was a time
when He was not; for the Son is a creature and a work. Neither is He like in essence to the
Father; neither is He the true and natural Word of the Father; neither is He His true Wisdom;
but He is one of the things made and created, and is called the Word and Wisdom by an
abuse of terms, since He Himself originated by the proper Word of God, and by the Wisdom
3. Now when Arius and his fellows made these assertions, and shamelessly avowed
them, we being assembled with the Bishops of Egypt and Libya, nearly a hundred in number,
anathematized both them and their followers. But Eusebius and his fellows admitted them
to communion, being desirous to mingle falsehood with the truth, and impiety with piety.
But they will not be able to do so, for the truth must prevail; neither is there any “communion
of light with darkness,” nor any “concord of Christ with Belial365.” For who ever heard such
assertions before366? or who that hears them now is not astonished and does not stop his
ears lest they should be defiled with such language? Who that has heard the words of John,
“In the beginning was the Word367,” will not denounce the saying of these men, that “there
was a time when He was not?” Or who that has heard in the Gospel, “the Only-begotten
Son,” and “by Him were all things made368,” will not detest their declaration that He is “one
of the things that were made.” For how can He be one of those things which were made by
Himself? or how can He be the Only-begotten, when, according to them, He is counted as
one among the rest, since He is Himself a creature and a work? And how can He be “made
of things that were not,” when the Father saith, “My heart hath uttered a good Word,” and
“Out of the womb I have begotten Thee before the morning star369?” Or again, how is He
4. As to their blasphemous position that “the Son knows not the Father perfectly,” we ought not to wonder at it; for having once set themselves to fight against Christ, they contradict even His express words, since He says, “As the Father knoweth Me, even so know I the Father377.” Now if the Father knows the Son but in part, then it is evident that the Son does not know the Father perfectly; but if it is not lawful to say this, but the Father does know the Son perfectly, then it is evident that as the Father knows His own Word, so also the Word knows His own Father Whose Word He is.
5. By these arguments and references to the sacred Scriptures we frequently overthrew
them; but they changed like chameleons378, and again shifted their ground, striving to bring
upon themselves that sentence, “when the wicked falleth into the depth of evils, he despiseth379.”
There have been many heresies before them, which, venturing further than they
6. Since then our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ has instructed us by His own mouth,
and also hath signified to us by the Apostle concerning such men, we accordingly being
personal witnesses of their impiety, have anathematized, as we said, all such, and declared
them to be alien from the Catholic Faith and Church. And we have made this known to
your piety, dearly beloved and most honoured fellow-ministers, in order that should any
of them have the boldness383 to come unto you, you may not receive them, nor comply with
the desire of Eusebius, or any other person writing in their behalf. For it becomes us who
are Christians to turn away from all who speak or think any thing against Christ, as being
enemies of God, and destroyers384 of souls; and not even to “bid such God speed385,” lest
Presbyters of Alexandria.
7. I, Colluthus, Presbyter, agree with what is here written, and give my assent to the deposition of Arius and his associates in impiety.
Alexander386, Presbyter, likewise
Dioscorus387, Presbyter, likewise
Dionysius388, Presbyter, likewise
Eusebius, Presbyter, likewise
Alexander, Presbyter, likewise
Nilaras389, Presbyter, likewise
Arpocration, Presbyter, likewise
Agathus, Presbyter
Nemesius, Presbyter
Longus390, Presbyter
Silvanus, Presbyter
Peroys, Presbyter
Apis, Presbyter
Proterius, Presbyter
Paulus, Presbyter
Cyrus, Presbyter, likewise
Deacons
Ammonius391, Deacon, likewise
Macarius, Deacon
Pistus392, Deacon, likewise
Athanasius, Deacon
Eumenes, Deacon
Apollonius393, Deacon
Olympius, Deacon
Aphthonius394, Deacon
Athanasius395, Deacon
Macarius, Deacon, likewise
Paulus, Deacon
Petrus, Deacon
Ambytianus, Deacon
Gaius396, Deacon, likewise
Alexander, Deacon
Dionysius, Deacon
Agathon, Deacon
Polybius, Deacon, likewise
Theonas, Deacon
Marcus, Deacon
Comodus, Deacon
Serapion397, Deacon
Nilon, Deacon
Romanus, Deacon, likewise
Presbyters of the Mareotis.
I, Apollonius, Presbyter, agree with what is here written, and give my assent to the deposition of Arius and his associates in impiety.
Ingenius398, Presbyter, likewise
Ammonius, Presbyter
Dioscorus399, Presbyter
Sostras, Presbyter
Theon400, Presbyter
Tyrannus, Presbyter
Copres, Presbyter
Ammonas401, Presbyter
Orion, Presbyter
Serenus, Presbyter
Didymus, Presbyter
Heracles402, Presbyter
Boccon403, Presbyter
Agathus, Presbyter
Achillas, Presbyter
Paulus, Presbyter
Thalelæus, Presbyter
Dionysius, Presbyter, likewise
Deacons
Sarapion404, Deacon, likewise
Justus, Deacon, likewise
Didymus, Deacon
Demetrius405, Deacon
Maurus406, Deacon
Alexander, Deacon
Marcus407, Deacon
Comon, Deacon
Tryphon408, Deacon
Ammonius409, Deacon
Didymus, Deacon
Ptollarion410, Deacon
Seras, Deacon
Gaius411, Deacon
Hierax412, Deacon
Marcus, Deacon
Theonas, Deacon
Sarmaton, Deacon
Carpon, Deacon
Zoilus, Deacon, likewise
The letter which follows, addressed by Eusebius of Cæsarea to his flock, upon the conclusion of the great Synod, is appended by Athanasius to his defense of the Definition of Nicæa (de Decretis), written about a.d. 350. It is, however, inserted here in the present edition, partly in accordance with the chronological principle of arrangement, but principally because it forms the fittest introduction to the series of treatises which follow. Along with the account of Eustathius in Theodoret H. E. i. 8, and that given by Eusebius, in his life of Constantine (vol. I. pp. 521–526 of this series), it forms one of our most important authorities for the proceedings at Nicæa, and the only account we have dating from the actual year of the Council. It is especially important as containing the draft Creed submitted to the Council by Eusebius, and the revised form of it eventually adopted. The former, which contained (in the first paragraph of §3, from ‘We believe’ down to ‘One Holy Ghost’) the traditional Creed of the Church of Cæsarea, which Eusebius had professed at his baptism, was laid by him before the Council, and approved: but at the Emperor’s suggestion the single word ὁμοούσιον was inserted (not by ‘the majority’ as distinct from the Emperor, as stated by Swainson, Creeds, p. 65). This modification opened the door for others, which eventually resulted in the Creed given in §4. It is not altogether easy to reconcile this account with that given by Athanasius himself (below de Decr. 19, 20, Ad Afr. 5), according to which the Council were led to insist on the insertion of the ὁμοούσιον by the evasions with which the Arian bishops met every other test that was propounded, signalling to each other by nods winks and gestures, as each Scriptural attribute of the Son was enumerated, that this also could be accepted in an Arian sense. Probably (see Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (1) note 5) the discussions thus described came first (cp. Sozom. i. 17): then Eusebius of Nicomedia presented the document which was indignantly torn up: then came the Confession of Eusebius of Cæsarea, which was adopted as the basis of the Creed finally issued. In any case the Emperor’s suggestion of the insertion of ὁμοούσιον must have been prompted by others, most likely by Hosius (Hist. Ar. 42, Cf. Hort, Two Dissertations, p. 58. Gwatkin, Studies, pp. 44, 45, puts the scene described by Athanasius during the debate upon the final adoption of the Creed).
The translation which follows, with the notes and Excursus A, is the unaltered work of Newman (Library of the Fathers, vol. 8, pp. 59–72), except that the word ‘essence’ (for οὐσία), as throughout this volume, has been substituted for ‘substance,’ and the translation of γενητός by ‘generate’ altered wherever it occurs, as explained in the preface. Additions by the editor of this volume are here as elsewhere included in square brackets.
Letter of Eusebius of Cæsarea to the people of his Diocese413.
1. What was transacted concerning ecclesiastical faith at the Great Council assembled at Nicæa, you have probably learned, Beloved, from other sources, rumour being wont to precede the accurate account of what is doing. But lest in such reports the circumstances of the case have been misrepresented, we have been obliged to transmit to you, first, the formula of faith presented by ourselves, and next, the second, which [the Fathers] put forth with some additions to our words. Our own paper, then, which was read in the presence of our most pious414 Emperor, and declared to be good and unexceptionable, ran thus:—
2. “As we have received from the Bishops who preceded us, and in our first catechisings, and when we received the Holy Laver, and as we have learned from the divine Scriptures, and as we believed and taught in the presbytery, and in the Episcopate itself, so believing also at the time present, we report to you our faith, and it is this415:”
3. “We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, the Maker of all things visible and invisible. And in One Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God, God from God, Light from Light, Life from Life, Son Only-begotten, first-born of every creature, before all the ages, begotten from the Father, by Whom also all things were made; Who for our salvation was made flesh, and lived among men, and suffered, and rose again the third day, and ascended to the Father, and will come again in glory to judge the quick and dead. And we believe also in One Holy Ghost:”
“believing each of these to be and to exist, the Father truly Father, and the Son truly Son, and the Holy Ghost truly Holy Ghost, as also our Lord, sending forth His disciples for the preaching, said, “Go teach all nations, baptizing them in the Name of the Father and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost416.” Concerning Whom we confidently affirm that so we hold, and so we think, and so we have held aforetime, and we maintain this faith unto the death, anathematizing every godless heresy. That this we have ever thought from our heart and soul, from the time we recollect ourselves, and now think and say in truth, before God Almighty and our Lord Jesus Christ do we witness, being able by proofs to shew and to convince you, that, even in times past, such has been our belief and preaching.”
4. On this faith being publicly put forth by us, no room for contradiction appeared; but
our most pious Emperor, before any one else, testified that it comprised most orthodox
statements. He confessed moreover that such were his own sentiments, and he advised all
present to agree to it, and to subscribe its articles and to assent to them, with the insertion
of the single word, One-in-essence, which moreover he interpreted as not in the sense of
the affections of bodies, nor as if the Son subsisted from the Father in the way of division,
or any severance; for that the immaterial, and intellectual, and incorporeal nature could not
be the subject of any corporeal affection, but that it became us to conceive of such things in
a divine and ineffable manner. And such were the theological remarks of our most wise and
The Faith dictated in the Council.
“We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things visible and invisible:”
“And in One Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, Only-begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father; God from God, Light from Light, Very God from Very God, begotten not made, One in essence with the Father, by Whom all things were made, both things in heaven and things in earth; Who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh, was made man, suffered, and rose again the third day, ascended into heaven, and cometh to judge quick and dead.”
“And in the Holy Ghost.”
“And those who say, ‘Once He was not,’ and ‘Before His generation He was not,’ and ‘He came to be from nothing,’ or those who pretend that the Son of God is ‘Of other subsistence or essence418,’ or ‘created’ or ‘alterable,’ or ‘mutable,’ the Catholic Church anathematizes.”
5. On their dictating this formula, we did not let it pass without inquiry in what sense
they introduced “of the essence of the Father,” and “one in essence with the Father.” Accordingly
questions and explanations took place, and the meaning of the words underwent the
scrutiny of reason. And they professed, that the phrase “of the essence” was indicative of
the Son’s being indeed from the Father, yet without being as if a part of Him. And with this
understanding we thought good to assent to the sense of such religious doctrine, teaching,
as it did, that the Son was from the Father, not however a part of His essence419. On this
6. In the same way we also admitted “begotten, not made;” since the Council alleged that “made” was an appellative common to the other creatures which came to be through the Son, to whom the Son had no likeness. Wherefore, say they, He was not a work resembling the things which through Him came to be420, but was of an essence which is too high for the level of any work; and which the Divine oracles teach to have been generated from the Father421, the mode of generation being inscrutable and incalculable to every originated nature.
7. And so too on examination there are grounds for saying that the Son is “one in essence” with the Father; not in the way of bodies, nor like mortal beings, for He is not such by division of essence, or by severance, no, nor by any affection, or alteration, or changing of the Father’s essence and power422 (since from all such the unoriginate nature of the Father is alien), but because “one in essence with the Father” suggests that the Son of God bears no resemblance to the originated creatures, but that to His Father alone Who begat Him is He in every way assimilated, and that He is not of any other subsistence and essence, but from the Father423. To which term also, thus interpreted, it appeared well to assent; since we were aware that even among the ancients, some learned and illustrious Bishops and writers424 have used the term “one in essence,” in their theological teaching concerning the Father and Son.
8. So much then be said concerning the faith which was published; to which all of us assented, not without inquiry, but according to the specified senses, mentioned before the most religious Emperor himself, and justified by the forementioned considerations. And as to the anathematism published by them at the end of the Faith, it did not pain us, because it forbade to use words not in Scripture, from which almost all the confusion and disorder of the Church have come. Since then no divinely inspired Scripture has used the phrases, “out of nothing,” and “once He was not,” and the rest which follow, there appeared no ground for using or teaching them; to which also we assented as a good decision, since it had not been our custom hitherto to use these terms.
9. Moreover to anathematize “Before His generation He was not,” did not seem preposterous, in that it is confessed by all, that the Son of God was before the generation according to the flesh425.
10. Nay, our most religious Emperor did at the time prove, in a speech, that He was in
being even according to His divine generation which is before all ages, since even before He
was generated in energy, He was in virtue426 with the Father ingenerately, the Father being
11. This we have been forced to transmit to you, Beloved, as making clear to you the deliberation of our inquiry and assent, and how reasonably we resisted even to the last minute as long as we were offended at statements which differed from our own, but received without contention what no longer pained us, as soon as, on a candid examination of the sense of the words, they appeared to us to coincide with what we ourselves have professed in the faith which we have already published.
On the meaning of the phrase ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας in the Nicene Anathema.
Bishop Bull has made it a question, whether these words in the Nicene Creed mean the same thing, or are to be considered distinct from each other, advocating himself the latter opinion against Petavius. The history of the word ὑπόστασις is of too intricate a character to enter upon here; but a few words may be in place in illustration of its sense as it occurs in the Creed, and with reference to the view taken of it by the great divine, who has commented on it.
Bishop Bull, as I understood him (Defens. F. N. ii. 9. §11.), considers that two distinct ideas are intended by the words οὐσία and ὑπόστασις, in the clause ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας; as if the Creed condemned those who said that the Son was not from the Father’s essence, and those also who said that He was not from the Father’s hypostasis or subsistence; as if a man might hold at least one of the two without holding the other. And in matter of fact, he does profess to assign two parties of heretics, who denied this or that proposition respectively.
Petavius, on the other hand (de Trin. iv. I.), considers that the word ὑπόστασις is but
another term for οὐσία, and that not two but one proposition is contained in the clause in
question; the word ὑπόστασις not being publicly recognised in its present meaning till the
Council of Alexandria, in the year 362. Coustant. (Epist. Pont. Rom. pp. 274. 290. 462.)
Tillemont (Memoires S. Denys. d’Alex. §15.), Huet (Origenian. ii. 2. n. 3.), Thomassin (de
Incarn. iii. 1.), and Morinus (de Sacr. Ordin. ii. 6.), take substantially the same view; while
Maranus (Præf. ad S. Basil. §1. tom. 3. ed. Bened.), Natalis Alexander, Hist. (Sæc. 1. Diss.
22. circ. fin.), Burton (Testimonies to the Trinity, No. 71), and Routh (Reliqu. Sacr. vol. iii.
p. 189.), differ from Petavius, if they do not agree with Bull.
Bull’s principal argument lies in the strong fact, that S. Basil expressly asserts, that the Council did mean the two terms to be distinct, and this when he is answering the Sabellians, who grounded their assertion that there was but one ὑπόστασις, on the alleged fact that the Council had used οὐσία and ὑπόστασις indifferently.
Bull refers also to Anastasius Hodeg. 21. (22. p. 343.?) who says, that the Nicene Fathers
defined that there are three hypostases or Persons in the Holy Trinity. Petavius considers
Bishop Bull adds the following explanation of the two words as they occur in the Creed: he conceives that the one is intended to reach the Arians, and the other the Semi-arians; that the Semi-arians did actually make a distinction between οὐσία and ὑπόστασις, admitting in a certain sense that the Son was from the ὑπόστασις of the Father, while they denied that He was from His οὐσία. They then are anathematized in the words ἐξ ἑτέρας οὐσίας; and, as he would seem to mean, the Arians in the ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως.
Now I hope it will not be considered any disrespect to so great an authority, if I differ from this view, and express my reasons for doing so.
1. First then, supposing his account of the Semi-arian doctrine ever so free from objection,
granting that they denied the ἐξ οὐσίας, and admitted the ἐξ ὑποστάσεως, yet who are
they who, according to his view, denied the ἐξ ὑποστάσεως, or said that the Son was ἐξ
ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως? he does not assign any parties, though he implies the Arians. Yet
though, as is notorious, they denied the ἐξ οὐσίας, there is nothing to shew that they or any
other party of Arians maintained specifically that the Son was not from the ὑπόστασις, or
subsistence of the Father. That is, the hypothesis supported by this eminent divine does not
answer the very question which it raises. It professes that those who denied the ἐξ
ὑποστάσεως, were not the same as those who denied the ἐξ οὐσίας; yet it fails to tell us who
did deny the ἐξ ὑποστάσεως, in a sense distinct from ἐξ οὐσίας.
2. Next, his only proof that the Semi-arians did hold the ἐξ ὑποστάσεως as distinct from
the ἐξ οὐσίας, lies in the circumstance, that the three (commonly called) Semi-arian confessions
of a.d. 341, 344, 351, known as Mark’s of Arethusa [i.e. the ‘fourth Antiochene’], the
Macrostich, and the first Sirmian, anathematize those who say that the Son is ἐξ ἑτέρας
ὑποστάσεως, not anathematizing the καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ, which he thence infers was their
own belief. Another explanation of this passage will be offered presently; meanwhile, it is
well to observe, that Hilary, in speaking of the confession of Philippopolis which was taken
from Mark’s, far from suspecting that the clause involved an omission, defends it on the
ground of its retaining the Anathema (de Synod. 35.), thus implying that ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως
καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ was equivalent to ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας. And it may be added,
that Athanasius in like manner, in his account of the Nicene Council (de Decret. §20. fin.),
3. Further, Bull gives us no proof whatever that the Semi-arians did deny the ἐξ οὐσίας; while it is very clear, if it is right to contradict so great a writer, that most of them did not deny it. He says that it is “certissimum” that the heretics who wrote the three confessions above noticed, that is, the Semi-arians, “nunquam fassos, nunquam fassuros fuisse filium ἐξ οὐσίας, e substantia, Patris progenitum.” His reason for not offering any proof for this naturally is, that Petavius, with whom he is in controversy, maintains it also, and he makes use of Petavius’s admission against himself. Now it may seem bold in a writer of this day to differ not only with Bull, but with Petavius; but the reason for doing so is simple; it is because Athanasius asserts the very thing which Petavius and Bull deny, and Petavius admits that he does; that is, he allows it by implication when he complains that Athanasius had not got to the bottom of the doctrine of the Semi-arians, and thought too favourably of them. “Horum Semi-arianorum, quorum antesignanus fuit Basilius Ancyræ episcopus, prorsus obscura fuit hæresis..…ut ne ipse quidem Athanasius satis illam exploratam habuerit.” de Trin. i. x. §7.
Now S. Athanasius’s words are most distinct and express; “As to those who receive all
else that was defined at Nicæa, but dispute about the ‘One in essence’ only, we must not feel
as towards enemies.…for, as confessing that the Son is from the essence of the Father and not
of other subsistence, ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρὸς εἶναι, καὶ μὴ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως τὸν
υἱον,
Moreover Hilary, while defending the Semi-arian decrees of Ancyra or Sirmium, says expressly, that according to them, among other truths, “non creatura est Filius genitus, sed a natura Patris indiscreta substantia est.” de Syn. 27.
Petavius, however, in the passage to which Bull appeals, refers in proof of this view of
Semi-arianism, to those Ancyrene documents, which Epiphanius has preserved, Hær. 73.
and which he considers to shew, that according to the Semi-arians the Son was not ἐξ οὐσίας
τοῦ πατρός. He says, that it is plain from their own explanations that they considered our
Lord to be, not ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας, but ἐκ τῆς ὁμοιότητος (he does not say ὑποστάσεως, as Bull
wishes) τοῦ πατρὸς and that, ἐνεργείU+0026 139· γεννητικῇ, which was one of the divine ἐνέργειαι,
as creation, ἡ κτιστικὴ, was another. Yet surely Epiphanius does not bear out this representation
better than Athanasius; since the Semi-arians, whose words he reports, speak of “υἱU+0026
232·ν ὅμοιον καὶ κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς, p. 825 b, ὡς ἡ σοφία τοῦ σοφοῦ υἱU+0026 232·ς,
The same fact is brought before us even in a more striking way in the conference at Constantinople, a.d. 360, before Constantius, between the Anomoeans and Semi-arians, where the latter, according to Theodoret, shew no unwillingness to acknowledge even the ὁμοούσιον, because they acknowledge the ἐξ οὐσίας. When the Anomoeans wished the former condemned, Silvanus of Tarsus said, “If God the Word be not out of nothing, nor a creature, nor of other essence, οὐσίας, therefore is He one in essence, ὁμοούσιος, with God who begot Him, as God from God, and Light from Light, and He has the same nature with His Father.” H. E. ii. 23. Here again it is observable, as in the passage from Athanasius above, that, while apparently reciting the Nicene Anathema, he omits ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως, as if it were superfluous to mention a synonym.
At the same time there certainly is reason to suspect that the Semi-arians approximated towards orthodoxy as time went on; and perhaps it is hardly fair to determine what they held at Nicæa by their statements at Ancyra, though to the latter Petavius appeals. Several of the most eminent among them, as Meletius, Cyril, and Eusebius of Samosata conformed soon after; on the other hand in Eusebius, who is their representative at Nicæa, it will perhaps be difficult to find a clear admission of the ἐξ οὐσίας. But at any rate he does not maintain the ἐξ ὑποστάσεως, which Bull’s theory requires.
On various grounds then, because the Semi-arians as a body did not deny the ἐξ οὐσίας, nor confess the ἐξ ὑποστάσεως, nor the Arians deny it, there is reason for declining Bishop Bull’s explanation of these words as they occur in the Creed; and now let us turn to the consideration of the authorities on which that explanation rests.
As to Gelasius, Bull himself does not insist upon his testimony, and Anastasius [about 700 a.d.] is too late to be of authority. The passage indeed which he quotes from Amphilochius is important, but as he was a friend of S. Basil, perhaps it does not very much increase the weight of S. Basil’s more distinct and detailed testimony to the same point, and no one can say that that weight is inconsiderable.
Yet there is evidence the other way which overbalances it. Bull, who complains of Petavius’s rejection of S. Basil’s testimony concerning a Council which was held before his birth, cannot maintain his own explanation of its Creed without rejecting Athanasius’s testimony respecting the doctrine of his contemporaries, the Semi-arians; and moreover the more direct evidence, as we shall see, of the Council of Alexandria, a.d. 362, S. Jerome, Basil of Ancyra, and Socrates.
First, however, no better comment upon the sense of the Council can be required than
the incidental language of Athanasius and others, who in a foregoing extract exchanges
οὐσία for ὑπόστασις in a way which is natural only on the supposition that he used them as
In like manner Hilary expressly translates the clause in the Creed by ex altera substantia vel essentia. Fragm. ii. 27. And somewhat in the same way Eusebius says in his letter, ἐξ ἑτέρας τινὸς ὑποστάσεώς τε καὶ οὐσίας.
But further, Athanasius says expressly, ad Afros,—“Hypostasis is essence, οὐσία, and
means nothing else than simply being, which Jeremiah calls existence when he says,” U+0026c.
§4. It is true, he elsewhere speaks of three Hypostases, but this only shews that he attached
no fixed sense to the word. Rather, he abandons the latter usage in his middle and later
writings. This is just what I would maintain; its sense must be determined by the context;
and, whereas it always stands in all Catholic writers for the Una Res (as the 4th Lateran
speaks), which οὐσία denotes, when Athanasius says, “three hypostases,” he takes the word
to mean οὐσία in that particular sense in which it is three, and when he makes it synonymous
with οὐσία, he uses it to signify Almighty God in that sense in which He is one.
Leaving Athanasius, we have the following evidence concerning the history of the word ὑπόστασις. S. Jerome says, “The whole school of secular learning understanding nothing else by hypostasis than usia, essence,” Ep. xv. 4, where, speaking of the Three Hypostases he uses the strong language, “If you desire it, then be a new faith framed after the Nicene, and let the orthodox confess in terms like the Arian.”
In like manner, Basil of Ancyra, George, and the other Semi-arians, say distinctly, “This hypostasis our Fathers called essence,” οὐσία. Epiph. Hær. 74. 12. fin.; in accordance with which is the unauthorized addition to the Sardican Epistle, “ὑπόστασιν, ἣν αὐτοὶ οἱ αἱρετικοὶ οὐσίαν προσαγορεύουσι.” Theod. H. E. ii. 6.
If it be said that Jerome from his Roman connection, and Basil and George as Semiarians, would be led by their respective theologies for distinct reasons thus to speak, it is true, and may have led them to too broad a statement of the fact; but then on the other hand it was in accordance also with the theology of S. Basil, so strenuous a defender of the formula of the Three Hypostases, to suppose that the Nicene Fathers meant to distinguish ὑπόστασις from οὐσία in their anathema.
Again, Socrates informs us that, though there was some dispute about hypostasis at Alexandria shortly before the Nicene Council, yet the Council itself “devoted not a word to the question,” H. E. iii. 7.; which hardly consists with its having intended to rule that ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως was distinct from ἐξ ἑτέρας οὐσίας.
And in like manner the Council of Alexandria, a.d. 362, in deciding that the sense of Hypostasis was an open question, not only from the very nature of the case goes on the supposition that the Nicene Council had not closed it, but says so in words again and again in its Synodal Letter. If the Nicene Council had already used “hypostasis” in its present sense, what remained to Athanasius at Alexandria but to submit to it?
Indeed the history of this Council is perhaps the strongest argument against the supposed discrimination of the two terms by the Council of Nicæa. Bull can only meet it by considering that an innovation upon the “veterem vocabuli usum” began at the date of the Council of Sardica, though Socrates mentions the dispute as existing at Alexandria before the Nicene Council, H. E. iii. 4. 5. while the supposititious confession of Sardica professes to have received the doctrine of the one hypostasis by tradition as Catholic.
Nor is the use of the word in earlier times inconsistent with these testimonies; though it occurs so seldom, in spite of its being a word of S. Paul [i.e. Heb. i. 3], that testimony is our principal evidence. Socrates’ remarks deserve to be quoted; “Those among the Greeks who have treated of the Greek philosophy, have defined essence, οὐσία, in many ways, but they had made no mention at all of hypostasis. Irenæus the Grammarian, in his alphabetical Atticist, even calls the term barbarous; because it is not used by any of the ancients, and if anywhere found, it does not mean what it is now taken for. Thus in the Phoenix of Sophocles it means an ‘ambush;’ but in Menander, ‘preserves,’ as if one were to call the wine-lees in a cask ‘hypostasis.’ However it must be observed, that, in spite of the old philosophers being silent about the term, the more modern continually use it for essence, οὐσίας, H. E. iii. 7. The word principally occurs in Origen among Ante-Nicene writers, and he, it must be confessed uses it, as far as the context decides its sense, to mean subsistence or person. In other words, it was the word of a certain school in the Church, which afterwards was accepted by the Church; but this proves nothing about the sense in which it was used at Nicæa. The three Hypostases are spoken of by Origen, his pupil Dionysius, as afterwards by Eusebius of Cæsarea (though he may notwithstanding have considered hypostasis synonymous with essence), and Athanasius (Origen in Joan. ii. 6. Dionys. ap. Basil de Sp. S. n. 72. Euseb. ap. Socr. i. 23. Athan. in Illud Omnia, U+0026c. 6); and the Two Hypostases of the Father and the Son, by Origen, Ammonius, and Alexander (Origen c. Cels. viii. 2. Ammon. ap. Caten. in Joan. x. 30. Alex. ap. Theod. i. 3. p. 740). As to the passage in which two hypostases are spoken of in Dionysius’ letter to Paul of Samosata, that letter certainly is not genuine, as might be shewn on a fitting occasion, though it is acknowledged by very great authorities.
I confess that to my mind there is an antecedent probability that the view which has
here been followed is correct. Judging by the general history of doctrine, one should not
expect that the formal ecclesiastical meaning of the word should have obtained everywhere
so early. Nothing is more certain than that the doctrines themselves of the Holy Trinity and
the Incarnation were developed, or, to speak more definitely, that the propositions containing
them were acknowledged, from the earliest times; but the particular terms which now belong
to them are most uniformly of a later date. Ideas were brought out, but technical phrases
did not obtain. Not that these phrases did not exist, but either not as technical, or in use in
a particular School or Church, or with a particular writer, or as ἅπαξ λεγόμενα, as words
discussed, nay resisted, perhaps used by some local Council, and then at length accepted
Lastly, it comes to be considered how the two words are to be accounted for in the Creed, if they have not distinct senses. Coustant supposes that ἐξ οὐσίας was added to explain ἐξ ὑποστάσεως, lest the latter should be taken in a Sabellian sense. On which we may perhaps remark besides, that the reason why ὑπόστασις was selected as the principal term was, that it was agreeable to the Westerns as well as admitted by the Orientals. Thus, by way of contrast, we find the Second General Council, at which there were no Latins, speaking of Three Hypostases, and Pope Damasus and the Roman Council speaking a few years sooner of the Holy Ghost as of the same hypostasis and usia with the Father and the Son. Theod. H. E. ii. 17. Many things go to make this probable. For instance, Coustant acutely points out, though Maran and the President of Magdalen [Routh, Rel. Sac. iii. 383] dissent, that this probably was a point of dispute between the two Dionysii; the Bishop of Alexandria asserting, as we know he did assert, Three Hypostases, the Bishop of Rome protesting in reply against “Three partitive Hypostases,” as involving tritheism, and his namesake rejoining, “If because there are Three Hypostases, any say that they are partitive, three there are, though they like it not.” Again, the influence of the West shews itself in the language of Athanasius, who, contrary to the custom of his Church, of Origen, Dionysius, and his own immediate patron and master Alexander, so varies his own use of the word, as to make his writings almost an example of that freedom which he vindicated in the Council of Alexandria. Again, when Hosius went to Alexandria before the Nicene Council, and a dispute arose with reference to Sabellianism about the words ὑπόστασις and οὐσία, what is this too, but the collision of East and West? It should be remembered moreover that Hosius presided at Nicæa, a Latin in an Eastern city; and again at Sardica, where, though the decree in favour of the One Hypostasis was not passed, it seems clear from the history that he was resisting persons with whom in great measure he agreed. Further, the same consideration accounts for the omission of the ἐξ οὐσίας from the Confession of Mark and the two which follow, on which Bull relies in proof that the Semi-arians rejected this formula. These three Semi-arian Creeds, and these only, were addressed to the Latins, and therefore their compilers naturally select that synonym which was most pleasing to them, as the means of securing a hearing; just as Athanasius on the other hand in his de Decretis, writing to the Greeks, omits ὑποστάσεως and writes οὐσίας.
The date of this highly interesting document is quite uncertain, but there is every ground for placing it earlier than the explicitly anti-Arian treatises. Firstly, the absence of any express reference to the controversy against Arians, while yet it is clearly in view in §§3 and 4, which lay down the rule afterwards consistently adopted by Athanasius with regard to texts which speak of the Saviour as created. Secondly, the untroubled use of ὅμοιος (§1, note 4) to express the Son’s relation to the Father. Thirdly, the close affinity of this Statement to the Sermo Major de Fide which in its turn has very close points of contact with the pre-Arian treatises. But see Prolegg. ch. iii. §1 (37).
If we are to hazard a conjecture, we may see in this “ἔκθεσις” a statement of faith published by Athanasius upon his accession to the Episcopate, a.d. 328. The statement proper (Hahn §119) consists of §1. §§2–4 are an explanatory comment insisting on the distinct Existence of the Son, and on His essential uncreatedness.
The translation which follows has been carefully compared with one made by the late
Prof. Swainson in his work on the Creeds, pp. 73–76. Dr. Swainson there refers to a former
‘imperfect and misleading’ translation (in Irons’ Athanasius contra Mundum) which the
present editor has not seen. Dr. Swainson expresses doubts as to the Athanasian authorship
of the Ecthesis, but without any cogent reason. The only point of importance is one which
acquaintance with the usual language of Athanasius shews to make distinctly in favour of,
and not against, the genuineness of this little tract. Three times in the course of it the Human
Body, or Humanity of the Lord is spoken of as ὁ Κυριακός ἄνθρωπυς. Dr. Swainson exaggerates
the strangeness of the expression by the barbarous rendering ‘Lordly man’ (How
would he translate κυριακὸν δεῖπνον?). But the phrase certainly requires explanation, although
the explanation is not difficult. (1) It is quoted by Facundus of Hermiane from the
present work (Def. Tr. Cap. xi. 5), and by Rufinus from an unnamed work of Athanasius
(‘libellus’), probably the present one. Moreover, Athanasius himself uses the phrase, frequently
in the Sermo Major de Fide, and in his exposition of Psalm xl. (xli.). Epiphanius
uses it at least twice (Ancor. 78 and 95); and from these Greek Fathers the phrase (‘Dominicus
Homo’) passed on to Latin writers such as Cassian and Augustine (below, note 5), who,
however, subsequently cancelled his adoption of the expression (Retr. I. xix. 8). The phrase,
therefore, is not to be objected to as un-Athanasian. In fact (2) it is founded upon the profuse
and characteristic use by Ath. of the word ἄνθρωπος to designate the manhood of our Lord
(see Orat. c. Ar. i. 41, 45, ii. 45, note 2. Dr. Swainson appears unaware of this in his unsatisfactory
paragraph p. 77, lines 14 and foll.). If the human nature of Christ may be called
ἄνθρωπος (1 Tim. ii. 5) at all, there is no difficulty in its being called ὁ ἄνθρ. τοῦ σωτῆρος
(Serm. M. de F. 24 and 30), or κυριακὸς ἄνθρωπος, a phrase equated with τὸ κυριακὸν
1. We believe in one Unbegotten428 God, Father Almighty, maker of all things both
visible and invisible, that hath His being from Himself. And in one Only-begotten Word,
Wisdom, Son, begotten of the Father without beginning and eternally; word not pronounced429
nor mental, nor an effluence430 of the Perfect, nor a dividing of the impassible
Essence, nor an issue431; but absolutely perfect Son, living and powerful (Heb. iv. 12), the
true Image of the Father, equal in honour and glory. For this, he says, ‘is the will of the
Father, that as they honour the Father, so they may honour the Son also’ (Joh. v. 23): very
God of very God, as John says in his general Epistles, ‘And we are in Him that is true, even
in His Son Jesus Christ: this is the true God and everlasting life’ (1 Joh. v. 20): Almighty of
Almighty. For all things which the Father rules and sways, the Son rules and sways likewise:
wholly from the Whole, being like432 the Father as the Lord says, ‘he that hath seen Me hath
seen the Father’ (Joh. xiv. 9). But He was begotten ineffably and incomprehensibly, for ‘who
shall declare his generation?’ (Isa. liii. 8), in other words, no one can. Who, when at the
consummation of the ages (Heb. ix. 26), He had descended from the bosom of the Father,
took from the undefiled Virgin Mary our humanity (ἄνθρωπον), Christ Jesus, whom He
delivered of His own will to suffer for us, as the Lord saith: ‘No man taketh My life from
Me. I have power to lay it down, and have power to take it again’ (Joh. x. 18). In which humanity
He was crucified and died for us, and rose from the dead, and was taken up into the
heavens, having been created as the beginning of ways for us (Prov. viii. 22), when on earth
He shewed us light from out of darkness, salvation from error, life from the dead, an entrance
to paradise, from which Adam was cast out, and into which he again entered by means of
the thief, as the Lord said, ‘This day shalt thou be with Me in paradise’ (Luke xxiii. 43), into
which Paul also once entered. He shewed us also a way up to the heavens, whither the
2. For neither do we hold a Son-Father, as do the Sabellians, calling Him of one but not of the same434 essence, and thus destroying the existence of the Son. Neither do we ascribe the passible body which He bore for the salvation of the whole world to the Father. Neither can we imagine three Subsistences separated from each other, as results from their bodily nature in the case of men, lest we hold a plurality of gods like the heathen. But just as a river, produced from a well, is not separate, and yet there are in fact two visible objects and two names. For neither is the Father the Son, nor the Son the Father. For the Father is Father of the Son, and the Son, Son of the Father. For like as the well is not a river, nor the river a well, but both are one and the same water which is conveyed in a channel from the well to the river, so the Father’s deity passes into the Son without flow and without division. For the Lord says, ‘I came out from the Father and am come’ (Joh. xvi. 28). But He is ever with the Father, for He is in the bosom of the Father, nor was ever the bosom of the Father void of the deity of the Son. For He says, ‘I was by Him as one setting in order’ (Prov. viii. 30). But we do not regard God the Creator of all, the Son of God, as a creature, or thing made, or as made out of nothing, for He is truly existent from Him who exists, alone existing from Him who alone exists, in as much as the like glory and power was eternally and conjointly begotten of the Father. For ‘He that hath seen’ the Son ‘hath seen the Father (Joh. xiv. 9). All things to wit were made through the Son; but He Himself is not a creature, as Paul says of the Lord: ‘In Him were all things created, and He is before all’ (Col. i. 16). Now He says not, ‘was created’ before all things, but ‘is’ before all things. To be created, namely, is applicable to all things, but ‘is before all’ applies to the Son only.
3. He is then by nature an Offspring, perfect from the Perfect, begotten before all the
hills (Prov. viii. 25), that is before every rational and intelligent essence, as Paul also in another
place calls Him ‘first-born of all creation’ (Col. i. 15). But by calling Him First-born,
He shews that He is not a Creature, but Offspring of the Father. For it would be inconsistent
with His deity for Him to be called a creature. For all things were created by the Father
through the Son, but the Son alone was eternally begotten from the Father, whence God the
4. Each text then which refers to the creature is written with reference to Jesus in a bodily sense. For the Lord’s Humanity437 was created as ‘a beginning of ways,’ and He manifested it to us for our salvation. For by it we have our access to the Father. For He is the way (Joh. xiv. 6) which leads us back to the Father. And a way is a corporeal visible thing, such as is the Lord’s humanity. Well, then, the Word of God created all things, not being a creature, but an offspring. For He created none of the created things equal or like unto Himself. But it is the part of a Father to beget, while it is a workman’s part to create. Accordingly, that body is a thing made and created, which the Lord bore for us, which was begotten for us438, as Paul says, ‘wisdom from God, and sanctification and righteousness, and redemption;’ while yet the Word was before us and before all Creation, and is, the Wisdom of the Father. But the Holy Spirit, being that which proceeds from the Father, is ever in the hands439 of the Father Who sends and of the Son Who conveys Him, by Whose means He filled all things. The Father, possessing His existence from Himself, begat the Son, as we said, and did not create Him, as a river from a well and as a branch from a root, and as brightness from a light, things which nature knows to be indivisible; through whom to the Father be glory and power and greatness before all ages, and unto all the ages of the ages. Amen.
This memorandum or short article was written, as its first sentence shews, during the lifetime of Eusebius of Nicomedia, and therefore not later than the summer of a.d. 342. The somewhat abrupt beginning, and the absence of any exposition of the latter portion of the text, have led to the inference that the work is a fragment: but its conclusion is evidently perfect, and the opening words probably refer to the text itself. The tract is a reply to the Arian argument founded upon Luke x. 22 (Matt. xi. 27). If ‘all things’ had been delivered to the Son by the Father, it would follow that once He was without them. Now ‘all things’ include His Divine Sonship. Therefore there was a time when the Son was not. Athanasius meets this argument by totally denying the minor premise. By ‘all things,’ he argues, Christ referred to His mediatorial work and its glories, not to His essential nature as Word of God. He then adduces Joh. xvi. 15, to shew at once the Son’s distinctness from the Father, and that the Father’s attributes must also be those of the Son.
The interpretation of the main text given in this tract was not subsequently maintained by Athanasius: in Orat. iii. 35, he explains it of the Son, as safeguarding His separate personality against the Sabellians. It should, however, be noted that this change of ground does not involve any concession to the Arian use of the passage: it merely transfers the denial of Athanasius from their minor to their major premise.
Beyond the fact that the tract was written before 342 there is no conclusive evidence as to its date. But it is generally placed (Montfaucon, Ceillier, Alzog) before the ‘Encyclical,’ which was written in 339, and in several particulars it differs from the later anti-Arian treatises: perhaps then we may conjecturally place it about 335, i.e. before the first exile of the ‘Pope.’
§1. This text refers not to the eternal Word but to the Incarnate.
“All things were delivered to Me by My Father. And none knoweth Who the Son is, save the Father; and Who the Father is, save the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son willeth to reveal Him.”
And from not perceiving this they of the sect of Arius, Eusebius and his fellows, indulge impiety against the Lord. For they say, if all things were delivered (meaning by ‘all’ the Lordship of Creation), there was once a time when He had them not. But if He had them not, He is not of the Father, for if He were, He would on that account have had them always, and would not have required to receive them. But this point will furnish all the clearer an exposure of their folly. For the expression in question does not refer to the Lordship over Creation, nor to presiding over the works of God, but is meant to reveal in part the intention of the Incarnation (τῆς οἰκονομίας). For if when He was speaking they ‘were delivered’ to Him, clearly before He received them, creation was void of the Word. What then becomes of the text “in Him all things consist” (Col. i. 17)? But if simultaneously with the origin of the Creation it was all ‘delivered’ to Him, such delivery were superfluous, for ‘all things were made by Him’ (Joh. i. 3), and it would be unnecessary for those things of which the Lord Himself was the artificer to be delivered over to Him. For in making them He was Lord of the things which were being originated. But even supposing they were ‘delivered’ to Him after they were originated, see the monstrosity. For if they ‘were delivered,’ and upon His receiving them the Father retired, then we are in peril of falling into the fabulous tales which some tell, that He gave over [His works] to the Son, and Himself departed. Or if, while the Son has them, the Father has them also, we ought to say, not ‘were delivered,’ but that He took Him as partner, as Paul did Silvanus. But this is even more monstrous; for God is not imperfect440, nor did He summon the Son to help Him in His need; but, being Father of the Word, He makes all things by His means, and without delivering creation over to Him, by His means and in Him exercises Providence over it, so that not even a sparrow falls to the ground without the Father (Matt. x. 29), nor is the grass clothed without God (ib. vi. 30), but at once the Father worketh, and the Son worketh hitherto (cf. Joh. v. 17). Vain, therefore, is the opinion of the impious. For the expression is not what they think, but designates the Incarnation.
§2. Sense in which, and end for which all things were delivered to the Incarnate Son.
For whereas man sinned, and is fallen, and by his fall all things are in confusion: death
prevailed from Adam to Moses (cf. Rom. v. 14), the earth was cursed, Hades was opened,
Paradise shut, Heaven offended, man, lastly, corrupted and brutalised (cf. Ps. xlix. 12), while
the devil was exulting against us;—then God, in His loving-kindness, not willing man made
in His own image to perish, said, ‘Whom shall I send, and who will go?’ (Isa. vi. 8). But while
all held their peace, the Son441 said, ‘Here am I, send Me.’ And then it was that, saying ‘Go
Thou,’ He ‘delivered’ to Him man, that the Word Himself might be made Flesh, and by
taking the Flesh, restore it wholly. For to Him, as to a physician, man ‘was delivered’ to heal
the bite of the serpent; as to life, to raise what was dead; as to light, to illumine the darkness;
and, because He was Word, to renew the rational nature (τὸ λογικόν). Since then all things
‘were delivered’ to Him, and He is made Man, straightway all things were set right and
perfected. Earth receives blessing instead of a curse, Paradise was opened to the robber,
Hades cowered, the tombs were opened and the dead raised, the gates of Heaven were lifted
up to await Him that ‘cometh from Edom’ (Ps. xxiv. 7, Isa. lxiii. 1). Why, the Saviour Himself
expressly signifies in what sense ‘all things were delivered’ to Him, when He continues, as
Matthew tells us: ‘Come unto Me all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you
rest’ (Matt. xi. 28). Yes, ye ‘were delivered’ to Me to give rest to those who had laboured,
and life to the dead. And what is written in John’s Gospel harmonises with this: ‘The Father
loveth the Son, and hath given all things into His hand’ (Joh. iii. 35). Given, in order that,
just as all things were made by Him, so in Him all things might be renewed. For they were
not ‘delivered’ unto Him, that being poor, He might be made rich, nor did He receive all
things that He might receive power which before He lacked: far be the thought: but in order
that as Saviour He might rather set all things right. For it was fitting that while ‘through
Him’ all things came into being at the beginning, ‘in Him’ (note the change of phrase) all
things should be set right (cf. Joh. i. 3, Eph. i. 10). For at the beginning they came into being
‘through’ Him; but afterwards, all having fallen, the Word has been made Flesh, and put it
on, in order that ‘in Him’ all should be set right. Suffering Himself, He gave us rest, hungering
Himself, He nourished us, and going down into Hades He brought us back thence. For example,
at the time of the creation of all things, their creation consisted in a fiat, such as ‘let
[the earth] bring forth,’ ‘let there be’ (Gen. i. 3, 11), but at the restoration it was fitting that
all things should be ‘delivered’ to Him, in order that He might be made man, and all things
§3. By ‘all things’ is meant the redemptive attributes and power of Christ.
Thus, then, we may understand all things to have been delivered to the Saviour, and, if
it be necessary to follow up understanding by explanation, that hath been delivered unto
Him which He did not previously possess. For He was not man previously, but became man
for the sake of saving man. And the Word was not in the beginning flesh, but has been made
flesh subsequently (cf. Joh. i. 1 sqq.), in which Flesh, as the Apostle says, He reconciled the
enmity which was against us (Col. i. 20, ii. 14, Eph. ii. 15, 16) and destroyed the law of the
commandments in ordinances, that He might make the two into one new man, making
peace, and reconcile both in one body to the Father. That, however, which the Father has,
belongs also to the Son, as also He says in John, ‘All things whatsoever the Father hath are
Mine’ (Joh. xvi. 15), expressions which could not be improved. For when He became that
which He was not, ‘all things were delivered’ to Him. But when He desires to declare His
unity with the Father, He teaches it without any reserve, saying: ‘All things whatsoever the
Father hath are Mine.’ And one cannot but admire the exactness of the language. For He
has not said ‘all things whatsoever the Father hath, He hath given to Me,’ lest He should
appear at one time not to have possessed these things; but ‘are Mine.’ For these things, being
in the Father’s power, are equally in that of the Son. But we must in turn examine what
things ‘the Father hath.’ For if Creation is meant, the Father had nothing before creation,
and proves to have received something additional from Creation; but far be it to think this.
For just as He exists before creation, so before creation also He has what He has, which we
also believe to belong to the Son (Joh. xvi. 15). For if the Son is in the Father, then all things
that the Father has belong to the Son. So this expression is subversive of the perversity of
the heterodox in saying that ‘if all things have been delivered to the Son, then the Father
has ceased to have power over what is delivered, having appointed the Son in His place. For,
in fact, the Father judgeth none, but hath given all judgment to the Son’ (Joh. v. 22). But ‘let
the mouth of them that speak wickedness be stopped’ (Ps. lxiii. 11), (for although He has
given all judgment to the Son, He is not, therefore, stripped of lordship: nor, because it is
said that all things are delivered by the Father to the Son, is He any the less over all), separ-
ating as they clearly do the Only-begotten from God, Who is by nature inseparable from
Him, even though in their madness they separate Him by their words, not perceiving, the
impious men, that the Light can never be separated from the sun, in which it resides by
nature. For one must use a poor simile drawn from tangible and familiar objects to put our
idea into words, since it is over bold to intrude upon the incomprehensible nature of God.
§4. The text John xvi. 15, shews clearly the essential relation of the Son to the Father.
As then the light from the Sun which illumines the world could never be supposed, by men of sound mind, to do so without the Sun, since the Sun’s light is united to the Sun by nature; and as, if the Light442 were to say: I have received from the Sun the power of illumining all things, and of giving growth and strength to them by the heat that is in me, no one will be mad enough to think that the mention of the Sun is meant to separate him from what is his nature, namely the light; so piety would have us perceive that the Divine Essence of the Word is united by nature to His own Father. For the text before us will put our problem in the clearest possible light, seeing that the Saviour said, ‘All things whatsoever the Father hath are Mine;’ which shews that He is ever with the Father. For ‘whatsoever He hath’ shews that the Father wields the Lordship, while ‘are Mine’ shews the inseparable union. It is necessary, then, that we should perceive that in the Father reside Everlastingness, Eternity, Immortality. Now these reside in Him not as adventitious attributes, but, as it were, in a well-spring they reside in Him, and in the Son. When then you wish to perceive what relates to the Son, learn what is in the Father, for this is what you must believe to be in the Son. If then the Father is a thing created or made, these qualities belong also to the Son. And if it is permissible to say of the Father ‘there was once a time when He was not,’ or ‘made of nothing,’ let these words be applied also to the Son. But if it is impious to ascribe these attributes to the Father, grant that it is impious also to ascribe them to the Son. For what belongs to the Father, belongs to the Son. For he that honoureth the Son, honoureth the Father that sent Him, and he that receiveth the Son, receiveth the Father with Him, because he that hath seen the Son hath seen the Father (Matt. x. 40; John xiv. 9). As then the Father is not a creature, so neither is the Son; and as it is not possible to say of Him ‘there was a time when He was not,’ nor ‘made of nothing,’ so it is not proper to say the like of the Son either. But rather, as the Father’s attributes are Everlastingness, Immortality, Eternity, and the being no creature, it follows that thus also we must think of the Son. For as it is written (Joh. v. 26), ‘As the Father hath life in Himself, so gave He to the Son also to have life in Himself.’ But He uses the word ‘gave’ in order to point to the Father who gives. As, again, life is in the Father, so also is it in the Son, so as to shew Him to be inseparable and everlasting. For this is why He speaks with exactness, ‘whatsoever the Father hath,’ in order namely that by thus mentioning the Father He may avoid being thought to be the Father Himself. For He does not say ‘I am the Father,’ but ‘whatsoever the Father hath.’
§5. The same text further explained.
For His Only-begotten Son might, ye Arians, be called ‘Father’ by His Father, yet not in the sense in which you in your error might perhaps understand it, but (while Son of the Father that begat Him) ‘Father of the coming age’ (Isa. ix. 6, LXX). For it is necessary not to leave any of your surmises open to you. Well then, He says by the prophet, ‘A Son is born and given to us, whose government is upon his shoulder, and his name shall be called Angel of Great Counsel, mighty God, Ruler, Father of the coming age’ (Isa. ix. 6). The Only-begotten Son of God, then, is at once Father of the coming age, and mighty God, and Ruler. And it is shewn clearly that all things whatsoever the Father hath are His, and that as the Father gives life, the Son likewise is able to quicken whom He will. For ‘the dead,’ He says, ‘shall hear the voice of the Son, and shall live’ (cf. John v. 25), and the will and desire of Father and Son is one, since their nature also is one and indivisible. And the Arians torture themselves to no purpose, from not understanding the saying of our Saviour, ‘All things whatsoever the Father hath are Mine.’ For from this passage at once the delusion of Sabellius can be upset, and it will expose the folly of our modern Jews. For this is why the Only begotten, having life in Himself as the Father has, also knows alone Who the Father is, namely, because He is in the Father and the Father in Him. For He is His Image, and consequently, because He is His Image, all that belongs to the Father is in Him. He is an exact seal, shewing in Himself the Father; living Word and true, Power, Wisdom, our Sanctification and Redemp- tion (1 Cor. i. 30). For ‘in Him we both live and move and have our being’ (Acts xvii. 28), and ‘no man knoweth Who is the Father, save the Son, and Who is the Son, save the Father’ (Luke x. 22).
§6. The Trisagion wrongly explained by Arians. Its true significance.
And how do the impious men venture to speak folly, as they ought not, being men and unable to find out how to describe even what is on the earth? But why do I say ‘what is on the earth?’ Let them tell us their own nature, if they can discover how to investigate their own nature? Rash they are indeed, and self-willed, not trembling to form opinions of things which angels desire to look into (1 Pet. i. 12), who are so far above them, both in nature and in rank. For what is nearer [God] than the Cherubim or the Seraphim? And yet they, not even seeing Him, nor standing on their feet, nor even with bare, but as it were with veiled faces, offer their praises, with untiring lips doing nought else but glorify the divine and ineffable nature with the Trisagion. And nowhere has any one of the divinely speaking prophets, men specially selected for such vision, reported to us that in the first utterance of the word Holy the voice is raised aloud, while in the second it is lower, but in the third, quite low,—and that consequently the first utterance denotes lordship, the second subordination, and the third marks a yet lower degree. But away with the folly of these haters of God and senseless men. For the Triad, praised, reverenced, and adored, is one and indivisible and without degrees (ἀσχηματιστός). It is united without confusion, just as the Monad also is distinguished without separation. For the fact of those venerable living creatures (Isa. vi.; Rev. iv. 8) offering their praises three times, saying ‘Holy, Holy, Holy,’ proves that the Three Subsistences443 are perfect, just as in saying ‘Lord,’ they declare the One Essence. They then that depreciate the Only-begotten Son of God blaspheme God, defaming His perfection and accusing Him of imperfection, and render themselves liable to the severest chastisement. For he that blasphemes any one of the Subsistences shall have remission neither in this world nor in that which is to come. But God is able to open the eyes of their heart to contemplate the Sun of Righteousness, in order that coming to know Him whom they formerly set at nought, they may with unswerving piety of mind together with us glorify Him, because to Him belongs the kingdom, even to the Father Son and Holy Spirit, now and for ever. Amen.
Athanasius wrote the following Epistle in the year 339. In the winter at the beginning
of that year the Eusebians held a Council at Antioch. Here they appointed Gregory to the
see of Alexandria in the place of Athanasius (see Prolegg. ch. ii. 6). ‘Gregory was by birth a
Cappadocian, and (if Nazianzen speaks of the same Gregory, which some critics doubt)
studied at Alexandria, where S. Athanasius had treated him with great kindness and familiarity,
though Gregory afterwards took part in propagating the calumny against him of
having murdered Arsenius. Gregory was on his appointment dispatched to Alexandria’
(Newman). The proceedings on his arrival, Lent, 339, are related in the following Encyclical
Epistle, which Athanasius forwarded immediately before his departure for Rome to all the
Bishops of the Catholic Church. ‘It is less correct in style, as Tillemont observes, than other
of his works, as if composed in haste. In the Editions previous to the Benedictine, it was
called an “Epistle to the Orthodox everywhere;” but Montfaucon has been able to restore
the true title. He has been also able from his mss. to make a far more important correction,
which has cleared up some very perplexing difficulties in the history. All the Editions previous
to the Benedictine read “George” throughout for “Gregory,” and “Gregory” in the place
where “Pistus” occurs. Baronius, Tillemont, U+0026c., had already made the alterations from the
necessity of the case’ (Newman). After comparing the violence done to the Church with the
outrage upon the Levite’s wife in Judges, ch. xix., he appeals to the bishops of the universal
Church to regard his cause as their own (§1). He then recounts the details of what has
happened; the announcement by the Prefect Philagrius of the supersession of Ath. by Gregory,
the popular indignation, and its grounds (§2); the instigation of the heathen mob by Philagrius
to commit outrages upon the sacred persons and buildings (§3); the violent intrusion
of Gregory (§4); the proceedings against himself (§5). He warns them against Gregory as
an Arian, and asks their sympathy for himself (§6), and that they will refuse to receive any
of Gregory’s letters (§7). The ‘Encyclical’ was written just before his departure from Alexandria,
where he must have been in retirement for three weeks (Index to Festal Letter, 339)
previously, as he appears (§5) to have remained in the town till after Easter-day. Dr. Bright
(p. xv. note) sees here a proof of the inaccuracy of the ‘Index:’ but there are other grounds
for regarding it as correct (see Prolegg. ch. v. §3, c, and Introd. to Letters): its chronology is
therefore adopted by the present editor. The events which led up to the scenes described in
the letter are more fully dealt with in Prolegg. ch. ii. §6 (I), sub fin. and (2). It may be added
that Sozomen, iii. 6 in describing this escape of Athan., inserts the scene in the Church which
really took place in Feb. 356, while Socrates ii. 11 confuses the two occasions even more
To his fellow-ministers in every place, beloved lords, Athanasius sends health in the Lord.
§1. The whole Church affected by what has occurred.
Our sufferings have been dreadful beyond endurance, and it is impossible to describe
them in suitable terms; but in order that the dreadful nature of the events which have taken
place may be more readily apprehended, I have thought it good to remind you of a history
out of the Scriptures. It happened that a certain Levite444 was injured in the person of his
wife; and, when he considered the exceeding greatness of the pollution (for the woman was
a Hebrew, and of the tribe of Judah), being astounded at the outrage which had been committed
against him, he divided his wife’s body, as the Holy Scripture relates in the Book of
Judges, and sent a part of it to every tribe in Israel, in order that it might be understood that
an injury like this pertained not to himself only, but extended to all alike; and that, if the
people sympathised with him in his sufferings, they might avenge him; or if they neglected
to do so, might bear the disgrace of being considered thenceforth as themselves guilty of
the wrong. The messengers whom he sent related what had happened; and they that heard
and saw it, declared that such things had never been done from the day that the children of
Israel came up out of Egypt. So every tribe of Israel was moved, and all came together against
the offenders, as though they had themselves been the sufferers; and at last the perpetrators
of this iniquity were destroyed in war, and became a curse in the mouths of all: for the assembled
people considered not their kindred blood, but regarded only the crime they had
committed. You know the history, brethren, and the particular account of the circumstances
given in Scripture. I will not therefore describe them more in detail, since I write to persons
acquainted with them, and as I am anxious to represent to your piety our present circumstances,
which are even worse than those to which I have referred. For my object in reminding
you of this history is this, that you may compare those ancient transactions with what has
happened to us now, and perceiving how much these last exceed the other in cruelty, may
be filled with greater indignation on account of them, than were the people of old against
those offenders. For the treatment we have undergone surpasses the bitterness of any persecution;
and the calamity of the Levite was but small, when compared with the enormities
which have now been committed against the Church; or rather such deeds as these were
never before heard of in the whole world, or the like experienced by any one. For in that
case it was but a single woman that was injured, and one Levite who suffered wrong; now
§2. Violent and Uncanonical Intrusion of Gregory.
Now the outrages which have been committed against us and against the Church are these. While we were holding our assemblies in peace, as usual, and while the people were rejoicing in them, and advancing in godly conversation, and while our fellow-ministers in Egypt, and the Thebais, and Libya, were in love and peace both with one another and with us; on a sudden the Prefect of Egypt puts forth a public letter, bearing the form of an edict, and declaring that one Gregory from Cappadocia was coming to be my successor from the court. This announcement confounded every one, for such a proceeding was entirely novel, and now heard of for the first time. The people however assembled still more constantly in the churches450, for they very well knew that neither they themselves, nor any Bishop or Presbyter, nor in short any one had ever complained against me; and they saw that Arians only were on his side, and were aware also that he was himself an Arian, and was sent by Eusebius and his fellows to the Arian party. For you know, brethren, that Eusebius and his fellows have always been the supporters and associates of the impious heresy of the Arian madmen451, by whose means they have ever carried on their designs against me, and were the authors of my banishment into Gaul.
The people, therefore, were justly indignant and exclaimed against the proceeding,
calling the rest of the magistrates and the whole city to witness, that this novel and iniquitous
attempt was now made against the Church, not on the ground of any charge brought against
me by ecclesiastical persons, but through the wanton assault of the Arian heretics. For even
if there had been any complaint generally prevailing against me, it was not an Arian, or one
professing Arian doctrines, that ought to have been chosen to supersede me; but according
to the ecclesiastical Canons, and the direction of Paul, when the people were ‘gathered together,
and the spirit’ of them that ordain, ‘with the power of our Lord Jesus Christ452’ all
things ought to have been enquired into and transacted canonically, in the presence of those
among the laity and clergy who demanded the change; and not that a person brought from
a distance by Arians, as if making a traffic of the title of Bishop, should with the patronage
and strong arm of heathen magistrates, thrust himself upon those who neither asked for
nor desired his presence, nor indeed knew anything of what had been done. Such proceedings
tend to the dissolution of all the ecclesiastical Canons, and compel the heathen to blaspheme,
§3. Outrages which took place at the time of Gregory’s arrival.
Thus was this notable appointment of Gregory brought about by the Arians, and such was the beginning of it. And what outrages he committed on his entry into Alexandria, and of what great evils that event has been the cause, you may learn both from our letters, and by enquiry of those who are sojourning among you. While the people were offended at such an unusual proceeding, and in consequence assembled in the churches, in order to prevent the impiety of the Arians from mingling itself with the faith of the Church, Philagrius, who has long been a persecutor of the Church and her virgins, and is now Prefect454 of Egypt, an apostate already, and a fellow-countryman of Gregory, a man too of no respectable character, and moreover supported by Eusebius and his fellows, and therefore full of zeal against the Church; this person, by means of promises which he afterwards fulfilled, succeeded in gaining over the heathen multitude, with the Jews and disorderly persons, and having excited their passions, sent them in a body with swords and clubs into the churches to attack the people.
What followed upon this455 it is by no means easy to describe: indeed it is not possible
to set before you a just representation of the circumstances, nor even could one recount a
small part of them without tears and lamentations. Have such deeds as these ever been made
the subjects of tragedy among the ancients? or has the like ever happened before in time of
persecution or of war? The church and the holy Baptistery were set on fire, and straightway
groans, shrieks, and lamentations, were heard through the city; while the citizens in their
indignation at these enormities, cried shame upon the governor, and protested against the
violence used to them. For holy and undefiled virgins456 were being stripped naked, and
suffering treatment which is not to be named and if they resisted, they were in danger of
their lives. Monks were being trampled under foot and perishing; some were being hurled
headlong; others were being destroyed with swords and clubs; others were being wounded
and beaten. And oh! what deeds of impiety and iniquity have been committed upon the
Holy Table! They were offering birds and pine cones457 in sacrifice, singing the praises of
their idols, and blaspheming even in the very churches our Lord and Saviour Jesus-Christ,
§4. Outrages on Good Friday and Easter Day, 339.
In addition to all this, after such a notable and illustrious entry into the city, the Arian Gregory, taking pleasure in these calamities, and as if desirous to secure to the heathens and Jews, and those who had wrought these evils upon us, a prize and price of their iniquitous success, gave up the church to be plundered by them. Upon this license of iniquity and disorder, their deeds were worse than in time of war, and more cruel than those of robbers. Some of them were plundering whatever fell in their way; others dividing among themselves the sums which some had laid up there458; the wine, of which there was a large quantity, they either drank or emptied out or carried away; they plundered the store of oil, and every one took as his spoil the doors and chancel rails; the candlesticks they forthwith laid aside in the wall459, and lighted the candles of the Church before their idols: in a word, rapine and death pervaded the Church. And the impious Arians, so far from feeling shame that such things should be done, added yet further outrages and cruelty. Presbyters and laymen had their flesh torn, virgins were stript of their veils460, and led away to the tribunal of the governor, and then cast into prison; others had their goods confiscated, and were scourged; the bread of the ministers and virgins was intercepted. And these things were done even during the holy season of Lent461, about the time of Easter; a time when the brethren were keeping fast, while this notable Gregory exhibited the disposition of a Caiaphas, and, together with Pilate the Governor, furiously raged against the pious worshippers of Christ. Going into one of the churches on the Preparation462, in company with the Governor and the heathen multitude, when he saw that the people regarded with abhorrence his forcible entry among them, he caused that most cruel person, the Governor, publicly to scourge in one hour, four and thirty virgins and married women, and men of rank, and to cast them into prison. Among them there was one virgin, who, being fond of study, had the Psalter in her hands, at the time when he caused her to be publicly scourged: the book was torn in pieces by the officers, and the virgin herself shut up in prison.
§5. Retirement of Athanasius, and tyranny of Gregory and Philagrius.
When all this was done, they did not stop even here; but consulted how they might act the same part in the other church463, where I was mostly living during those days; and they were eager to extend their fury to this church also, in order that they might hunt out and dispatch me. And this would have been my fate, had not the grace of Christ assisted me, if it were only that I might escape to relate these few particulars concerning their conduct. For seeing that they were exceedingly mad against me, and being anxious that the church should not be injured, nor the virgins that were in it suffer, nor additional murders be committed, nor the people again outraged, I withdrew myself from among them, remembering the words of our Saviour, ‘If they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another464.’ For I knew, from the evil they had done against the first-named church, that they would forbear no outrage against the other also. And there in fact they reverenced not even the Lord’s day465 of the holy Feast, but in that church also they imprisoned the persons who belonged to it, at a time when the Lord delivered all from the bonds of death, whereas Gregory and his associates, as if fighting against our Saviour, and depending upon the patronage of the Governor, have turned into mourning this day of liberty to the servants of Christ. The heathens were rejoicing to do this, for they abhor that day; and Gregory perhaps did but fulfil the commands of Eusebius and his fellows in forcing the Christians to mourn under the infliction of bonds.
With these acts of violence has the Governor seized upon the churches, and has given
them up to Gregory and the Arian madmen. Thus, those persons who were excommunicated
by us for their impiety, now glory in the plunder of our churches; while the people of God,
and the Clergy of the Catholic Church are compelled either to have communion with the
impiety of the Arian heretics, or else to forbear entering into them. Moreover, by means of
the Governor, Gregory has exercised no small violence towards the captains of ships and
others who pass over sea, torturing and scourging some, putting others in bonds, and casting
them into prison, in order to oblige them not to resist his iniquities, and to take letters466
from him. And not satisfied with all this, that he may glut himself with our blood, he has
caused his savage associate, the Governor, to prefer an indictment against me, as in the
name of the people, before the most religious Emperor Constantius, which contains odious
charges, from which one may expect not only to be banished, but even ten thousand deaths.
§6. All the above illegalities were carried on in the interest of Arianism.
Gregory then is an Arian, and has been sent to the Arian party; for none demanded him, but they only; and accordingly as a hireling and a stranger, he makes use of the Governor to inflict these dreadful and cruel deeds upon the people of the Catholic Churches, as not being his own. For since Pistus, whom Eusebius and his fellows formerly appointed over the Arians, was justly anathematized468 and excommunicated for his impiety by you the Bishops of the Catholic Church, as you all know, on our writing to you concerning him, they have now, therefore, in like manner sent this Gregory to them; and lest they should a second time be put to shame, by our again writing against them, they have employed extraneous force against me, in order that, having obtained possession of the Churches, they may seem to have escaped all suspicion of being Arians. But in this too they have been mistaken, for none of the people of the Church are with them, except the heretics only, and those who have been excommunicated on divers charges, and such as have been compelled by the Governor to dissemble. This then is the drama of Eusebius and his fellows, which they have long been rehearsing and composing; and now have succeeded in performing through the false charges which they have made against me before the Emperor469. Notwithstanding, they are not yet content to be quiet, but even now seek to kill me; and they make themselves so formidable to our friends, that they are all driven into banishment, and expect death at their hands. But you must not for this stand in awe of their iniquity, but on the contrary avenge: and shew your indignation at this their unprecedented conduct against us. For if when one member suffers all the members suffer with it, and, according to the blessed Apostle, we ought to weep with them that weep470, let every one, now that so great a Church as this is suffering, avenge its wrongs, as though he were himself a sufferer. For we have a common Saviour, who is blasphemed by them, and Canons belonging to us all, which they are transgressing. If while any of you had been sitting in your Church, and while the people were assembled with you, without any blame, some one had suddenly come under plea of an edict as successor of one of you, and had acted the same part towards you, would you not have been indignant? would you not have demanded to be righted? If so, then it is right that you should be indignant now, lest if these things be passed over unnoticed, the same mischief shall by degrees extend itself to every Church, and so our schools of religion be turned into a market-house and an exchange.
§7. Appeal to the bishops of the whole Church to unite against Gregory.
You are acquainted with the history of the Arian madmen, beloved, for you have often,
both individually and in a body, condemned their impiety; and you know also that Eusebius
and his fellows, as I said before, are engaged in the same heresy; for the sake of which they
have long been carrying on a conspiracy against me. And I have represented to you, what
has now been done, both for them and by them, with greater cruelty than is usual even in
time of war, in order that after the example set before you in the history which I related at
the beginning, you may entertain a zealous hatred of their wickedness, and reject those who
have committed such enormities against the Church. If the brethren at Rome471 last year,
before these things had happened, and on account of their former misdeeds, wrote letters
to call a Council, that these evils might be set right (fearing which, Eusebius and his fellows
took care previously to throw the Church into confusion, and desired to destroy me, in order
that they might thenceforth be able to act as they pleased without fear, and might have no
one to call them to account), how much more ought you now to be indignant at these outrages,
and to condemn them, seeing they have added this to their former misconduct.
I beseech you, overlook not such proceedings, nor suffer the famous Church of the Alexandrians to be trodden down by heretics. In consequence of these things the people and their ministers are separated from one another, as one might expect, silenced by the violence of the Prefect, yet abhorring the impiety of the Arian madmen. If therefore Gregory shall write unto you, or any other in his behalf, receive not his letters, brethren, but tear them in pieces and put the bearers of them to shame, as the ministers of impiety and wickedness. And even if he presume to write to you after a friendly fashion, nevertheless receive them not. Those who bring his letters convey them only from fear of the Governor, and on account of his frequent acts of violence. And since it is probable that Eusebius and his fellows will write to you concerning him, I was anxious to admonish you beforehand, so that you may herein imitate God, Who is no respecter of persons, and may drive out from before you those that come from them; because for the sake of the Arian madmen they caused persecutions, rape of virgins, murders, plunder of the Church’s property, burnings, and blasphemies in the Churches, to be committed by the heathens and Jews at such a season. The impious and mad Gregory cannot deny that he is an Arian, being proved to be so by the person who writes his letters. This is his secretary Ammon, who was cast out of the Church long ago by my predecessor the blessed Alexander for many misdeeds and for impiety.
For all these reasons, therefore, vouchsafe to send me a reply, and condemn these impious
men; so that even now the ministers and people of this place, seeing your orthodoxy and
hatred of wickedness, may rejoice in your concord in the Christian faith, and that those who
have been guilty of these lawless deeds against the Church may be reformed by your letters,
“This Apology,” says Montfaucon, “is the most authentic source of the history of the Church in the first half of the fourth century. Athanasius is far superior to any other historians of the period, both from his bearing for the most part a personal testimony to the facts he relates, and from his great accuracy and use of actual documents. On the other hand, Rufinus, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, must not be used without extreme caution, unless they adduce documents, which is seldom the case.” The ‘Apology’ is a personal defence by Athanasius against the charges laid against him by the Eusebian party, and does not directly concern matters of doctrine. After the Council of Nicæa, the Eusebian policy had been to oust the principal opponents from their sees on personal grounds, so as to pave the way for the abrogation of the Nicene formula. The attack upon Athanasius began in 331, but without success. It was renewed at Cæsarea and Tyre in 334–335, and resulted in the exile of Athanasius to Treveri, 336. His return in 337 was followed by a Synod at Antioch which ‘deposed’ him (close of 338), and by his expulsion in favour of Gregory (339). Then follow the intervention of Julius (339–340), and the Council of Sardica (343), which resulted in the eventual return of Athanasius in the autumn of 346. (The details are given more fully in the Prolegomena, ch. ii. §§4–6). After this latter date, and before the relapse of Valens and Ursacius which followed upon the death of Constans, Athanasius drew up a collection of documents in proof of his innocence, connecting them together by an explanatory narrative. (1) The charges against him related to events alleged to have occurred before the year 332 (extortion of money, subvention of the rebel Philumenus, the chalice of Ischyras, murder and mutilation of the bishop Arsenius): the principal evidence as to their falsehood was comprised in the proceedings of the Councils of Tyre and Jerusalem, and of the commission of enquiry sent by the assembled bishops to the Mareotis. (2) The judicial investigations which proved the innocence of Athanasius took place first at Rome under Julius, secondly at Sardica under Hosius; and were followed by the recognition of his innocence on the part of the Emperor Constantius, of bishops in various parts of the world, and lastly of some of his chief accusers.
The method of defence now adopted by Athanasius was firstly to show how complete that recognition had been: this he does by a series of documents from the eve of his departure to Rome down to the recantation of Ursacius and Valens soon after his return to Alexandria: these documents cover eight years (339–347) previous to the composition of the Apology (§§1–58). Having shewn the completeness of his acquittal, he next gives the evidence upon which it was based. Accordingly the second part (§§59–90) of the Apology deals with facts and documents earlier than those comprised in the first. Hence the inversion of chronological sequence (præposterus ordo, Montf.) as between the two parts.
Referring the reader to the Prolegomena for a connected view of the history of which this Apology is the primary source, it will suffice for our present purpose to enumerate the documents quoted, with the briefest possible statement of their contents and bearing upon the general purpose of the work. It should be noted that while in the first part the documents follow one another in strict chronological order, those of the second part fall into groups within which the matters are arranged as best suits the argument, and not in order of time. In the following list the probable or approximate date of each document is given.
a. DOCUMENTS IN THE FIRST PART (general subject, the vindication of Athanasius before the bishops of the Christian world).
i. Documents Prior to the Council of Sardica (§§1–35).
1. §§3–19 (end of 338 or beginning of 339). Circular of Egyptian bishops reciting the election of Athanasius, the plots and charges against him, the history of the Mareotic Commission, the testimony available in his defence, and requesting all bishops to join in vindicating him.
2. §§20–35 (340 a.d.). Letter of Julius to the Eusebian bishops (at the request of a Roman Council) remonstrating with their discourteous reply to a former letter, reciting the history of the intrigues against Athanasius, pressing them with their disrespect to the Synod of Nicæa, with their evasion of the invitation to the Council at Rome, vindicating Athanasius (on the ground of documentary proof of his innocence, and on that of the irregularity of the proceedings against him) and Marcellus (upon his own statement of belief), lastly, insisting on the propriety of a reference of the questions at issue to the whole Church, and upon the precedent giving the Roman Church a decisive voice in questions affecting that of Alexandria.
ii. Council of Sardica (§§36–50).
3. §§36–40 (a.d. 343) Letter of the Council to the Church of Alexandria, reciting the intrigues against Athanasius, and the confirmation by the council of his acquittal by Julius, encouraging the Alexandrine Church to patience, and announcing that they have requested the Emperors to give effect to their decisions.
4. §§41–43 (same date). Letter of the Council to the bishops of Egypt and Libya: identical with No. 3, except that it omits the reference to certain presbyters of Alexandria, and mentions several Arian leaders by name.
5. §§44–50 (same date). Circular letter of the Council, reciting the occasion of
its assembling, the behaviour of the Eastern bishops, the violence inflicted
iii. Documents Forming a Sequel to the Council of Sardica (§§51–58).
6–8. §51. Letters of Constantius to Athanasius before and after death of Gregory.
6. (a.d. 345). Expressing sympathy with his sufferings, and inviting him to court; he has written to Constans to ask him to allow Athanasius to return.
7. (same year, later). Urging the same invitation.
8. (346, winter, or early spring). A similar summons, but more pressing.
9. §52 (same year). Letter of Julius to the Church of Alexandria, eulogising Athanasius, complimenting them for their constancy, and congratulating them upon his return.
10. §54 (same year). Circular letter of Constantius to the Church at large, announcing the restoration of Athanasius and the cessation of all decrees against him, with indemnity to all in his communion.
11. §55 (same date). Letter of Constantius to the Church of Alexandria. Announcement of the restoration of Athanasius, with exhortation to peace, and warning against disturbances.
12. §56 (same date). To the Prefect of Egypt and other officials. Revocation of decrees against those in communion with Athanasius, and restoration of their immunities.
13. §57 (same year, autumn). Letter of the bishops of Palestine to the Egyptian Church congratulating them on the restoration of Athanasius.
14. §58 (a.d. 347). Letter of Valens and Ursacius to Julius unreservedly withdrawing their allegations against Athanasius, anathematizing Arius and his heresy, and at the same time promising to take the consequences of their offence if required by Julius to do so.
15. ib. (same year). Letter of the same to Athanasius, with a greeting and assurance that they are in communion with him and with the Church.
b. DOCUMENTS IN THE SECOND PART.
i. Letters of Constantine Previous to the Council of Tyre (§§59–63).
16. §59 (a.d. 331). A fragment, urging Athanasius with threats to admit to communion all (Arians) who wish it.
17. §61 (same year). Letter to the people of Alexandria, remonstrating with them for their dissensions and stigmatising the calumnies against Athanasius (about the affair of Philumenus).
ii. 18. §64 (332). Confession of Ischyras, that he had been compelled by the violence of certain Meletians to fabricate false charges against Athanasius.
iii. The Affair of Arsenius (§§65–70).
19. §67 (probably 332). Intercepted letter of the presbyter Pinnes to John Arcaph, warning him of the discovery of the plot, and begging him to drop the matter.
20. §68 (same year). Letter of Constantine to Athanasius, expressing indignation at the charges concerning Arsenius and Ischyras, and bidding him publish this letter in vindication of himself.
21. §66 (same year). Letter of Alexander, Bishop of Thessalonica, praising Serapion, the son of an old friend, and congratulating Athanasius on the exposure of the plot about Arsenius.
22. §69 (same year). Letter of Arsenius to Athanasius, offering submission and requesting communion with the Church.
23. §70 (same year). Letter of Constantine to John Arcaph accepting his reconciliation to Athanasius, and summoning him to court. iv. Proceedings at Tyre in 335 (§§71–83).
24. §77. Address to the Council by the Egyptian Bishop, complaining of the presence of partizan judges, of the rejection of their evidence, and of the proposed constitution of the Mareotic Commission.
25. §71. (Written a.d. 327, but put in as evidence at Tyre by Athanasius in the matter of Ischyras, after the exposure of the plot concerning Arsenius). List of Meletian Bishops and Clergy presented to Alexander of Alexandria shortly before his death, and not containing the name of Ischyras.
26. §78. Protest addressed by the Egyptian Bishops to Count Dionysius, repeating the above complaints (in No. 24), and requesting him to stop the irregularities.
27. §80. Alexander of Thessalonica to Dionysius, warning him of the conspiracy against Athanasius, and of the character of the Mission to the Mareotis.
28. §81. Letter of Dionysius to the Council, strongly remonstrating against their proceedings.
29. §79. Letter of the Egyptian Bishops to Dionysius appealing to the Emperor. 30–32. Protests made by Egyptian Clergy against the proceedings of the Mareotic Commission.
30. §73. Clergy of Alexandria to the Commissioners, protesting against the exclusion of all independent persons from the proceedings.
31. §§74, 75. Clergy of the Mareotis to the Council, giving an account of the facts concerning Ischyras, and of the ex-parte character of the proceedings of the Commission.
32. §76. The same to the Prefect and other officials of Egypt (dated Sep. 8, 335), denying upon oath the tale of Ischyras, and requesting them to forward their statement to the Emperor.
v. Documents Subsequent to the Council of Tyre (§§84–88).
33. §86 (335). Constantine to the Bishops assembled at Tyre, summoning them to give an account of their proceedings.
34. §84. The Council of Jerusalem to the Church of Alexandria, announcing that Arius has been received to communion.
35. §87 (June 17, 337). Constantine II. to the Church of Alexandria (upon the death of Constantine, whose purpose he claims to be carrying out), announcing the restoration of Athanasius.
36. §85 (perhaps in 337, but possibly as early as 335). Order by Flavius Hemerius for the erection of a church for Ischyras.
The two concluding sections (89, 90) of the Apology are a postscript added during the troubles under Constantius (about 358, see Introd. to Hist. Ar.). He points to the sufferings which many bishops, including Hosius and Liberius, had endured rather than surrender his cause, as fresh evidence of their belief in his innocence. He refuses to see any detraction from the force of this argument in the fall of the two bishops mentioned.
The importance to the historian of this collection of documents need not be dwelt upon. If the charges in dispute seem trivial and even grotesque, they none the less illustrate the temper of the parties concerned, and the character of the controversy during the very important twenty years which end with the death of Constans and the reign of Constantius over the undivided Empire.
1. I supposed that, after so many proofs of my innocence had been given, my enemies would have shrunk from further enquiry, and would now have condemned themselves for their false accusations of others. But as they are not yet abashed, though they have been so clearly convicted, but, as insensible to shame, persist in their slanderous reports against me, professing to think that the whole matter ought to be tried over again (not that they may have judgment passed on them, for that they avoid, but in order to harass me, and to disturb the minds of the simple); I therefore thought it necessary to make my defence unto you, that you may listen to their murmurings no longer, but may denounce their wickedness and base calumnies. And it is only to you, who are men of sincere minds, that I offer a defence: as for the contentious, I appeal confidently to the decisive proofs which I have against them. For my cause needs no further judgment; for judgment has already been given, and not once or twice only, but many times. First of all, it was tried in my own country in an assembly of nearly one hundred of its Bishops472; a second time at Rome, when, in consequence of letters from Eusebius, both they and we were summoned, and more than fifty Bishops met473; and a third time in the great Council assembled at Sardica by order of the most religious Emperors Constantius and Constans, when my enemies were degraded as false accusers, and the sentence that was passed in my favour received the suffrages of more than three hundred Bishops, out of the provinces of Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, Palestine, Arabia, Isauria, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, Galatia, Dacia, Moesia, Thrace, Dardania, Macedonia, Epirus, Thessaly, Achaia, Crete, Dalmatia, Siscia, Pannonia, Noricum, Italy, Picenum, Tuscany, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Bruttia, Sicily, the whole of Africa, Sardinia, Spain, Gaul, and Britain.
Added to these was the testimony474 of Ursacius and Valens, who had formerly calumniated
me, but afterwards changed their minds, and not only gave their assent to the sentence
that was passed in my favour, but also confessed that they themselves and the rest of my
enemies were false accusers; for men who make such a change and such a recantation of
2. Now the decision of so many Bishops was sufficient to confound those who would still fain pretend some charge against me. But when my enemies also bear testimony in my favour and against themselves, declaring that the proceedings against me were a conspiracy, who is there that would not be ashamed to doubt any longer? The law requires that in the mouth of two or three witnesses475 judgments shall be settled, and we have here this great multitude of witnesses in my favour, with the addition of the proofs afforded by my enemies; so much so that those who still continue opposed to me no longer attach any importance to their own arbitrary476 judgment, but now have recourse to violence, and in the place of fair reasoning seek to injure477 those by whom they were exposed. For this is the chief cause of vexation to them, that the measures they carried on in secret, contrived by themselves in a corner, have been brought to light and disclosed by Valens and Ursacius; for they are well aware that their recantation while it clears those whom they have injured, condemns themselves.
Indeed this led to their degradation in the Council of Sardica, as mentioned before; and
with good reason; for, as the Pharisees of old, when they undertook the defence of Paul478,
fully exposed the conspiracy which they and the Jews had formed against him; and as the
blessed David was proved to be persecuted unjustly when the persecutor confessed, ‘I have
sinned, my son David479;’ so it was with these men; being overcome by the truth they made
a request, and delivered it in writing to Julius, Bishop of Rome. They wrote also to me requesting
to be on terms of peace with me, though they have spread such reports concerning
me; and probably even now they are covered with shame, on seeing that those whom they
sought to destroy by the grace of the Lord are still alive. Consistently also with this conduct
they anathematized Arius and his heresy; for knowing that Eusebius and his fellows had
conspired against me in behalf of their own misbelief, and of nothing else, as soon as they
The following are the letters written in my favour by the Bishops in the several Councils and first the letter of the Egyptian Bishops.
Encyclical Letter of the Council of Egypt.
The holy Council assembled at Alexandria out of Egypt, the Thebais, Libya, and Pentapolis, to the Bishops of the Catholic Church everywhere, brethren beloved and greatly longed for in the Lord, greeting.
3. Dearly beloved brethren, we might have put forth a defence of our brother Athanasius as respects the conspiracy of Eusebius and his fellows against him, and complained of his sufferings at their hands, and have exposed all their false charges, either at the beginning of their conspiracy or upon his arrival at Alexandria. But circumstances did not permit it then, as you also know; and lately, after the return of the Bishop Athanasius, we thought that they would be confounded and covered with shame at their manifest injustice: in consequence we prevailed with ourselves to remain silent. Since, however, after all his severe sufferings, after his retirement into Gaul, after his sojourn in a foreign and far distant country in the place of his own, after his narrow escape from death through their calumnies, but thanks to the clemency of the Emperor,—distress which would have satisfied even the most cruel enemy,—they are still insensible to shame, are again acting insolently against the Church and Athanasius; and from indignation at his deliverance venture on still more atrocious schemes against him, and are ready with an accusation, fearless of the words in holy Scripture480, ‘A false witness shall not be unpunished;’ and, ‘The mouth that belieth slayeth the soul;’ we therefore are unable longer to hold our peace, being amazed at their wickedness and at the insatiable love of contention displayed in their intrigues.
For see, they cease not to disturb the ear of royalty with fresh reports against us; they
cease not to write letters of deadly import, for the destruction of the Bishop who is the enemy
of their impiety. For again have they written to the Emperors against him; again they wish
to conspire against him, charging him with a butchery which has never taken place; again
they wish to shed his blood, accusing him of a murder that never was committed (for at that
former time would they have murdered him by their calumnies, had we not had a kind
Emperor); again they are urgent, to say the least, that he should be sent into banishment,
while they pretend to lament the miseries of those alleged to have been exiled by him. They
lament before us things that have never been done, and, not satisfied with what has been
done to him, desire to add thereto other and more cruel treatment. So mild are they and
merciful, and of so just a disposition; or rather (for the truth shall be spoken) so wicked are
4. Their own conduct therefore, and not that of Athanasius, is the fittest subject for lamentation and mourning, and one would more properly lament them, for such actions ought to be bewailed, since it is written, ‘Weep ye not for the dead, neither bemoan him: but weep sore for him that goeth away, for he shall return no more481.’ For their whole letter contemplates nothing but death; and their endeavour is to kill, whenever they may be permitted, or if not, to drive into exile. And this they were permitted to do by the most religious father of the Emperors, who gratified their fury by the banishment of Athanasius482, instead of his death. Now that this is not the conduct even of ordinary Christians, scarcely even of heathens, much less of Bishops, who profess to teach others righteousness, we suppose that your Christian consciences must at once perceive. How can they forbid others to accuse their brethren, who themselves become their accusers, and that to the Emperors? How can they teach compassion for the misfortunes of others, who cannot rest satisfied even with our banishment? For there was confessedly a general sentence of banishment against us Bishops, and we all looked upon ourselves as banished men: and now again we consider ourselves as restored with Athanasius to our native places, and instead of our former lamentations and mourning over him, as having the greatest encouragement and grace,—which may the Lord continue to us, nor suffer Eusebius and his fellows to destroy?
Even if their charges against him were true, here is a certain charge against them, that
against the precept of Christianity, and after his banishment and trials, they have assaulted
him again, and accuse him of murder, and butchery, and other crimes, which they sound
in the royal ears against the Bishops. But how manifold is their wickedness, and what manner
of men think you them, when every word they speak is false, every charge they bring a
calumny, and there is no truth whatever either in their mouths or their writings! Let us then
at length enter upon these matters, and meet their last charges. This will prove, that in their
5. We are indeed ashamed to make any defence against such charges. But since our reckless accusers lay hold of any charge, and allege that murders and butcheries were committed after the return of Athanasius, we beseech you to bear with our answer though it be somewhat long; for circumstances constrain us. No murder has been committed either by Athanasius or on his account, since our accusers, as we said before, compel us to enter upon this humiliating defence. Slaughter and imprisonment are foreign to our Church. No one did Athanasius commit into the hands of the executioner; and the prison, so far as he was concerned, was never disturbed. Our sanctuaries are now, as they have always been, pure, and honoured only with the Blood of Christ and His pious worship. Neither Presbyter nor Deacon was destroyed by Athanasius; he perpetrated no murder, he caused the banishment of no one. Would that they had never caused the like to him, nor given him actual experience of it! No one here has been banished on his account; no one at all except Athanasius himself, the Bishop of Alexandria, whom they banished, and whom, now that he is restored, they again seek to entangle in the same or even a more cruel plot than before, setting their tongues to speak all manner of false and deadly words against him.
For, behold, they now attribute to him the acts of the magistrates; and although they
plainly confess in their letter that the Prefect of Egypt passed sentence upon certain persons,
they now are not ashamed to impute this sentence to Athanasius; and that, though he had
not at the time entered Alexandria, but was yet on his return from his place of exile. Indeed
he was then in Syria; since we must needs adduce in defence his length of way from home,
that a man may not be responsible for the actions of a Governor or Prefect of Egypt. But
supposing Athanasius had been in Alexandria, what were the proceedings of the Prefect to
Athanasius? However, he was not even in the country; and what the Prefect of Egypt did
was not done on ecclesiastical grounds, but for reasons which you will learn from the records,
which, after we understood what they had written, we made diligent enquiry for, and have
transmitted to you. Since then they now raise a cry against certain things which were never
done either by him or for him, as though they had certainly taken place, and testify against
such evils as though they were assured of their existence; let them inform us from what
Council they obtained their knowledge of them, from what proofs, and from what judicial
investigation? But if they have no such evidence to bring forward, and nothing but their
own mere assertion, we leave it to you to consider as regards their former charges also, how
the things took place, and why they so speak of them. In truth, it is nothing but calumny,
and a plot of our enemies, and a temper of ungovernable mood, and an impiety in behalf
of the Arian madmen which is frantic against true godliness, and desires to root out the
6. When Arius, from whom the heresy of the Arian madmen has its name, was cast out of the Church for his impiety by Bishop Alexander, of blessed memory, Eusebius and his fellows, who are the disciples and partners of his impiety, considering themselves also to have been ejected, wrote frequently to Bishop Alexander, beseeching him not to leave the heretic Arius out of the Church484. But when Alexander in his piety towards Christ refused to admit that impious man, they directed their resentment against Athanasius, who was then a Deacon, because in their busy enquiries they had heard that he was much in the familiarity of Bishop Alexander, and much honoured by him. And their hatred of him was greatly increased after they had experience of his piety towards Christ, in the Council assembled at Nicæa485, wherein he spoke boldly against the impiety of the Arian madmen. But when God raised him to the Episcopate, their long-cherished malice burst forth into a flame, and fearing his orthodoxy and resistance of their impiety, they (and especially Eusebius486, who was smitten with a consciousness of his own evil doings), engaged in all manner of treacherous designs against him. They prejudiced the Emperor against him; they frequently threatened him with Councils; and at last assembled at Tyre; and to this day they cease not to write against him, and are so implacable that they even find fault with his appointment to the Episcopate487, taking every means of shewing their enmity and hatred towards him, and spreading false reports for the sole purpose of thereby vilifying his character.
However, the very misrepresentations which they now are making do but convict their
former statements of being falsehoods, and a mere conspiracy against him. For they say,
that ‘after the death of Bishop Alexander, a certain few having mentioned the name of
But yet Eusebius finds fault with the appointment of Athanasius,—he who perhaps
never received any appointment to his office at all; or if he did, has himself rendered it invalid489.
For he had first the See of Berytus, but leaving that he came to Nicomedia. He left
the one contrary to the law, and contrary to the law invaded the other; having deserted his
own without affection, and holding possession of another’s without reason; he lost his love
for the first in his lust for another, without even keeping to that which he obtained at the
prompting of his lust. For, behold, withdrawing himself from the second, again he takes
possession of another’s490, casting an evil eye all around him upon the cities of other men,
and thinking that godliness491 consists in wealth and in the greatness of cities, and making
light of the heritage of God to which he had been appointed; not knowing that ‘where’ even
‘two or three are gathered in the name of the’ Lord, ‘there’ is the Lord ‘in the midst of them;’
not considering the words of the Apostle, ‘I will not boast in another man’s labours;’ not
perceiving the charge which he has given, ‘Art thou bound unto a wife? seek not to be loosed.’
For if this expression applies to a wife, how much more does it apply to a Church, and to
7. But though conscious of these his own misdoings, he has boldly undertaken to arraign the appointment of Athanasius, to which honourable testimony has been borne by all, and he ventures to reproach him with his deposition, though he has been deposed himself, and has a standing proof of his deposition in the appointment of another in his room. How could either he or Theognius492 depose another, after they had been deposed themselves, which is sufficiently proved by the appointment of others in their room? For you know very well that there were appointed instead of them Amphion to Nicomedia and Chrestus to Nicæa, in consequence of their own impiety and connection with the Arian madmen, who were rejected by the Ecumenic Council. But while they desire to set aside that true Council, they endeavour to give that name to their own unlawful combination493; while they are unwilling that the decrees of the Council should be enforced, they desire to enforce their own decisions; and they use the name of a Council, while they refuse to submit themselves to one so great as this. Thus they care not for Councils, but only pretend to do so in order that they may root out the orthodox, and annul the decrees of the true and great Council against the Arians, in support of whom, both now and heretofore, they have ventured to assert these falsehoods against the Bishop Athanasius. For their former statements resembled those they now falsely make, viz., that disorderly meetings were held at his entrance494, with lamentation and mourning, the people indignantly refusing to receive him. Now such was not the case, but, quite the contrary, joy and cheerfulness prevailed, and the people ran together, hastening to obtain the desired sight of him. The churches were full of rejoicings, and thanksgivings were offered up to the Lord everywhere; and all the Ministers and Clergy beheld him with such feelings, that their souls were possessed with delight, and they esteemed that the happiest day of their lives. Why need we mention the inexpressible joy that prevailed among us Bishops, for we have already said that we counted ourselves to have been partakers in his sufferings?
8. Now this being confessedly the truth of the matter, although it is very differently
represented by them, what weight can be attached to that Council or trial of which they
make their boast? Since they presume thus to interfere in a case which they did not witness,
which they have not examined, and for which they did not meet, and to write as though
How then could such men entertain the purpose of holding a meeting against us? How can they have the boldness to call that a Council, at which a Count presided, which an executioner attended, and where an usher498 instead of the Deacons of the Church introduced us into Court; and where the Count only spoke, and all present held their peace, or rather obeyed his directions499? The removal of those Bishops who seemed to deserve it was prevented at his desire; and when he gave the order we were dragged about by soldiers;—or rather Eusebius and his fellows gave the order, and he was subservient to their will. In short, dearly beloved, what kind of Council was that, the object of which was banishment and murder at the pleasure of the Emperor? And of what nature were their charges?—for here is matter of still greater astonishment. There was one Arsenius whom they declared to have been murdered; and they also complained that a chalice belonging to the sacred mysteries had been broken.
Now Arsenius is alive, and prays to be admitted to our communion. He waits for no
other testimony to prove that he is still living, but himself confesses it, writing in his own
person to our brother Athanasius, whom they positively asserted to be his murderer. The
impious wretches were not ashamed to accuse him of having murdered a man who was at
a great distance from him, being separated by so great a distance, whether by sea or land,
9. Nevertheless they laid their plot against Athanasius, accusing him of having murdered a person who was still alive; and those same men are the authors of his banishment501. For it was not the father of the Emperors, but their calumnies, that sent him into exile. Consider whether this is not the truth. When nothing was discovered to the prejudice of our fellowminister Athanasius, but still the Count threatened him with violence, and was very zealous against him, the Bishop502 fled from this violence and went up503 to the most religious Emperor, where he protested against the Count and their conspiracy against him, and requested either that a lawful Council of Bishops might be assembled, or that the Emperor would himself receive his defence concerning the charges they brought against him. Upon this the Emperor wrote in anger, summoning them before him, and declaring that he would hear the cause himself, and for that purpose he also ordered a Council to be held. Whereupon Eusebius and his fellows went up and falsely charged Athanasius, not with the same offences which they had published against him at Tyre, but with an intention of detaining the vessels laden with corn, as though Athanasius had been the man to pretend that he could stop the exports of corn from Alexandria to Constantinople504.
Certain of our friends were present at the palace with Athanasius, and heard the threats of the Emperor upon receiving this report. And when Athanasius cried out upon the calumny, and positively declared that it was not true, (for how, he argued, should he a poor man, and in a private station, be able to do such a thing?) Eusebius did not hesitate publicly to repeat the charge, and swore that Athanasius was a rich man, and powerful, and able to do anything; in order that it might thence be supposed that he had used this language. Such was the accusation these venerable Bishops proffered against him. But the grace of God proved superior to their wickedness, for it moved the pious Emperor to mercy, who instead of death passed upon him the sentence of banishment. Thus their calumnies, and nothing else, were the cause of this. For the Emperor, in the letter which he previously wrote, complained of their conspiracy, censured their machinations, and condemned the Meletians as unscrupulous and deserving of execration; in short, expressed himself in the severest terms concerning them. For he was greatly moved when he heard the story of the dead alive; he was moved at hearing of murder in the case of one alive, and not deprived of life. We have sent you the letter.
10. But these marvellous men, Eusebius and his fellows, to make a show of refuting the truth of the case, and the statements contained in this letter, put forward the name of a Council, and ground its proceedings upon the authority of the Emperor. Hence the attendance of a Count at their meeting, and the soldiers as guards of the Bishops, and royal letters compelling the attendance of any persons whom they required. But observe here the strange character of their machinations, and the inconsistency of their bold measures, so that by some means or other they may take Athanasius away from us. For if as Bishops they claimed for themselves alone the judgment of the case, what need was there for the attendance of a Count and soldiers? or how was it that they assembled under the sanction of royal letters? Or if they required the Emperor’s countenance and wished to derive their authority from him, why were they then annulling his judgment? and when he declared in the letter which he wrote, that the Meletians were calumniators, unscrupulous, and that Athanasius was most innocent, and made much stir about the pretended murder of the living, how was it that they determined that the Meletians had spoken the truth, and that Athanasius was guilty of the offence; and were not ashamed to make the living dead, living both after the Emperor’s judgment, and at the time when they met together, and who even until this day is amongst us? So much concerning the case of Arsenius.
11. And as for the cup belonging to the mysteries, what was it, or where was it broken
by Macarius? for this is the report which they spread up and down. But as for Athanasius,
even his accusers would not have ventured to blame him, had they not been suborned by
them. However, they attribute the origin of the offence to him; although it ought not to be
imputed even to Macarius who is clear of it. And they are not ashamed to parade the sacred
Now the place where they say the cup was broken, was not a Church; there was no
Presbyter in occupation of the place; and the day on which they say that Macarius did the
deed, was not the Lord’s day. Since then there was no church there; since there was no one
to perform the sacred office; and since the day did not require the use of it509; what was this
cup belonging to the mysteries, and when, or where was it broken? There are many cups,
it is plain, both in private houses, and in the public market; and if a person breaks one of
them, he is not guilty of impiety. But the cup which belongs to the mysteries, and which if
it be broken intentionally, makes the perpetrator of the deed an impious person, is found
only among those who lawfully preside. This is the only description that can be given of this
kind of cup; there is none other; this you legally give to the people to drink; this you have
received according to the canon of the Church510; this belongs only to those who preside
12. By what means then did Ischyras become a Presbyter? who was it that ordained him? was it Colluthus? for this is the only supposition that remains. But it is well known and no one has any doubt about the matter that Colluthus died a Presbyter, and that every ordination of his was invalid, and that all that were ordained by him during the schism were reduced to the condition of laymen, and in that rank appear in the congregation. How then can it be believed that a private person, occupying a private house had in his possession a sacred chalice? But the truth is, they gave the name of Presbyter at the time to a private person, and gratified him with this title to support him in his iniquitous conduct towards us; and now as the reward of his accusations they procure for him the erection of a Church512. So that this man had then no Church; but as the reward of his malice and subserviency to them in accusing us, he receives now what he had not before; nay, perhaps they have even remunerated his services with the Episcopate, for so he goes about reporting, and accordingly behaves towards us with great insolence. Thus are such rewards as these now bestowed by Bishops upon accusers and calumniators though indeed it is reasonable, in the case of an accomplice, that as they have made him a partner in their proceedings, so they should also make him their associate in their own Episcopate. But this is not all; give ear yet further to their proceedings at that time.
13. Being unable to prevail against the truth, though they had thus set themselves in
array against it, and Ischyras having proved nothing at Tyre, but being shewn to be a calumniator,
and the calumny ruining their plot, they defer proceedings for fresh evidence, and
profess that they are going to send to the Mareotis certain of their party to enquire diligently
into the matter. Accordingly they dispatched secretly, with the assistance of the civil power,
persons to whom we openly objected on many accounts, as being of the party of Arius, and
therefore our enemies; namely, Diognius513, Maris, Theodorus, Macedonius, and two others,
14. They therefore entered Alexandria alone with the accuser, their partner in lodging, board, and cup; and taking with them Philagrius the Prefect of Egypt they proceeded to the Mareotis, and there carried on the so-called investigation by themselves, all their own way, with the forementioned person. Although the Presbyters frequently begged that they might be present, they would not permit them. The Presbyters both of the city and of the whole country desired to attend, that they might detect who and whence the persons were who were suborned by Ischyras. But they forbade the Ministers to be present, while they carried on the examination concerning church, cup, table, and the holy things, before the heathen; nay, worse than that, they summoned heathen witnesses during the enquiry concerning a cup belonging to the mysteries; and those persons who they affirmed were taken out of the way by Athanasius by summons of the Receiver-general, and they knew not where in the world they were, these same individuals they brought forward before themselves and the Prefect only, and avowedly used their testimony, whom they affirmed without shame to have been secreted by the Bishop Athanasius.
But here too their only object is to effect his death, and so they again pretend that persons
are dead who are still alive, following the same method they adopted in the case of Arsenius.
For the men are living, and are to be seen in their own country; but to you who are at a great
distance from the spot they make a great stir about the matter as though they had disappeared,
in order that, as the evidence is so far removed from you, they may falsely accuse our
brother-minister, as though he used violence and the civil power; whereas they themselves
have in all respects acted by means of that power and the countenance of others. For their
proceedings in the Mareotis were parallel to those at Tyre; and as there a Count attended
with military assistance, and would permit nothing either to be said or done contrary to
their pleasure, so here also the Prefect of Egypt was present with a band of men, frightening
15. We suppose you are not ignorant what outrages they committed at Alexandria; for they are reported everywhere. Naked swords515 were at work against the holy virgins and brethren; scourges were at work against their persons, esteemed honourable in the sight of God, so that their feet were lamed by the stripes, whose souls are whole and sound in purity and all good works516. The trades were excited against them; and the heathen multitude was set to strip them naked, to beat them, wantonly to insult them, and to threaten them with their altars and sacrifices. And one coarse fellow, as though license had now been given them by the Prefect in order to gratify the Bishops, took hold of a virgin by the hand, and dragged her towards an altar that happened to be near, imitating the practice of compelling to offer sacrifice in time of persecution. When this was done, the virgins took to flight, and a shout of laughter was raised by the heathen against the Church; the Bishops being in the place, and occupying the very house where this was going on; and from which, in order to obtain favour with them, the virgins were assaulted with naked swords, and were exposed to all kinds of danger, and insult, and wanton violence. And this treatment they received on a fast-day517, and at the hands of persons who themselves were feasting with the Bishops indoors.
16. Foreseeing these things, and reflecting that the entrance of enemies into a place is
no ordinary calamity, we protested against this commission. And Alexander518, Bishop of
Thessalonica, considering the same, wrote to the people residing there, discovering the
conspiracy, and testifying of the plot. They indeed reckon him to be one of themselves, and
account him a partner in their designs; but they only prove thereby the violence they have
exercised towards him. For even the profligate Ischyras himself was only induced by fear
and violence to proceed in the matter, and was obliged by force to undertake the accusation.
As a proof of this, he wrote himself to our brother Athanasius519, confessing that nothing
17. Now to prove that these things are facts and not mere assertions, we have the testimony521 of all the Presbyters of the Mareotis522, who always accompany the Bishop in his visitations, and who also wrote at the time against Ischyras. But neither those of them who came to Tyre were allowed to declare the truth523, nor could those who remained in the Mareotis obtain permission to refute the calumnies of Ischyras524. The copies also of the letters of Alexander, and of the Presbyters, and of Ischyras will prove the same thing. We have sent also the letter of the father of the Emperors, in which he expresses his indignation that the murder of Arsenius was charged upon any one while the man was still alive; as also his astonishment at the variable and inconsistent character of their accusations with respect to the cup; since at one time they accused the Presbyter Macarius, at another the Bishop Athanasius, of having broken it with his hands. He declares also on the one hand that the Meletians are calumniators, and on the other that Athanasius is perfectly innocent.
And are not the Meletians calumniators, and above all John525, who after coming into
the Church, and communicating with us, after condemning himself, and no longer taking
any part in the proceedings respecting the cup, when he saw Eusebius and his fellows zealously
supporting the Arian madmen, though they had not the daring to co-operate with
them openly, but were attempting to employ others as their masks, undertook a character,
as an actor in the heathen theatres526? The subject of the drama was a contest of Arians; the
real design of the piece being their success, but John and his partizans being put on the stage
and playing the parts, in order that under colour of these, the supporters of the Arians in
the garb of judges might drive away the enemies of their impiety, firmly establish their im-
For what means this mention of a cup belonging to the mysteries by them? Whence comes this religious regard for the cup among those who support impiety towards Christ? Whence comes it that Christ’s cup is known to them who know not Christ? How can they who profess to honour that cup, dishonour the God of the cup? or how can they who lament over the cup, seek to murder the Bishop who celebrates the mysteries therewith? for they would have murdered him, had it been in their power. And how can they who lament the loss of the throne that was Episcopally covered527, seek to destroy the Bishop that sat upon it, to the end that both the throne may be without its Bishop, and that the people may be deprived of godly doctrine? It was not then the cup, nor the murder, nor any of those portentous deeds they talk about, that induced them to act thus; but the forementioned heresy of the Arians, for the sake of which they conspired against Athanasius and other Bishops, and still continue to wage war against the Church.
Who are they that have really been the cause of murders and banishments? Is it not these? Who are they that, availing themselves of external support, conspire against the Bishops? Are not Eusebius and his fellows the men, and not Athanasius, as they say in their letters? Both he and others have suffered at their hands. Even at the time of which we speak, four Presbyters528 of Alexandria, though they had not even proceeded to Tyre, were banished by their means. Who then are they whose conduct calls for tears and lamentations? Is it not they, who after they have been guilty of one course of persecution, do not scruple to add to it a second, but have recourse to all manner of falsehood, in order that they may destroy a Bishop who will not give way to their impious heresy? Hence arises the enmity of Eusebius and his fellows; hence their proceedings at Tyre; hence their pretended trials; hence also now the letters which they have written even without any trial, expressing the utmost confidence in their statements; hence their calumnies before the father of the Emperors, and before the most religious Emperors themselves.
18. For it is necessary that you should know what is now reported to the prejudice of
our fellow-minister Athanasius, in order that you may thereby be led to condemn their
wickedness, and may perceive that they desire nothing else but to murder him. A quantity
of corn was given by the father of the Emperors for the support of certain widows, partly of
19. We have sent also the testimony of our fellow-ministers in Libya, Pentapolis, and Egypt, from which likewise you may learn the false accusations which have been brought against Athanasius. And these things they do, in order that, the professors of true godliness being henceforth induced by fear to remain quiet, the heresy of the impious Arians may be brought in in its stead. But thanks be to your piety, dearly beloved, that you have frequently anathematized the Arians in your letters, and have never given them admittance into the Church. The exposure of Eusebius and his fellows is also easy and ready at hand. For behold, after their former letters concerning the Arians, of which also we have sent you copies, they now openly stir up the Arian madmen against the Church, though the whole Catholic Church has anathematized them; they have appointed a Bishop529 over them; they distract the Churches with threats and alarms, that they may gain assistants in their impiety in every part. Moreover, they send Deacons to the Arian madmen, who openly join their assemblies; they write letters to them, and receive answers from them, thus making schisms in the Church, and holding communion with them; and they send to every part, commending their heresy, and repudiating the Church, as you will perceive from the letters they have addressed to the Bishop of Rome530 and perhaps to yourselves also. You perceive therefore, dearly beloved, that these things are not undeserving of vengeance: they are indeed dreadful and alien from the doctrine of Christ.
Wherefore we have assembled together, and have written to you, to request of your Christian wisdom to receive this our declaration and sympathize with our brother Athanasius, and to shew your indignation against Eusebius and his fellows who have essayed such things, in order that such malice and wickedness may no longer prevail against the Church. We call upon you to be the avengers of such injustice, reminding you of the injunction of the Apostle, ‘Put away from among yourselves that wicked person531.’ Wicked indeed is their conduct, and unworthy of your communion. Wherefore give no further heed to them, though they should again write to you against the Bishop Athanasius (for all that proceeds from them is false); not even though they subscribe their letter with names532 of Egyptian Bishops. For it is evident that it will not be we who write, but the Meletians533, who have ever been schismatics, and who even unto this day make disturbances and raise factions in the Churches. For they ordain improper persons, and all but heathens; and they are guilty of such actions as we are ashamed to set down in writing, but which you may learn from those whom we have sent unto you, who will also deliver to you our letter.
20. Thus wrote the Bishops of Egypt to all Bishops, and to Julius, Bishop of Rome.
Eusebius and his fellows wrote also to Julius, and thinking to frighten me, requested him to call a council, and to be himself the judge, if he so pleased534. When therefore I went up to Rome, Julius wrote to Eusebius and his fellows as was suitable, and sent moreover two of his own Presbyters535, Elpidius and Philoxenus536. But they, when they heard of me, were thrown into confusion, as not expecting my going up thither; and they declined the proposed Council, alleging unsatisfactory reasons for so doing, but in truth they were afraid lest the things should be proved against them which Valens and Ursacius afterwards confessed537. However, more than fifty Bishops assembled, in the place where the Presbyter Vito held his congregation; and they acknowledged my defence, and gave me the confirma- tion538 both of their communion and their love. On the other hand, they expressed great indignation against Eusebius and his fellows, and requested that Julius would write to the following effect to those of their number who had written to him. Which accordingly he did, and sent it by the hand of Count Gabianus.
The Letter of Julius.
Julius to his dearly beloved brethren539, Danius, Flacillus, Narcissus, Eusebius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, and their friends, who have written to me from Antioch, sends health in the Lord.
21. I have read your letter540 which was brought to me by my Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, and I am surprised to find that, whereas I wrote to you in charity and with conscious sincerity, you have replied to me in an unbecoming and contentious temper; for the pride and arrogance of the writers is plainly exhibited in that letter. Yet such feelings are inconsistent with the Christian faith; for what was written in a charitable spirit ought likewise to be answered in a spirit of charity and not of contention. And was it not a token of charity to send Presbyters to sympathize with them that are in suffering, and to desire those who had written to me to come thither, that the questions at issue might obtain a speedy settlement, and all things be duly ordered, so that our brethren might no longer be exposed to suffering, and that you might escape further calumny? But something seems to shew that your temper is such, as to force us to conclude that even in the terms in which you appeared to pay honour to us, you have expressed yourselves under the disguise of irony. The Presbyters also whom we sent to you, and who ought to have returned rejoicing, did on the contrary return sorrowful on account of the proceedings they had witnessed among you. And I, when I had read your letter, after much consideration, kept it to myself, thinking that after all some of you would come, and there would be no need to bring it forward, lest if it should be openly exhibited, it should grieve many of our brethren here. But when no one arrived, and it became necessary that the letter should be produced, I declare to you, they were all astonished, and were hardly able to believe that such a letter had been written by you at all; for it is expressed in terms of contention rather than of charity.
Now if the author of it wrote with an ambition of exhibiting his power of language, such
a practice surely is more suitable for other subjects: in ecclesiastical matters, it is not a display
of eloquence that is needed, but the observance of Apostolic Canons, and an earnest care
not to offend one of the little ones of the Church. For it were better for a man, according to
the word of the Church, that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and that he were
drowned in the sea, than that he should offend even one of the little ones541. But if such a
22. Yet what has been done that is a just cause of vexation? or in what respect was my letter to you such? Was it, that I invited you to be present at a council? You ought rather to have received the proposal with joy. Those who have confidence in their proceedings, or as they choose to term them, in their decisions, are not wont to be angry, if such decision is inquired into by others; they rather shew all boldness, seeing that if they have given a just decision, it can never prove to be the reverse. The Bishops who assembled in the great Council of Nicæa agreed, not without the will of God, that the decisions of one council should be examined in another542, to the end that the judges, having before their eyes that other trial which was to follow, might be led to investigate matters with the utmost caution, and that the parties concerned in their sentence might have assurance that the judgment they received was just, and not dictated by the enmity of their former judges. Now if you are unwilling that such a practice should be adopted in your own case, though it is of ancient standing, and has been noticed and recommended by the great Council, your refusal is not becoming; for it is unreasonable that a custom which had once obtained in the Church, and been established by councils, should be set aside by a few individuals.
For a further reason they cannot justly take offence in this point. When the persons
whom you, Eusebius and his fellows, dispatched with your letters, I mean Macarius the
Presbyter, and Martyrius and Hesychius the Deacons, arrived here, and found that they
were unable to withstand the arguments of the Presbyters who came from Athanasius, but
were confuted and exposed on all sides, they then requested me to call a Council together,
and to write to Alexandria to the Bishop Athanasius, and also to Eusebius and his fellows,
in order that a just judgment might be given in presence of all parties. And they undertook
in that case to prove all the charges which had been brought against Athanasius. For Martyrius
and Hesychius had been publicly refuted by us, and the Presbyters of the Bishop
Athanasius had withstood them with great confidence: indeed, if one must tell the truth,
Martyrius and his fellows had been utterly overthrown; and this it was that led them to desire
23. The Arians who were excommunicated for their impiety by Alexander, the late
Bishop of Alexandria, of blessed memory, were not only proscribed by the brethren in the
several cities, but were also anathematised by the whole body assembled together in the
great Council of Nicæa. For theirs was no ordinary offence, neither had they sinned against
man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ Himself, the Son of the living God. And yet these
persons who were proscribed by the whole world, and branded in every Church, are said
now to have been admitted to communion again; which I think even you ought to hear with
indignation. Who then are the parties who dishonour a council? Are not they who have set
at nought the votes of the Three hundred543, and have preferred impiety to godliness? The
heresy of the Arian madmen was condemned and proscribed by the whole body of Bishops
everywhere; but the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus have many supporters who speak
and write in their behalf. We have received testimony in favour of Marcellus544, that he
resisted the advocates of the Arian doctrines in the Council of Nicæa; and in favour of
Athanasius545, that at Tyre nothing was brought home to him, and that in the Mareotis,
where the Reports against him are said to have been drawn up, he was not present. Now
24. We have also been informed of the following circumstance by those who were at Alexandria. A certain Carpones, who had been excommunicated by Alexander for Arianism, was sent hither by one Gregory with certain others, also excommunicated for the same heresy. However, I had learnt the matter also from the Presbyter Macarius, and the Deacons Martyrius and Hesychius. For before the Presbyters of Athanasius arrived they urged me to send letters to one Pistus at Alexandria, though at the same time the Bishop Athanasius was there. And when the Presbyters of the Bishop Athanasius came, they informed me that this Pistus was an Arian, and that he had been excommunicated546 by the Bishop Alexander and the Council of Nicæa, and then ordained547 by one Secundus, whom also the great Council excommunicated as an Arian. This statement Martyrius and his fellows did not gainsay, nor did they deny that Pistus had received his ordination from Secundus. Now consider, after this who are most justly liable to blame? I, who could not be prevailed upon to write to the Arian Pistus; or those, who advised me to do dishonour to the great Council, and to address the irreligious as if they were religious persons? Moreover, when the Presbyter Macarius, who had been sent hither by Eusebius with Martyrius and the rest, heard of the opposition which had been made by the Presbyters of Athanasius, while we were expecting his appearance with Martyrius and Hesychius, he departed in the night, in spite of a bodily ailment; which leads us to conjecture that his departure arose from shame on account of the exposure which had been made concerning Pistus. For it is impossible that the ordination of the Arian Secundus should be considered valid in the Catholic Church. This would indeed be dishonour to the Council, and to the Bishops who composed it, if the decrees they framed, as in the presence of God, with such extreme earnestness and care, should be set aside as worthless.
25. If, as you write548, the decrees of all Councils ought to be of force, according to the precedent in the case of Novatus549 and Paul of Samosata, all the more ought not the sentence of the Three hundred to be reversed, certainly a general Council ought not to be set at nought by a few individuals. For the Arians are heretics as they, and the like sentence has been passed both against one and the other. And, after such bold proceedings as these, who are they that have lighted up the flame of discord? for in your letter you blame us for having done this. Is it we, who have sympathised with the sufferings of the brethren, and have acted in all respects according to the Canon; or they who contentiously and contrary to the Canon have set aside the sentence of the Three hundred, and dishonoured the Council in every way? For not only have the Arians been received into communion, but Bishops also have made a practice of removing from one place to another550. Now if you really believe that all Bishops have the same and equal authority551, and you do not, as you assert, account of them according to the magnitude of their cities; he that is entrusted with a small city ought to abide in the place committed to him, and not from disdain of his trust to remove to one that has never been put under him; despising that which God has given him, and making much of the vain applause of men. You ought then, dearly beloved, to have come and not declined, that the matter may be brought to a conclusion; for this is what reason demands.
But perhaps you were prevented by the time fixed upon for the Council, for you complain
in your letter that the interval before the day we appointed552 was too short. But this, beloved,
is a mere excuse. Had the day forestalled any when on the journey, the interval allowed
would then have been proved to be too short. But when persons do not wish to come, and
detain even my Presbyters up to the month of January553, it is the mere excuse of those who
have no confidence in their cause; otherwise, as I said before, they would have come, not
regarding the length of the journey, not considering the shortness of the time, but trusting
to the justice and reasonableness of their cause. But perhaps they did not come on account
of the aspect of the times554, for again you declare in your letter, that we ought to have
considered the present circumstances of the East, and not to have urged you to come. Now
if as you say you did not come because the times were such, you ought to have considered
such times beforehand, and not to have become the authors of schism, and of mourning
26. But I wonder also how you could ever have written that part of your letter, in which you say, that I alone wrote, and not to all of you, but to Eusebius and his fellows only. In this complaint one may discover more of readiness to find fault than of regard for truth. I received the letters against Athanasius from none other than Martyrius, Hesychius and their fellows, and I necessarily wrote to them who had written against him. Either then Eusebius and his fellows ought not alone to have written, apart from you all, or else you, to whom I did not write, ought not to be offended that I wrote to them who had written to me. If it was right that I should address my letter to you all, you also ought to have written with them: but now considering what was reasonable, I wrote to them, who had addressed themselves to me, and had given me information. But if you were displeased because I alone wrote to them, it is but consistent that you should also be angry, because they wrote to me alone. But for this also, beloved, there was a fair and not unreasonable cause. Nevertheless it is necessary that I should acquaint you that, although I wrote, yet the sentiments I expressed were not those of myself alone, but of all the Bishops throughout Italy and in these parts. I indeed was unwilling to cause them all to write, lest the others should be overpowered by their number. The Bishops however assembled on the appointed day, and agreed in these opinions, which I again write to signify to you; so that, dearly beloved, although I alone address you, yet you may be assured that these are the sentiments of all. Thus much for the excuses, not reasonable, but unjust and suspicious, which some of you have alleged for your conduct.
27. Now although what has already been said were sufficient to shew that we have not admitted to our communion our brothers Athanasius and Marcellus either too readily, or unjustly, yet it is but fair briefly to set the matter before you. Eusebius and his fellows wrote formerly against Athanasius and his fellows, as you also have written now; but a great number of Bishops out of Egypt and other provinces wrote in his favour. Now in the first place, your letters against him are inconsistent with one another, and the second have no sort of agreement with the first, but in many instances the former are answered by the latter, and the latter are impeached by the former. Now where there is this contradiction in letters, no credit whatever is due to the statements they contain. In the next place if you require us to believe what you have written, it is but consistent that we should not refuse credit to those who have written in his favour; especially, considering that you write from a distance, while they are on the spot, are acquainted with the man, and the events which are occurring there, and testify in writing to his manner of life, and positively affirm that he has been the victim of a conspiracy throughout.
Again, a certain Bishop Arsenius was said at one time to have been made away with by
Athanasius, but we have learned that he is alive, nay, that he is on terms of friendship with
28. And he complained also that the persons who went to the Mareotis went against his wish, for that Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, Ursacius, Valens, and Macedonius, who were the persons they sent out, were of suspected character. This he shewed not by his own assertions merely, but from the letter of Alexander who was Bishop of Thessalonica; for he produced a letter written by him to Dionysius556, the Count who presided in the Council, in which he shews most clearly that there was a conspiracy on foot against Athanasius. He has also brought forward a genuine document, all in the handwriting of the accuser Ischyras himself557, in which he calls God Almighty to witness that no cup was broken, nor table overthrown, but that he had been suborned by certain persons to invent these accusations. Moreover, when the Presbyters of the Mareotis arrived558, they positively affirmed that Ischyras was not a Presbyter of the Catholic Church and that Macarius had not committed any such offence as the other had laid to his charge. The Presbyters and Deacons also who came to us testified in the fullest manner in favour of the Bishop Athanasius, strenuously asserting that none of those things which were alleged against him were true, but that he was the victim of a conspiracy.
And all the Bishops of Egypt and Libya wrote and protested559 that his ordination was
lawful and strictly ecclesiastical, and that all that you had advanced against him was false,
for that no murder had been committed, nor any persons despatched on his account, nor
any cup broken, but that all was false. Nay, the Bishop Athanasius also shewed from the ex
29. Now when these things were thus represented to us, and so many witnesses appeared
in his favour, and so much was advanced by him in his own justification, what did it become
us to do? what did the rule of the Church require of us, but that we should not condemn
him, but rather receive him and treat him like a Bishop, as we have done? Moreover, besides
all this he continued here a year and six months563, expecting the arrival of yourselves and
of whoever chose to come, and by his presence he put everyone to shame, for he would not
have been here, had he not felt confident in his cause; and he came not of his own accord,
but on an invitation by letter from us, in the manner in which we wrote to you564. But still
you complain after all of our transgressing the Canons. Now consider; who are they that
have so acted? we who received this man with such ample proof of his innocence, or they
who, being at Antioch at the distance of six and thirty posts565, nominated a stranger to be
30. But now I am ignorant under what colour these proceedings have been carried on. In the first place, if the truth must be spoken, it was not right, when we had written to summon a council, that any persons should anticipate its decisions: and in the next place, it was not fitting that such novel proceedings should be adopted against the Church. For what canon of the Church, or what Apostolical tradition warrants this, that when a Church was at peace, and so many Bishops were in unanimity with Athanasius the Bishop of Alex- andria, Gregory should be sent thither, a stranger to the city, not having been baptized there, nor known to the general body, and desired neither by Presbyters, nor Bishops, nor Laity—that he should be appointed at Antioch, and sent to Alexandria, accompanied not by presbyters, nor by deacons of the city, nor by bishops of Egypt, but by soldiers? for they who came hither complained that this was the case.
Even supposing that Athanasius was in the position of a criminal after the Council, this
appointment ought not to have been made thus illegally and contrary to the rule of the
Church, but the Bishops of the province ought to have ordained one in that very Church,
of that very Priesthood, of that very Clergy566; and the Canons received from the Apostles
ought not thus to be set aside. Had this offence been committed against any one of you,
would you not have exclaimed against it, and demanded justice as for the transgression of
the Canons? Dearly beloved, we speak honestly, as in the presence of God, and declare, that
this proceeding was neither pious, nor lawful, nor ecclesiastical. Moreover, the account
which is given of the conduct of Gregory on his entry into the city, plainly shews the character
of his appointment. In such peaceful times, as those who came from Alexandria declared
them to have been, and as the Bishops also represented in their letters, the Church was set
on fire; Virgins were stripped; Monks were trodden under foot; Presbyters and many of the
people were scourged and suffered violence; Bishops were cast into prison; multitudes were
dragged about from place to place; the holy Mysteries567, about which they accused the
31. I have also thought it necessary to point out to you this circumstance, viz. that Athanasius positively asserted that Macarius was kept at Tyre under a guard of soldiers, while only his accuser accompanied those who went to the Mareotis; and that the Presbyters who desired to attend the inquiry were not permitted to do so, while the said inquiry respecting the cup and the Table was carried on before the Prefect and his band, and in the presence of Heathens and Jews. This at first seemed incredible, but it was proved to have been so from the Reports; which caused great astonishment to us, as I suppose, dearly beloved, it does to you also. Presbyters, who are the ministers of the Mysteries, are not permitted to attend, but an enquiry concerning Christ’s Blood and Christ’s Body is carried on before an external judge, in the presence of Catechumens, nay, worse than that, before Heathens and Jews, who are in ill repute in regard to Christianity. Even supposing that an offense had been committed, it should have been investigated legally in the Church and by the Clergy, not by heathens who abhor the Word and know not the Truth. I am persuaded that both you and all men must perceive the nature and magnitude of this sin. Thus much concerning Athanasius.
32. With respect to Marcellus568, forasmuch as you have charged him also of impiety
towards Christ, I am anxious to inform you, that when he was here, he positively declared
that what you had written concerning him was not true; but being nevertheless requested
by us to give an account of his faith, he answered in his own person with the utmost boldness,
so that we recognised that he maintains nothing outside the truth. He made a confession569
of the same godly doctrines concerning our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ as the Catholic
Church confesses; and he affirmed that he had held these opinions for a very long time, and
had not recently adopted them: as indeed our Presbyters570, who were at a former date
33. For not only the Bishops Athanasius and Marcellus and their fellows came hither
and complained of the injustice that had been done them, but many other Bishops also573,
from Thrace, from Coele-Syria, from Phoenicia and Palestine, and Presbyters, not a few, and
others from Alexandria and from other parts, were present at the Council here, and in addition
to their other statements, lamented before all the assembled Bishops the violence and
injustice which the Churches had suffered, and affirmed that similar outrages to those which
had been committed in Alexandria had occurred in their own Churches, and in others also.
Again there lately came Presbyters with letters from Egypt and Alexandria, who complained
that many Bishops and Presbyters who wished to come to the Council were prevented; for
they said that, since the departure of Athanasius574 even up to this time, Bishops who are
confessors575 have been beaten with stripes, that others have been cast into prison, and that
but lately aged men, who have been an exceedingly long period in the Episcopate, have been
given up to be employed in the public works, and nearly all the Clergy of the Catholic Church
with the people are the objects of plots and persecutions. Moreover they said that certain
Bishops and other brethren had been banished for no other reason than to compel them
against their will to communicate with Gregory and his Arian associates. We have heard
34. Now according to these representations, since the Churches are thus afflicted and treacherously assaulted, as our informants positively affirmed, who are they that have lighted up a flame of discord577? We, who grieve for such a state of things and sympathize with the sufferings of the brethren, or they who have brought these things about? While then such extreme confusion existed in every Church, which was the cause why those who visited us came hither, I wonder how you could write that unanimity prevailed in the Churches. These things tend not to the edification of the Church, but to her destruction; and those who rejoice in them are not sons of peace, but of confusion: but our God is not a God of confusion, but of peace578. Wherefore, as the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ knows, it was from a regard for your good name, and with prayers that the Churches might not fall into confusion, but might continue as they were regulated by the Apostles, that I thought it necessary to write thus unto you, to the end that you might at length put to shame those who through the effects of their mutual enmity have brought the Churches to this condition. For I have heard, that it is only a certain few579 who are the authors of all these things.
Now, as having bowels of mercy, take ye care to correct, as I said before, the irregularities
which have been committed contrary to the Canon, so that if any mischief has already befallen,
it may be healed through your zeal. And write not that I have preferred the communion
of Marcellus and Athanasius to yours, for such like complaints are no indications of peace,
but of contentiousness and hatred of the brethren. For this cause I have written the foregoing,
that you may understand that we acted not unjustly in admitting them to our communion,
35. Give us notice therefore of this, dearly beloved, that we may write both to them, and to the Bishops who will have again to assemble, so that the accused may be condemned in the presence of all, and confusion no longer prevail in the Churches. What has already taken place is enough: it is enough surely that Bishops have been sentenced to banishment in the presence of Bishops; of which it behoves me not to speak at length, lest I appear to press too heavily on those who were present on those occasions. But if one must speak the truth, matters ought not to have proceeded so far; their petty feeling ought not to have been suffered to reach the present pitch. Let us grant the “removal,” as you write, of Athanasius and Marcellus, from their own places, yet what must one say of the case of the other Bishops and Presbyters who, as I said before, came hither from various parts, and who complained that they also had been forced away, and had suffered the like injuries? O beloved, the decisions of the Church are no longer according to the Gospel, but tend only to banishment and death581. Supposing, as you assert, that some offence rested upon those persons, the case ought to have been conducted against them, not after this manner, but according to the Canon of the Church. Word should have been written of it to us all582, that so a just sentence might proceed from all. For the sufferers were Bishops, and Churches of no ordinary note, but those which the Apostles themselves had governed in their own persons583.
And why was nothing said to us concerning the Church of the Alexandrians in particular?
Are you ignorant that the custom has been for word to be written first to us, and then for a
I ask of you, that such things may no longer be, but that you will denounce in writing
those persons who attempt them; so that the Churches may no longer be afflicted thus, nor
any Bishop or Presbyter be treated with insult, nor any one be compelled to act contrary to
his judgment, as they have represented to us, lest we become a laughing-stock among the
I pray for your health in the Lord, brethren dearly beloved and greatly longed for.
36. Thus wrote the Council of Rome by Julius, Bishop of Rome.
But when, notwithstanding, Eusebius and his fellows proceeded without shame, disturbing the Churches, and plotting the ruin of many, the most religious Emperors Constantius and Constans being informed of this, commanded the Bishops from both the West and East to meet together in the city of Sardica. In the meantime Eusebius588 died: but a great number assembled from all parts, and we challenged the associates of Eusebius and his fellows to submit to a trial. But they, having before their eyes the things that they had done, and perceiving that their accusers had come up to the Council, were afraid to do this; but, while all besides met with honest intentions, they again brought with them the Counts589 Musonianus590 and Hesychius the Castrensian591, that, as their custom was, they might effect their own aims by their authority. But when the Council met without Counts, and no soldiers were permitted to be present, they were confounded, and conscience-stricken, because they could no longer obtain the judgment they wished, but such only as reason and truth required. We, however, frequently repeated our challenge, and the Council of Bishops called upon them to come forward, saying, “You have come for the purpose of undergoing a trial; why then do you now withdraw yourselves? Either you ought not to have come, or having come, not to conceal yourselves. Such conduct will prove your greatest condemnation. Behold, Athanasius and his fellows are here, whom you accused while absent; if therefore you think that you have any thing against them, you may convict them face to face. But if you pretend to be unwilling to do so, while in truth you are unable, you plainly shew yourselves to be calumniators, and this is the decision the Council will give you.” When they heard this they were self-condemned (for they were conscious of their machinations and fabrications against us), and were ashamed to appear, thereby proving themselves to have been guilty of many base calumnies.
The holy Council therefore denounced their indecent and suspicious flight592, and admitted
us to make our defence; and when we had related their conduct towards us, and
proved the truth of our statements by witnesses and other evidence, they were filled with
astonishment, and all acknowledged that our opponents had good reason to be afraid to
Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Church of Alexandria.
The Holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at Sardica, from597 Rome, Spain, Gaul, Italy, Campania, Calabria, Apulia, Africa, Sardinia, Pannonia, Moesia, Dacia, Noricum, Siscia, Dardania, the other Dacia, Macedonia, Thessaly, Achaia, Epirus, Thrace, Rhodope, Palestine, Arabia, Crete, and Egypt, to their beloved brothers, the Presbyters and Deacons, and to all the Holy Church of God abiding at Alexandria, sends health in the Lord.
37. We were not ignorant, but the fact was well known to us, even before we received
the letters of your piety, that the supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians were
practising many dangerous machinations, rather to the destruction of their own souls, than
to the injury of the Church. For this has ever been the object of their unprincipled craft; this
is the deadly design in which they have been continually engaged; viz. how they may best
expel from their places and persecute all who are to be found anywhere of orthodox sentiments,
and maintaining the doctrine of the Catholic Church, which was delivered to them
from the Fathers. Against some they have laid false accusations; others they have driven
into banishment; others they have destroyed by the punishments inflicted on them. At any
rate they endeavoured by violence and tyranny to surprise the innocence of our brother and
fellow-Bishop Athanasius, and therefore conducted their enquiry into his case without any
care, without any faith, without any sort of justice. Accordingly having no confidence in
the part they had played on that occasion, nor yet in the reports they had circulated against
him, but perceiving that they were unable to produce any certain evidence respecting the
Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined upon holding communion with Athanasius on the ground that he was innocent. And let your charity also observe, that when he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, the Bishops of the East were informed of the circumstance, as we said before, both by letter, and by injunctions conveyed by word of mouth, and were invited by us to be present. But, being condemned by their own conscience, they had recourse to unbecoming excuses, and set themselves to avoid the enquiry. They demanded that an innocent man should be rejected from our communion, as a culprit, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how impossible, such a proceeding was. And as for the Reports which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most wicked and most abandoned youths599, to whose hands one would not commit the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain that they were ex parte statements. For neither was our brother the Bishop Athanasius present on the occasion, nor the Presbyter Macarius who was accused by them. And besides, their enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, was attended by the most disgraceful circumstances. Sometimes heathens, sometimes Catechumens, were examined, not that they might declare what they knew, but that they might assert those falsehoods which they had been taught by others. And when you Presbyters, who were in charge in the absence of your Bishop, desired to be present at the enquiry, in order that you might shew the truth, and disprove the falsehoods, no regard was paid to you; they would not permit you to be present, but drove you away with insult.
Now although their calumnies have been most plainly exposed before all men by these circumstances; yet we found also, on reading the Reports, that the most iniquitous Ischyras, who has obtained from them the empty title of Bishop as his reward for the false accusation, had convicted himself of calumny. He declares in the Reports that at the very time when, according to his positive assertions, Macarius entered his cell, he lay there sick; whereas Eusebius and his fellows had the boldness to write that Ischyras was standing up and offering when Macarius came in.
38. The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged against him, has become well-known to all men. They raised a great outcry, affirming that Athanasius had committed murder, and had made away with one Arsenius a Meletian Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned lamentations and fictitious tears, and demanded that the body of a living man, as if a dead one, should be given up to them. But their fraud was not undetected; one and all knew that the person was alive, and was numbered among the living. And when these men, who are ready upon any opportunity, perceived their falsehoods detected (for Arsenius shewed himself alive, and so proved that he had not been made away with, and was not dead), yet they would not rest, but proceeded to add other to their former calumnies600, and to slander the man by a fresh expedient. Well; our brother Athanasius, dearly beloved, was not confounded, but again in the present case also with great boldness challenged them to the proof, and we too prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if they were able, to establish their charge against him. O great arrogance! O dreadful pride! or rather, if one must say the truth, O evil and accusing conscience! for this is the view which all men take of it.
Wherefore, beloved brethren, we admonish and exhort you, above all things to maintain the right faith of the Catholic Church. You have undergone many severe and grievous trials; many are the insults and injuries which the Catholic Church has suffered, but ‘he that endureth to the end, the same shall be saved601.’ Wherefore even though they still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be unto you for joy. For such afflictions are a sort of martyrdom, and such confessions and tortures as yours will not be without their reward, but ye shall receive the prize from God. Therefore strive above all things in support of the sound faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and our fellow-minister Athanasius. We also have not held our peace, nor been negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have deliberated and done whatsoever the claims of charity demand. We sympathize with our suffering brethren, and their affliction we consider as our own.
39. Accordingly we have written to beseech our most religious and godly Emperors,
that their kindness would give orders for the release of those who are still suffering from
affliction and oppression, and would command that none of the magistrates, whose duty it
is to attend only to civil causes, give judgment upon Clergy602, nor henceforward in any
way, on pretence of providing for the Churches, attempt anything against the brethren; but
that every one may live, as he prays and desires to do, free from persecution, from violence
and fraud, and in quietness and peace may follow the Catholic and Apostolic Faith. As for
40. But forasmuch as we have learnt that Aphthonius, Athanasius the son of Capito, Paul, and Plutio, our fellow Presbyters603, have also suffered from the machinations of Eusebius and his fellows, so that some of them have had trial of exile, and others have fled on peril of their lives, we have in consequence thought it necessary to make this known unto you, that you may understand that we have received and acquitted them also, being aware that whatever has been done by Eusebius and his fellows against the orthodox has tended to the glory and commendation of those who have been attacked by them. It were fitting that your Bishop and our brother Athanasius should make this known to you respecting them, to his own respecting his own; but as for more abundant testimony he wished the holy Council also to write to you, we deferred not to do so, but hastened to signify this unto you, that you may receive them as we have done, for they also are deserving of praise, because through their piety towards Christ they have been thought worthy to endure violence at the hands of the heretics.
What decrees have been passed by the holy Council against those who are at the head of the Arian heresy, and have offended against you, and the rest of the Churches, you will learn from the subjoined documents604. We have sent them to you, that you may understand from them that the Catholic Church will not overlook those who offend against her.
Letter of the Council of Sardica to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya.
The holy Council, by the grace of God assembled at Sardica, to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya, their fellow-ministers and dearly beloved brethren, sends health in the Lord.
41. We were not ignorant605, but the fact was well known to us, even before we received
the letters of your piety, that the supporters of the abominated heresy of the Arians were
practising many dangerous machinations, rather to the destruction of their own souls, than
to the injury of the Church. For this has ever been the object of their craft and villainy: this
Wherefore all the Bishops from all parts determined upon holding communion with Athanasius on the ground that he was innocent. And let your charity also observe, that when he came to the holy Council assembled at Sardica, the Bishops of the East were informed of the circumstance, as we said before, both by letter, and by injunctions conveyed by word of mouth, and were invited by us to be present. But, being condemned by their own conscience, they had recourse to unbecoming excuses, and began to avoid the enquiry. They demanded that an innocent man should be rejected from our communion, as a culprit, not considering how unbecoming, or rather how impossible, such a proceeding was. And as for the reports which were framed in the Mareotis by certain most wicked and abandoned youths, to whose hands one would not commit the very lowest office of the ministry, it is certain that they were ex parte statements. For neither was our brother the Bishop Athanasius present on the occasion, nor the Presbyter Macarius, who was accused by them. And besides, their enquiry, or rather their falsification of facts, was attended by the most disgraceful circumstances. Sometimes Heathens, sometimes Catechumens, were examined, not that they might declare what they knew, but that they might assert those falsehoods which they had been taught by others. And when you Presbyters, who were in charge in the absence of your Bishop, desired to be present at the enquiry, in order that you might shew the truth, and disprove falsehood, no regard was paid to you; they would not permit you to be present, but drove you away with insult.
Now although their calumnies have been most plainly exposed before all men by these circumstances; yet we found also, on reading the Reports, that the most iniquitous Ischyras, who has obtained from them the empty title of Bishop as his reward for the false accusation, had convicted himself of calumny. He declares in the Reports, that at the very time when, according to his positive assertions, Macarius entered his cell, he lay there sick; whereas Eusebius and his fellows had the boldness to write that Ischyras was standing offering when Macarius came in.
42. The base and slanderous charge which they next alleged against him has become well known unto all men. They raised a great outcry, affirming that Athanasius had committed murder, and made away with one Arsenius a Meletian Bishop, whose loss they pretended to deplore with feigned lamentations, and fictitious tears, and demanded that the body of a living man, as if a dead one, should be given up to them. But their fraud was not undetected; one and all knew that the person was alive, and was numbered among the living. And when these men, who are ready upon any opportunity, perceived their falsehood detected (for Arsenius shewed himself alive, and so proved that he had not been made away with, and was not dead), yet they would not rest, but proceeded to add other to their former calumnies, and to slander the man by a fresh expedient. Well: our brother Athanasius, dearly beloved, was not confounded, but again in the present case also with great boldness challenged them to the proof, and we too prayed and exhorted them to come to the trial, and if they were able, to establish their charge against him. O great arrogance! O dreadful pride! or rather, if one must say the truth, O evil and accusing conscience! for this is the view which all men take of it.
Wherefore, beloved brethren, we admonish and exhort you, above all things, to maintain the right faith of the Catholic Church. You have undergone many severe and grievous trials; many are the insults and injuries which the Catholic Church has suffered, but ‘he that en- dureth to the end, the same shall be saved606.’ Wherefore, even though they shall still recklessly assail you, let your tribulation be unto you for joy. For such afflictions are a sort of martyrdom, and such confessions and tortures as yours will not be without their reward, but ye shall receive the prize from God. Therefore strive above all things in support of the sound Faith, and of the innocence of your Bishop and our brother Athanasius. We also have not held our peace, nor been negligent of what concerns your comfort, but have deliberated and done whatsoever the claims of charity demand. We sympathize with our suffering brethren, and their afflictions we consider as our own, and have mingled our tears with yours. And you, brethren, are not the only persons who have suffered: many others also of our brethren in ministry have come hither, bitterly lamenting these things.
43. Accordingly, we have written to beseech our most religious and godly Emperors, that their kindness would give orders for the release of those who are still suffering from affliction and oppression, and would command that none of the magistrates, whose duty it is to attend only to civil causes, give judgment upon Clergy, nor henceforward in any way, on pretence of providing for the Churches, attempt anything against the brethren, but that every one may live, as he prays and desires to do, free from persecution, from violence and fraud, and in quietness and peace may follow the Catholic and Apostolic Faith. As for Gregory, who has the reputation of being illegally appointed by the heretics, and who has been sent by them to your city, we wish your unanimity to understand, that he has been deposed by the judgment of the whole sacred Council, although indeed he has never at any time been considered to be a Bishop at all. Wherefore receive gladly your Bishop Athanasius; for to this end we have dismissed him in peace. And we exhort all those, who either through fear, or through intrigues of certain persons, have held communion with Gregory, that being now admonished, exhorted, and persuaded by us, they withdraw from his detestable communion, and straightway unite themselves to the Catholic Church.
What decrees have been passed by the holy Council against Theodorus, Narcissus, Stephanus, Acacius, Menophantus, Ursacius, Valens, and George607, who are the heads of the Arian heresy, and have offended against you and the rest of the Churches, you will learn from the subjoined documents. We have sent them to you, that your piety may assent to our decisions, and that you may understand from them, that the Catholic Church will not overlook those who offend against her.
Encyclical Letter of the Council of Sardica.
The holy Council608, by the grace of God, assembled at Sardica, to their dearly beloved brethren, the Bishops and fellow-Ministers of the Catholic Church every where, sends health in the Lord.
44. The Arian madmen have dared repeatedly to attack the servants of God, who
maintain the right faith; they attempted to substitute a spurious doctrine, and to drive out
the orthodox; and at last they made so violent an assault against the Faith, that it became
known even to the piety of our most religious Emperors. Accordingly, the grace of God assisting
them, our most religious Emperors have themselves assembled us together out of
different provinces and cities, and have permitted this holy Council to be held in the city of
Sardica; to the end that all dissension may be done away, and all false doctrine being driven
from us, Christian godliness may alone be maintained by all men. The Bishops of the East
also attended, being exhorted to do so by the most religious Emperors, chiefly on account
And indeed their calumnies were clearly proved by the fact that, when they were invited
to a Council by our dearly beloved fellow-minister Julius, they would not come, and also
by what was written to them by Julius himself. For had they had confidence in the measures
and the acts in which they were engaged against our brethren, they would have come. And
besides, they gave a still more evident proof of their conspiracy by their conduct in this great
and holy Council. For when they arrived at the city of Sardica, and saw our brethren Athanasius,
Marcellus, Asclepas, and the rest, they were afraid to come to a trial and though
they were repeatedly invited to attend, they would not obey the summons. Although all we
Bishops met together, and above all that man of most happy old age, Hosius, one who on
account of his age, his confession, and the many labours he has undergone, is worthy of all
reverence; and although we waited and urged them to come to the trial, that in the presence
of our fellow-ministers they might establish the truth of those charges which they had circulated
and written against them in their absence; yet they would not come, when they were
thus invited, as we said before, thus giving proof of their calumnies, and almost proclaiming
to the world by this their refusal, the plot and conspiracy in which they have been engaged.
They who are confident of the truth of their assertions are able to make them good against
45. They fled, beloved brethren, not only on account of the calumnies they had uttered, but because they saw that those had come who had various charges to advance against them. For chains and irons were brought forward which they had used; persons appeared who had returned from banishment; there came also our brethren, kinsmen of those who were still detained in exile, and friends of such as had perished through their means. And what was the most weighty ground of accusation, Bishops were present, one610 of whom brought forward the irons and chains which they had caused him to wear, and others appealed to the death which had been brought about by their calumnies. For they had proceeded to such a pitch of madness, as even to attempt to destroy Bishops; and would have destroyed them, had they not escaped their hands. Our fellow-ministers, Theodulus of blessed memory611, died during his flight from their false accusations, orders having been given in consequence of these to put him to death. Others also exhibited sword-wounds; and others complained that they had been exposed to the pains of hunger through their means. Nor were they ordinary persons who testified to these things, but whole Churches, in whose behalf legates appeared612, and told us of soldiers sword in hand, of multitudes armed with clubs, of the threats of judges, of the forgery of false letters. For there were read certain false letters of Theognius and his fellows against our fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, written with the design of exasperating the Emperors against them; and those who had then been Deacons of Theognius proved the fact. From these men, we heard of virgins stripped naked, churches burnt, ministers in custody, and all for no other end, but only for the sake of the accursed heresy of the Arian madmen, whose communion whoso refused was forced to suffer these things.
When they perceived then how matters lay, they were in a strait what course to choose. They were ashamed to confess what they had done, but were unable to conceal it any longer. They therefore came to the city of Sardica, that by their arrival they might seem to remove suspicion from themselves of such offences. But when they saw those whom they had calumniated, and those who had suffered at their hands; when they had before their eyes their accusers and the proofs of their guilt, they were unwilling to come forward, though invited by our fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, who with great freedom complained of their conduct, and urged and challenged them to the trial, promising not only to refute their calumnies, but also to bring proof of the offences which they had com- mitted against their Churches. But they were seized with such terrors of conscience, that they fled; and in doing so they exposed their own calumnies and confessed by running away the offences of which they had been guilty.
46. But although their malice and their calumnies have been plainly manifested on this as well as on former occasions, yet that they may not devise means of practising a further mischief in consequence of their flight, we have considered it advisable to examine the part they have played according to the principles of truth; this has been our purpose, and we have found them calumniators by their acts, and authors of nothing else than a plot against our brethren in ministry. For Arsenius, who they said had been murdered by Athanasius, is still alive, and is numbered among the living; from which we may infer that the reports they have spread abroad on other subjects are fabrications also. And whereas they spread abroad a rumour concerning a cup, which they said had been broken by Macarius the Presbyter of Athanasius, those who came from Alexandria, the Mareotis, and the other parts, testified that nothing of the kind had taken place. And the Egyptian Bishops613 who wrote to Julius our fellow-minister, positively affirmed that there had not arisen among them even any suspicion whatever of such a thing.
Moreover, the Reports, which they say they have to produce against him, are, as is notorious,
ex parte statements; and even in the formation of these very Reports, Heathens and
Catechumens were examined; one of whom, a Catechumen, said614 in his examination that
he was present in the room when Macarius broke in upon them; and another declared, that
Ischyras of whom they speak so much, lay sick in his cell at the time; from which it appears
that the Mysteries were never celebrated at all, because Catechumens were present, and also
that Ischyras was not present, but was lying sick on his bed. Besides, this most worthless
Ischyras, who has falsely asserted, as he was convicted of doing, that Athanasius had burnt
some of the sacred books, has himself confessed that he was sick, and was lying in his bed
when Macarius came; from which it is plain that he is a slanderer. Nevertheless, as a reward
47. The book of our fellow-minister Marcellus was also read, by which the fraud of Eusebius and his fellows was plainly discovered. For what Marcellus had advanced by way of enquiry615, they falsely represented as his professed opinion; but when the subsequent parts of the book were read, and the parts preceding the queries themselves, his faith was found to be correct. He had never pretended, as they positively affirmed616, that the Word of God had His beginning from holy Mary, nor that His kingdom had an end; on the contrary he had written that His kingdom was both without beginning and without end. Our fellowminister Asclepas also produced Reports which had been drawn up at Antioch in the presence of his accusers and Eusebius of Cæsarea, and proved that he was innocent by the declarations of the Bishops who judged his cause617. They had good reason therefore, dearly beloved brethren, for not hearkening to our frequent summons, and for deserting the Council. They were driven to this by their own consciences; but their flight only confirmed the proof of their own calumnies, and caused those things to be believed against them, which their accusers, who were present, were asserting and arguing. But besides all these things, they had not only received those who were formerly degraded and ejected on account of the heresy of Arius, but had even promoted them to a higher station, advancing Deacons to the Presbytery, and of Presbyters making Bishops, for no other end, but that they might disseminate and spread abroad impiety, and corrupt the orthodox faith.
48. Their leaders are now, after Eusebius and his fellows, Theodorus of Heraclea, Narcissus
of Neronias in Cilicia, Stephanus of Antioch, George of Laodicea, Acacius of Cæsarea
in Palestine, Menophantus of Ephesus in Asia, Ursacius of Singidunum in Moesia, and
Valens of Mursa in Pannonia618. These men would not permit those who came with them
from the East to meet the holy Council, nor even to approach the Church of God; but as
49. Since then it became us not to hold our peace, nor to pass over unnoticed their calumnies, imprisonments, murders, wounds, conspiracies by means of false letters, outrages, stripping of the virgins, banishments, destruction of the Churches, burnings, translations from small cities to larger dioceses, and above all, the rising of the ill-named Arian heresy by their means against the orthodox faith; we have therefore pronounced our dearly beloved brethren and fellow-ministers Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas, and those who minister to the Lord with them, to be innocent and clear of offence, and have written to the diocese of each, that the people of each Church may know the innocence of their own Bishop, and may esteem him as their Bishop and expect his coming.
And as for those who like wolves620 have invaded their Churches, Gregory at Alexandria, Basil at Ancyra, and Quintianus at Gaza, let them neither give them the title of Bishop, nor hold any communion at all with them, nor receive letters621 from them, nor write to them. And for Theodorus, Narcissus, Acacius, Stephanus, Ursacius, Valens, Menophantus, and George, although the last from fear did not come from the East, yet because he was deposed by the blessed Alexander, and because both he and the others were connected with the Arian madness, as well as on account of the charges which lie against them, the holy Council has unanimously deposed them from the Episcopate, and we have decided that they not only are not Bishops, but that they are unworthy of holding communion with the faithful.
For they who separate the Son and alienate the Word from the Father, ought themselves
to be separated from the Catholic Church and to be alien from the Christian name. Let them
therefore be anathema to you, because they have ‘corrupted the word of truth622.’ It is an
I, Hosius, Bishop, have subscribed this, and all the rest likewise.
This is the letter which the Council of Sardica sent to those who were unable to attend, and they on the other hand gave their judgment in accordance; and the following are the names both of those Bishops who subscribed in the Council, and of the others also.
50. Hosius of Spain627, Julius of Rome by his Presbyters Archidamus and Philoxenus,
Protogenes of Sardica, Gaudentius, Macedonius, Severus, Prætextatus, Ursicius, Lucillus,
Eugenius, Vitalius, Calepodius, Florentius, Bassus, Vincentius, Stercorius, Palladius, Domitianus,
Chalbis, Gerontius, Protasius, Eulogus, Porphyrius, Dioscorus, Zosimus, Januarius,
Zosimus, Alexander, Eutychius, Socrates, Diodorus, Martyrius, Eutherius, Eucarpus,
Athenodorus, Irenæus, Julianus, Alypius, Jonas, Aetius, Restitutus, Marcellinus, Aprianus,
Vitalius, Valens, Hermogenes, Castus, Domitianus, Fortunatius, Marcus, Annianus, Heliodorus,
Musæus, Asterius, Paregorius, Plutarchus, Hymenæus, Athanasius, Lucius, Amantius,
Arius, Asclepius, Dionysius, Maximus, Tryphon, Alexander, Antigonus, Ælianus, Petrus,
From Gaul the following; Maximianus629, Verissimus630, Victurus, Valentinus631, Desiderius, Eulogius, Sarbatius, Dyscolius632, Superior, Mercurius, Declopetus, Eusebius, Severinus633, Satyrus, Martinus, Paulus, Optatianus, Nicasius, Victor634, Sempronius, Valerinus, Pacatus, Jesses, Ariston, Simplicius, Metianus, Amantus635, Amillianus, Justinianus, Victorinus636, Satornilus, Abundantius, Donatianus, Maximus.
From Africa; Nessus, Gratus637, Megasius, Coldæus, Rogatianus, Consortius, Rufinus, Manninus, Cessilianus, Herennianus, Marianus, Valerius, Dynamius, Mizonius, Justus, Celestinus, Cyprianus, Victor, Honoratus, Marinus, Pantagathus, Felix, Baudius, Liber, Capito, Minervalis, Cosmus, Victor, Hesperio, Felix, Severianus, Optantius, Hesperus, Fidentius, Salustius, Paschasius.
From Egypt; Liburnius, Amantius, Felix, Ischyrammon, Romulus, Tiberinus, Consortius, Heraclides, Fortunatius, Dioscorus, Fortunatianus, Bastamon, Datyllus, Andreas, Serenus, Arius, Theodorus, Evagoras, Helias, Timotheus, Orion, Andronicus, Paphnutius, Hermias, Arabion, Psenosiris, Apollonius, Muis, Sarapampon638, Philo, Philippus, Apollonius, Paphnutius, Paulus, Dioscorus, Nilammon, Serenus, Aquila, Aotas, Harpocration, Isac, Theodorus, Apollos, Ammonianus, Nilus, Heraclius, Arion, Athas, Arsenius, Agathammon, Theon, Apollonius, Helias, Paninuthius, Andragathius, Nemesion, Sarapion, Ammonius, Ammonius, Xenon, Gerontius, Quintus, Leonides, Sempronianus, Philo, Heraclides, Hieracys, Rufus, Pasophius, Macedonius, Apollodorus, Flavianus, Psaes, Syrus, Apphus, Sarapion, Esaias, Paphnutius, Timotheus, Elurion, Gaius, Musæus, Pistus, Heraclammon, Heron, Helias, Anagamphus, Apollonius, Gaius, Philotas, Paulus, Tithoes, Eudæmon, Julius.
Those on the road639 of Italy are Probatius, Viator, Facundinus, Joseph, Numedius, Sperantius, Severus, Heraclianus, Faustinus, Antoninus, Heraclius, Vitalius, Felix, Crispinus, Paulianus.
From Cyprus; Auxibius, Photius, Gerasius, Aphrodisius, Irenicus, Nunechius, Athanasius, Macedonius, Triphyllius, Spyridon, Norbanus, Sosicrates.
From Palestine; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodosius, Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Claudius, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Petrus.
These are the names of those who subscribed to the acts of the Council; but there are very many beside, out of Asia, Phrygia, and Isauria640, who wrote in my behalf before this Council was held, and whose names, nearly sixty-three in number, may be found in their own letters. They amount altogether to three hundred and forty-four641.
51. When the most religious Emperor Constantius heard of these things, he sent for me, having written privately to his brother Constans of blessed memory, and to me three several times in the following terms.
Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius642. Our benignant clemency will not suffer you to be any longer tempest-tossed by the wild waves of the sea; for our unwearied piety has not lost sight of you, while you have been bereft of your native home, deprived of your goods, and have been wandering in savage wildernesses. And although I have for a long time deferred expressing by letter the purpose of my mind concerning you, principally because I expected that you would appear before us of your own accord, and would seek a relief of your sufferings; yet forasmuch as fear, it may be, has prevented you from fulfilling your intentions, we have therefore addressed to your fortitude letters full of our bounty, to the end that you may use all speed and without fear present yourself in our presence, thereby to obtain the enjoyment of your wishes, and that, having experience of our kindness, you may be restored again to your own. For this purpose I have besought my lord and brother Constans Victor Augustus, in your behalf, that he would give you permission to come, in order that you may be restored to your country with the consent of us both, receiving this as a pledge of our favour.
The Second Letter.
Although we made it very plain to you in a former letter that you may without hesitation come to our Court, because we greatly wished to send you home, yet, we have further sent this present letter to your fortitude to exhort you without any distrust or apprehension, to place yourself in the public conveyances643, and to hasten to us, that you may enjoy the fulfilment of your wishes.
The Third Letter.
Our pleasure was, while we abode at Edessa, and your Presbyters were there, that, on
one of them being sent to you, you should make haste to come to our Court, in order that
you might see our face, and straightway proceed to Alexandria. But as a very long period
has elapsed since you received letters from us, and you have not yet come, we therefore
hasten to remind you again, that you may endeavour even now to present yourself before
us with speed, and so may be restored to your country, and obtain the accomplishment of
Such was the tenor of the Emperor’s letters; on receiving which I went up to Rome to bid farewell to the Church and the Bishop: for I was at Aquileia644 when the above was written. The Church was filled with all joy, and the Bishop Julius rejoiced with me in my return and wrote to the Church645; and as we passed along, the Bishops of every place sent us on our way in peace. The letter of Julius was as follows.
52. Julius to the Presbyters, Deacons, and people residing at Alexandria646.
I congratulate you, beloved brethren, that you now behold the fruit of your faith before
your eyes; for any one may see that such indeed is the case with respect to my brother and
fellow-Bishop Athanasius, whom for the innocency of his life, and by reason of your prayers,
God is restoring to you again. Wherefore it is easy to perceive, that you have continually
offered up to God pure prayers and full of love. Being mindful of the heavenly promises,
and of the conversation that leads to them, which you have learnt from the teaching of my
brother aforesaid, you knew certainly and understood by the right faith that is in you, that
he, whom you always had as present in your most pious minds, would not be separated
from you for ever. Wherefore there is no need that I should use many words in writing to
you; for your faith has already anticipated whatever I could say to you, and has by the grace
of God procured the accomplishment of the common prayers of you all. Therefore, I repeat
again, I congratulate you, because you have preserved your souls unconquered in the faith;
and I also congratulate no less my brother Athanasius, in that, though he is enduring many
afflictions, he has at no time been forgetful of your love and earnest desires towards him.
53. Wherefore he returns to you now more illustrious than when he went away from you. Fire tries and purifies the precious materials, gold and silver: but how can one describe the worth of such a man, who, having passed victorious through the perils of so many tribulations, is now restored to you, being pronounced innocent not by our voice only, but by the voice of the whole Council648? Receive therefore, beloved brethren, with all godly honour and rejoicing, your Bishop Athanasius, together with those who have been partners with him in so many labours. And rejoice that you now obtain the fulfilment of your prayers, after that in your salutary letter you have given meat and drink to your Pastor, who, so to speak, longed and thirsted after your godliness. For while he sojourned in a foreign land, you were his consolation; and you refreshed him during his persecutions by your most faithful minds and spirits. And it delights me now to conceive and figure to my mind the joy of every one of you at his return, and the pious greetings of the concourse, and the glorious festivity of those that run to meet him. What a day will that be to you, when my brother comes back again, and your former sufferings terminate, and his much-prized and desired return inspires you all with an exhilaration of perfect joy! The like joy it is ours to feel in a very great degree, since it has been granted us by God, to be able to make the acquaintance of so eminent a man. It is fitting therefore that I should conclude my letter with a prayer. May Almighty God, and His Son our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, afford you continual grace, giving you a reward for the admirable faith which you displayed in your noble confession in behalf of your Bishop, that He may impart unto you and unto them that are with you, both here and hereafter, those better things, which ‘the eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, neither hath entered into the heart of man, the things which God hath prepared for them that love Him649,’ through our Lord Jesus Christ, through Whom to Almighty God be glory for ever and ever. Amen. I pray, dearly beloved brethren, for your health and strength in the Lord.
54. The Emperor, when I came to him650 with these letters, received me kindly, and sent me forth to my country and Church addressing the following to the Bishops, Presbyters, and People.
Constantius, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops and Presbyters of the Catholic Church.
The most reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by the grace of God, but although for a brief season he was subjected to trial to which human nature is liable, he has obtained from the all-surveying Providence such an answer to his prayers as was meet, and is restored by the will of the Most High, and by our sentence, at once to his country and to the Church, over which by divine permission he presided. Wherefore, in accordance with this, it is fitting that it should be provided by our clemency, that all the decrees which have heretofore been passed against those who held communion with him, be now consigned to oblivion, and that all suspicions respecting them be henceforward set at rest, and that immunity, such as the Clergy who are associated with him formerly enjoyed, be duly confirmed to them. Moreover to our other acts of favour towards him we have thought good to add the following, that all persons of the sacred catalogue651 should understand, that an assurance of safety is given to all who adhere to him, whether Bishops, or other Clergy. And union with him will be a sufficient guarantee, in the case of any person, of an upright intention. For whoever, acting according to a better judgment and part, shall choose to hold communion with him, we order, in imitation of that Providence which has already gone before, that all such should have the advantage of the grace which by the will of the Most High is now offered to them from us. May God preserve you.
The Second Letter.
Constantius, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the Catholic Church at Alexandria.
55. Having in view your welfare in all respects, and knowing that you have for a long
time been deprived of episcopal superintendence, we have thought good to send back to
you your Bishop Athanasius, a man known to all men for the uprightness that is in him,
and for the good disposition of his personal character. Receive him, as you are wont to receive
every one, in a suitable manner, and, using his advocacy as your succour in your prayers to
God, endeavour to preserve continually that unanimity and peace according to the order
of the Church which is at the same time becoming in you, and most advantageous for us.
For it is not becoming that any dissension or faction should be raised among you, contrary
to the prosperity of our times. We desire that this offence may be altogether removed from
you, and we exhort you to continue stedfastly in your accustomed prayers, and to make
him, as we said before, your advocate and helper towards God. So that, when this your determination,
beloved, has influenced the prayers of all men, even those heathen who are
still addicted to the false worship of idols may eagerly desire to come to the knowledge of
our sacred religion. Again therefore we exhort you to continue in these things, and gladly
to receive your Bishop, who is sent back to you by the decree of the Most High, and by our
56. Having written these letters, he also commanded that the decrees, which he had formerly sent out against me in consequence of the calumnies of Eusebius and his fellows, should be cancelled and struck out from the Orders of the Duke and the Prefect of Egypt; and Eusebius the Decurion652 was sent to withdraw them from the Order-books. His letter on this occasion was as follows.
Constantius, Victor, Augustus, to Nestorius653. (And in the same terms, to the Governors of Augustamnica, the Thebais, and Libya.)
Whatever Orders are found to have been passed heretofore, tending to the injury and dishonour of those who hold communion with the Bishop Athanasius, we wish them to be now erased. For we desire that whatever immunities his Clergy possessed before, they should again possess the same. And we wish this our Order to be observed, that when the Bishop Athanasius is restored to his Church, those who hold communion with him may enjoy the immunities which they have always enjoyed, and which the rest of the Clergy enjoy; so that they may have the satisfaction of being on an equal footing with others.
57. Being thus set forward on my journey, as I passed through Syria, I met with the Bishops of Palestine, who when they had called a Council654 at Jerusalem, received me cordially, and themselves also sent me on my way in peace, and addressed the following letter to the Church and the Bishops.
The Holy Council, assembled at Jerusalem, to the fellow-ministers in Egypt and Libya, and to the Presbyters, Deacons, and People at Alexandria, brethren beloved and greatly longed for, sends health in the Lord.
We cannot give worthy thanks to the God of all, dearly beloved, for the wonderful things
which He has done at all times, and especially at this time for your Church, in restoring to
I have set down here the names of those who subscribed this letter, although I have mentioned them before656. They are these; Maximus, Aetius, Arius, Theodorus657, Germanus, Silvanus, Paulus, Patricius, Elpidius, Germanus, Eusebius, Zenobius, Paulus, Macrinus658, Petrus, Claudius.
58. When Ursacius and Valens saw all this, they forthwith condemned themselves for what they had done, and going up to Rome, confessed their crime, declared themselves penitent, and sought forgiveness659, addressing the following letters to Julius, Bishop of ancient Rome, and to ourselves. Copies of them were sent to me from Paulinus, Bishop of Treveri660.
A Translation from the Latin of a Letter661 to Julius, concerning the recantation of Ursacius and Valens662.
Ursacius and Valens to the most blessed lord, pope Julius.
Whereas it is well known that we have heretofore in letters laid many grievous charges against the Bishop Athanasius, and whereas when we were corrected by the letters of your Goodness, we were unable to render an account of the statement we had made; we do now confess before your Goodness, and in the presence of all the Presbyters our brethren, that all the reports which have heretofore come to your hearing respecting the case of the aforesaid Athanasius, are falsehoods and fabrications, and are utterly inconsistent with his character. Wherefore we earnestly desire communion with the aforesaid Athanasius, especially since your Piety, with your characteristic generosity, has vouchsafed to pardon our error. But we also declare, that if at any time the Eastern Bishops, or even Athanasius himself, ungenerously should wish to bring us to judgment for this matter, we will not depart contrary to your judgment. And as for the heretic Arius and his supporters, who say that once the Son was not, and that the Son was made of that which was not, and who deny that Christ is God and the Son of God before the worlds, we anathematize them both now and for evermore, as also we have set forth in our former declaration at Milan663. We have written this with our own hands, and we profess again, that we have renounced for ever, as we said before, the Arian heresy and its authors.
I Ursacius subscribed this my confession in person; and likewise I Valens.
Ursacius and Valens, Bishops, to their lord and brother, the Bishop Athanasius.
Having an opportunity of sending by our brother and fellow Presbyter Musæus, who is coming to your Charity, we salute you affectionately, beloved brother, through him, from Aquileia, and pray you, being as we trust in health, to read our letter. You will also give us confidence, if you will return to us an answer in writing. For know that we are at peace with you, and in communion with the Church, of which the salutation prefixed to this letter is a proof. May Divine Providence preserve you, my Lord, our beloved brother!
Such were their letters, and such the sentence and the judgment of the Bishops in my behalf. But in order to prove that they did not act thus to ingratiate themselves, or under compulsion in any quarter, I desire, with your permission, to recount the whole matter from the beginning, so that you may perceive that the bishops wrote as they did with upright and just intentions, and that Ursacius and Valens, though they were slow to do so, at last confessed the truth.
59. Peter was Bishop among us before the persecution, and during the course of it he suffered martyrdom. When Meletius, who held the title of bishop in Egypt, was convicted of many crimes, and among the rest of offering sacrifice to idols, Peter deposed him in a general council of the bishops. Whereupon Meletius did not appeal to another council, or attempt to justify himself before those who should come after, but made a schism, so that they who espoused his cause are even yet called Meletians instead of Christians664. He began immediately to revile the bishops, and made false accusations, first against Peter himself, and against his successor Achillas, and after Achillas, against Alexander665. And he thus practised craftily, following the example of Absalom, to the end that, as he was disgraced by his deposition, he might by his calumnies mislead the simple. While Meletius was thus employed, the Arian heresy also had arisen. But in the Council of Nicæa, while the heresy was anathematized, and the Arians were cast out, the Meletians on whatever grounds666 (for it is not necessary now to mention the reason) were received. Five months however had not yet passed667 when, the blessed Alexander having died, the Meletians, who ought to have remained quiet, and to have been grateful that they were received on any terms, like dogs unable to forget their vomit, were again troubling the Churches.
Upon learning this, Eusebius, who had the lead in the Arian heresy, sends and buys the
Meletians with large promises, becomes their secret friend, and arranges with them for their
assistance on any occasion when he might wish for it. At first he sent to me, urging me to
admit Arius and his fellows to communion668, and threatened me in his verbal communications,
while in his letters he [merely] made a request. And when I refused, declaring that
it was not right that those who had invented heresy contrary to the truth, and had been
anathematized by the Ecumenical669 Council, should be admitted to communion, he caused
the Emperor also, Constantine, of blessed memory, to write to me, threatening me, in case
I should not receive Arius and his fellows, with those afflictions, which I have before under-
Part of a Letter from the Emperor Constantine.
Having therefore knowledge of my will, grant free admission to all who wish to enter into the Church. For if I learn that you have hindered or excluded any who claim to be admitted into communion with the Church, I will immediately send some one who shall depose you by my command, and shall remove you from your place.
60. When upon this I wrote and endeavoured to convince the Emperor, that that anti- Christian heresy had no communion with the Catholic Church, Eusebius forthwith, availing himself of the occasion which he had agreed upon with the Meletians, writes and persuades them to invent some pretext, so that, as they had practised against Peter and Achillas and Alexander, they might devise and spread reports against us also. Accordingly, after seeking for a long time, and finding nothing, they at last agree together, with the advice of Eusebius and his fellows, and fabricate their first accusation by means of Ision, Eudæmon, and Callinicus671, respecting the linen vestments672, to the effect that I had imposed a law upon the Egyptians, and had required its observance of them first. But when certain Presbyters of mine were found to be present, and the Emperor took cognizance of the matter, they were condemned (the Presbyters were Apis and Macarius), and the Emperor wrote, condemning Ision, and ordering me to appear before him. His letters were as follows673.
Eusebius, having intelligence of this, persuades them to wait; and when I arrive, they next accuse Macarius of breaking the cup, and bring against me the most heinous accusation possible, viz. that, being an enemy of the Emperor, I had sent a purse of gold to one Philumenus. The Emperor therefore heard us on this charge also in Psammathia674, when they, as usual, were condemned, and driven from the presence; and, as I returned, he wrote the following letter to the people.
Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the Catholic Church at Alexandria.
61. Beloved brethren, I greet you well, calling upon God, Who is the chief witness of
my intention, and on the Only-begotten, the Author of our Law, Who is Sovereign over the
lives of all men, and Who hates dissensions. But what shall I say to you? That I am in good
health? Nay, but I should be able to enjoy better health and strength, if you were possessed
But some one will say, that love is a thing brought out by nature. But, I ask, how is it that we who have got the law of God for our guide in addition to our natural advantages, thus tolerate the disturbances and disorders raised by our enemies, who seem inflamed, as it were, with firebrands? How is it, that having eyes, we see not, neither understand, though we are surrounded by the intelligence of the law? What a stupor has seized upon our life, that we are thus neglectful of ourselves, and that although God admonishes us! Is it not an intolerable evil? and ought we not to esteem such men as our enemies, and not the household and people of God? For they are infuriated against us, abandoned as they are: they lay grievous crimes to our charge, and make attacks upon us as enemies.
62. And I would have you yourselves to consider with what exceeding madness they do
this. The foolish men carry their maliciousness at their tongues’ end. They carry about with
them a sort of leaden anger, so that they reciprocally smite one another, and involve us by
way of increasing their own punishment. The good teacher is accounted an enemy, while
he who clothes himself with the vice of envy, contrary to all justice makes his gain of the
gentle temper of the people; he ravages, and consumes, he decks himself out, and recommends
himself with false praises; he subverts the truth, and corrupts the faith, until he finds
out a hole and hiding-place for his conscience. Thus their very perverseness makes them
wretched, while they impudently prefer themselves to places of honour, however unworthy
they may be. Ah! what a mischief is this! they say “Such an one is too old; such an one is a
mere boy; the office belongs to me; it is due to me, since it is taken away from him. I will
gain over all men to my side, and then I will endeavour with my power to ruin him.” Plain
indeed is this proclamation of their madness to all the world; the sight of companies, and
gatherings, and rowers under command675 in their offensive cabals. Alas! what preposterous
conduct is ours, if I may say it! Do they make an exhibition of their folly in the Church of
Such was the letter of Constantine.
63. After these occurrences the Meletians remained quiet for a little time, but afterwards
shewed their hostility again, and contrived the following plot, with the aim of pleasing those
who had hired their services. The Mareotis is a country district of Alexandria, in which
Meletius was not able to make a schism. Now while the Churches still existed within their
appointed limits, and all the Presbyters had congregations in them, and while the people
were living in peace, a certain person named Ischyras676, who was not a clergyman, but of
a worthless disposition, endeavoured to lead astray the people of his own village, declaring
himself to be a clergyman. Upon learning this, the Presbyter of the place informed me of it
when I was going through my visitation of the Churches, and I sent Macarius the Presbyter
with him to summon Ischyras. They found him sick and lying in a cell, and charged his
father to admonish his son not to continue any such practices as had been reported against
him. But when he recovered from his sickness, being prevented by his friends and his father
from pursuing the same course, he fled over to the Meletians; and they communicate with
Eusebius and his fellows, and at last that calumny is invented by them, that Macarius had
broken a cup, and that a certain Bishop named Arsenius had been murdered by me. Arsenius
they placed in concealment, in order that he might seem made away with, when he did not
make his appearance; and they carried about a hand, pretending that he had been cut to
pieces. As for Ischyras, whom they did not even know, they began to spread a report that
he was a Presbyter, in order that what he said about the cup might mislead the people.
Ischyras, however, being censured by his friends, came to me weeping, and said that no such
To the Blessed pope677 Athanasius, Ischyras sends health in the Lord.
64. As when I came to you, my Lord Bishop, desiring to be received into the Church, you reproved me for what I formerly said, as though I had proceeded to such lengths of my own free choice, I therefore submit to you this my apology in writing, in order that you may understand, that violence was used towards me, and blows inflicted on me by Isaac and Heraclides, and Isaac of Letopolis, and those of their party. And I declare, and take God as my witness in this matter, that of none of the things which they have stated, do I know you to be guilty. For no breaking of a cup or overturning of the Holy Table ever took place, but they compelled me by violent usage to assert all this. And this defence I make and submit to you in writing, desiring and claiming for myself to be admitted among the members of your congregation. I pray that you may have health in the Lord.
I submit this my handwriting to you the Bishop Athanasius in the presence of the Presbyters, Ammonas of Dicella, Heraclius of Phascos, Boccon of Chenebri, Achillas of Myrsine, Didymus of Taphosiris, and Justus from Bomotheus678; and of the Deacons, Paul, Peter, and Olympius, of Alexandria, and Ammonius, Pistus, Demetrius, and Gaius, of the Mareotis.
65. Notwithstanding this statement of Ischyras, they again spread abroad the same
charges against me everywhere, and also reported them to the Emperor Constantine. He
too had heard before of the affair of the cup in Psammathia679, when I was there, and had
detected the falsehood of my enemies. But now he wrote to Antioch to Dalmatius680 the
Censor requiring him to institute a judicial enquiry respecting the murder. Accordingly the
Censor sent me notice to prepare for my defence against the charge. Upon receiving his
letters, although at first I paid no regard to the thing because I knew that nothing of what
they said was true, yet seeing that the Emperor was moved, I wrote to my fellow-ministers
into Egypt, and sent a deacon, desiring to learn something of Arsenius, for I had not seen
This he did in order to fulfil his contract with Eusebius and his fellows, lest, if he were discovered, the game they were playing should at length be broken up; which in fact came to pass. For when I wrote the Emperor word, that Arsenius was discovered, and reminded him of what he had heard in Psammathia concerning Macarius the Presbyter, he stopped the proceedings of the Censor’s court, and wrote condemning the proceedings against me as calumnious, and commanded Eusebius and his fellows, who were coming into the East to appear against me, to return. Now in order to shew that they accused me of having murdered Arsenius (not to bring forward the letters of many persons on the subject), it shall be sufficient only to produce one from Alexander the Bishop of Thessalonica, from which the tenor of the rest may be inferred. He then being acquainted with the reports which Archaph, who is also called John, circulated against me on the subject of the murder, and having heard that Arsenius was alive, wrote as follows.
Letter of Alexander.
To his dearly beloved son and fellow-minister like-minded, the lord Athanasius, Alexander the Bishop sends health in the Lord.
66. I congratulate the most excellent Sarapion, that he is striving so earnestly to adorn
himself with holy habits, and is thus advancing to higher praise the memory of his father.
For, as the Holy Scripture somewhere says, ‘though his father die, yet he is as though he
were not dead681:’ for he has left behind him a memorial of his life. What my feelings were
towards the ever memorable Sozon, you yourself, my lord682, are not ignorant, for you know
the sacredness of his memory, as well as the goodness of the young man. I have received
only one letter from your reverence, which I had by the hands of this youth. I mention this
to you, my lord, in order that you may know. Our dearly beloved brother and deacon Macarius,
afforded me great pleasure by writing to me from Constantinople, that the false accuser
Archaph had met with disgrace, for having given out before all men that a live man had
been murdered. That he will receive from the righteous Judge, together with all the tribe of
67. And they who lived with Arsenius bear witness, that he was kept in concealment for this purpose, that they might pretend his death; for in searching after him we found the person [who had done so], and he in consequence wrote the following letter to John, who played the chief part in this false accusation.
To his dearly beloved brother John, Pinnes, Presbyter of the Monastery683 of Ptemencyrcis, in the home of Anteopolis, sends greeting.
I wish you to know, that Athanasius sent his deacon into the Thebais, to search everywhere for Arsenius; and Pecysius the Presbyter, and Silvanus the brother of Helias, and Tapenacerameus, and Paul monk of Hypsele, whom he first fell in with, confessed that Arsenius was with us. Upon learning this we caused him to be put on board a vessel, and to sail to the lower countries with Helias the monk. Afterwards the deacon returned again suddenly with certain others, and entered our monastery, in search of the same Arsenius, and him they found not, because, as I said before, we had sent him away to the lower countries; but they conveyed me together with Helias the monk, who took him out of the way, to Alexandria, and brought us before the Duke684; when I was unable to deny, but confessed that he was alive, and had not been murdered: the monk also who took him out of the way confessed the same. Wherefore I acquaint you with these things, Father, lest you should determine to accuse Athanasius; for I said that he was alive, and had been concealed with us, and all this is become known in Egypt, and it cannot any longer be kept secret.
I, Paphnutius, monk of the same monastery, who wrote this letter, heartily salute you. I pray for your health.
The following also is the letter which the Emperor wrote when he learnt that Arsenius was found to be alive.
Constantine, Victor, Maximus, Augustus, to the pope Athanasius.
68. Having read the letters of your wisdom, I felt the inclination to write in return to
your fortitude, and to exhort you that you would endeavour to restore the people of God
to tranquillity, and to merciful feelings. For in my own mind I hold these things to be of the
But this further accusation was advanced by these same Meletians. They positively affirmed that you, rushing in with lawless violence, had seized upon and broken a cup, which was deposited in the most Holy Place; than which there certainly could not be a more serious charge, nor a more grievous offence, had such a crime actually been perpetrated. But what manner of accusation is this? What is the meaning of this change and variation and difference in the circumstances of it, insomuch that they now transfer this same accusation to another person685, a fact which makes it clearer, so to speak, than the light itself, that they designed to lay a plot for your wisdom? After this, who can be willing to follow them, men that have fabricated such charges to the injury of another, seeing too that they are hurrying themselves on to ruin, and are conscious that they are accusing you of false and feigned crimes? Who then, as I said, will follow after them, and thus go headlong in the way of destruction; in that way in which it seems they alone suppose that they have hope of safety and of help? But if they were willing to walk according to a pure conscience, and to be directed by the best wisdom, and to go in the way of a sound mind, they would easily perceive that no help can come to them from Divine Providence, while they are given up to such doings, and tempt their own destruction. I should not call this a harsh judgment of them, but the simple truth.
And finally, I will add, that I wish this letter to be read frequently by your wisdom in
public, that it may thereby come to the knowledge of all men, and especially reach the ears
of those who thus act, and thus raise disturbances; for the judgment which is expressed by
me according to the dictates of equity is confirmed also by real facts. Wherefore, seeing that
in such conduct there is so great an offence, let them understand that I have thus judged;
and that I have come to this determination, that if they excite any further commotion of
this kind, I will myself in person take cognizance of the matter, and that not according to
the ecclesiastical, but according to the civil laws, and so I will in future find them out, because
69. But that the wickedness of the calumniators might be more fully displayed, behold Arsenius also wrote to me after he was discovered in his place of concealment; and as the letter which Ischyras had written confessed the falsehood of their accusation, so that of Arsenius proved their maliciousness still more completely.
To the blessed Pope Athanasius, Arsenius, Bishop of those who were heretofore under Meletius in the city of the Hypselites, together with the Presbyters and Deacons, wishes much health in the Lord.
Being earnestly desirous of peace and union with the Catholic Church, over which by the grace of God you preside, and wishing to submit ourselves to the Canon of the Church, according to the ancient rule686, we write unto you, dearly beloved Pope, and declare in the name of the Lord, that we will not for the future hold communion with those who continue in schism, and are not yet at peace with the Catholic Church, whether Bishops, Presbyters, or Deacons. Neither will we take part with them if they wish to establish anything in a Council; neither will we send letters of peace687 unto them nor receive such from them; neither yet without the consent of you, the bishop of the metropolis, will we publish any determination concerning Bishops, or on any other general ecclesiastical question; but we will yield obedience to all the canons that have heretofore been ordained, after the example of the Bishops688 Ammonian, Tyrannus, Plusian, and the rest. Wherefore we beseech your goodness to write to us speedily in answer, and likewise to our fellow-ministers concerning us, informing them that we will henceforth abide by the fore-mentioned resolution and will be at peace with the Catholic Church, and at unity with our fellow-ministers in the [various] districts. And we are persuaded that your prayers, being acceptable unto God, will so prevail with Him, that this peace shall be firm and indissoluble unto the end, according to the will of God the Lord of all, through Jesus Christ our Lord.
The sacred Ministry that is under you, we and those that are with us salute. Very shortly, if God permit, we will come to visit your goodness. I, Arsenius, pray for your health in the Lord for many years, most blessed Pope.
70. But a stronger and clearer proof of the calumny against us is the recantation of John,
of which the most God-beloved Emperor Constantine of blessed memory is a witness, for
Constantine, Maximus, Augustus to John.
The letters which I have received from your prudence were extremely pleasing to me,
because I learned from them what I very much longed to hear, that you had laid aside every
petty feeling, had joined the Communion of the Church as became you, and were now in
perfect concord with the most reverend Bishop Athanasius. Be assured therefore that so far
I entirely approve of your conduct; because, giving up all skirmishing, you have done that
which is pleasing to God, and have embraced the unity of His Church. In order therefore
that you may obtain the accomplishment of your wishes, I have thought it right to grant
you permission to enter the public conveyance689, and to come to the court690 of my
clemency. Let it then be your care to make no delay; but as this letter gives you authority to
use the public conveyance, come to me immediately, that you may have your desires fulfilled,
71. Thus ended the conspiracy. The Meletians were repulsed and covered with shame; but notwithstanding this Eusebius and his fellows still did not remain quiet, for it was not for the Meletians but for Arius and his fellows, that they cared, and they were afraid lest, if the proceedings of the former should be stopped, they should no longer find persons to play the parts691, by whose assistance they might bring in that heresy. They therefore again stirred up the Meletians, and persuaded the Emperor to give orders that a Council should be held afresh at Tyre, and Count Dionysius was despatched thither, and a military guard was given to Eusebius and his fellows. Macarius also was sent as a prisoner to Tyre under a guard of soldiers; and the Emperor wrote to me, and laid a peremptory command upon me, so that, however unwilling, I set out. The whole conspiracy may be understood from the letters which the Bishops of Egypt wrote; but it will be necessary to relate how it was contrived by them in the outset, that so may be perceived the malice and wickedness that was exercised against me. There are in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis, nearly one hundred Bishops; none of whom laid anything to my charge; none of the Presbyters found any fault with me; none of the people spoke aught against me; but it was the Meletians who were ejected by Peter, and the Arians, that divided the plot between them, while the one party claimed to themselves the right of accusing me, the other of sitting in judgment on the case. I objected to Eusebius and his fellows as being my enemies on account of the heresy; next, I shewed in the following manner that the person who was called my accuser was not a Presbyter at all. When Meletius was admitted into communion (would that he had never been so admitted692!) the blessed Alexander who knew his craftiness required of him a schedule of the Bishops whom he said he had in Egypt, and of the presbyters and deacons that were in Alexandria itself, and if he had any in the country district. This the Pope Alexander has done, lest Meletius, having received the freedom of the Church, should tender693 many, and thus continually, by a fraudulent procedure, foist upon us whomsoever he pleased. Accordingly he has made out the following schedule of those in Egypt.
A schedule presented by Meletius to the Bishop Alexander.
I, Meletius of Lycopolis, Lucius of Antinopolis, Phasileus of Hermopolis, Achilles of Cusæ, Ammonius of Diospolis.
In Ptolemais, Pachymes of Tentyræ.
In Maximianopolis, Theodorus of Coptus.
In Thebais, Cales of Hermethes, Colluthus of Upper Cynopolis, Pelagius of Oxyrynchus, Peter of Heracleopolis, Theon of Nilopolis, Isaac694 of Letopolis, Heraclides of Niciopolis695, Isaac of Cleopatris, Melas of Arsenoitis.
In Heliopolis, Amos of Leontopolis, Ision of Athribis.
In Pharbethus, Harpocration of Bubastus, Moses of Phacusæ, Callinicus696 of Pelusium, Eudæmon of Tanis697, Ephraim of Thmuis.
In Sais, Hermæon of Cynopolis and Busiris, Soterichus of Sebennytus, Pininuthes of Phthenegys, Cronius of Metelis, Agathammon of the district of Alexandria.
In Memphis, John who was ordered by the Emperor to be with the Archbishop698. These are those of Egypt.
And the Clergy that he had in Alexandria were Apollonius Presbyter, Irenæus Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Tyrannus Presbyter. And Deacons; Timotheus Deacon, Antinous Deacon, Hephæstion Deacon. And Macarius Presbyter of Parembole699.
72. These Meletius presented actually in person700 to the Bishop Alexander, but he
made no mention of the person called Ischyras, nor ever professed at all that he had any
Clergy in the Mareotis. Notwithstanding our enemies did not desist from their attempts,
but still he that was no Presbyter was feigned to be one, for there was the Count ready to
use compulsion towards us, and soldiers were hurrying us about. But even then the grace
of God prevailed: for they could not convict Macarius in the matter of the cup; and Arsenius,
whom they reported to have been murdered by me, stood before them alive and shewed the
falseness of their accusation. When therefore they were unable to convict Macarius, Eusebius
and his fellows, who became enraged that they had lost the prey of which they had been in
pursuit, persuaded the Count Dionysius, who is one of them, to send to the Mareotis, in
order to see whether they could not find out something there against the Presbyter, or rather
that they might at a distance patch up their plot as they pleased in our absence: for this was
their aim. However,—when we represented that the journey to the Mareotis was a superfluous
undertaking (for that they ought not to pretend that statements were defective which they
had been employed upon so long, and ought not now to defer the matter; for they had said
whatever they thought they could say, and now being at a loss what to do, they were making
73. But in spite of these precautions they were not able to escape detection: for the Presbyters of the City and of the Mareotis, perceiving their evil designs, addressed to them the following protest.
To Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, the Bishops who have come from Tyre, these from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Catholic Church of Alexandria under the most reverend Bishop Athanasius.
It was incumbent upon you when you came hither and brought with you the accuser,
to bring also the Presbyter Macarius; for trials are appointed by Holy Scripture to be so
constituted, that the accuser and accused may stand up together. But since neither you
brought Macarius, nor our most reverend Bishop Athanasius came hither with you, we
claimed for ourselves the right of being present at the investigation, that we might see that
the enquiry was conducted impartially, and might ourselves be convinced of the truth. But
I Dionysius Presbyter have handed in this letter. Alexander Presbyter, Nilaras Presbyter, Longus Presbyter, Aphthonius Presbyter, Athanasius Presbyter, Amyntius Presbyter, Pistus Presbyter, Plution Presbyter, Dioscorus Presbyter, Apollonius Presbyter, Sarapion Presbyter, Ammonius Presbyter, Gaius Presbyter, Rhinus Presbyter, Æthales Presbyter.
Deacons; Marcellinus Deacon, Appianus Deacon, Theon Deacon, Timotheus Deacon, a second Timotheus Deacon.
74. This is the letter, and these the names of the Clergy of the city; and the following was written by the Clergy of the Mareotis, who know the character of the accuser, and who were with me in my visitation.
To the holy Council of blessed Bishops of the Catholic Church, all the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis send health in the Lord.
Knowing that which is written, ‘Speak that thine eyes have seen,’ and, ‘A false witness
shall not be unpunished704’, we testify what we have seen, especially since the conspiracy
which has been formed against our Bishop Athanasius has made our testimony necessary.
We wonder how Ischyras ever came to be reckoned among the number of the Ministers of
the Church, which is the first point we think it necessary to mention. Ischyras never was a
Minister of the Church; but when formerly he represented himself to be a Presbyter of
Colluthus, he found no one to believe him, except only his own relations705. For he never
had a Church, nor was ever considered a Clergyman by those who lived but a short distance
from his village, except only, as we said before, by his own relations. But, notwithstanding
he assumed this designation, he was deposed in the presence of our Father Hosius at the
75. Wherefore also Theognius, Theodorus, Maris, Macedonius, Ursacius, Valens, and
their fellows came into the Mareotis, and when they found that none of these things were
true, but it was likely to be discovered that they had framed a false accusation against our
Bishop Athanasius, Theognius and his fellows being themselves his enemies, caused the
relations of Ischyras and certain Arian madmen to say whatever they wished. For none of
the people spoke against the Bishop; but these persons, through fear of Philagrius the Prefect
of Egypt, and by threats and with the support of the Arian madmen, accomplished whatever
they desired. For when we came to disprove the calumny, they would not permit us, but
cast us out, while they admitted whom they pleased to a participation in their schemes, and
concerted matters with them, influencing them by fear of the Prefect Philagrius. Through
his means they prevented us from being present, that we might discover whether those who
were suborned by them were members of the Church or Arian madmen. And you also,
dearly beloved Fathers, know, as you teach us, that the testimony of enemies avails nothing.
That what we say is the truth the handwriting708 of Ischyras testifies, as do also the facts
themselves, because when we were conscious that no such thing as was pretended had taken
place, they took with them Philagrius, that through fear of the sword and by threats they
I, Ingenius Presbyter, pray you health in the Lord, beloved fathers. Theon Presbyter, Ammonas P., Heraclius P., Boccon P., Tryphon P., Peter P., Hierax P., Sarapion P., Marcus P., Ptollarion P., Gaius P., Dioscorus P., Demetrius P., Thyrsus P.
Deacons; Pistus Deacon, Apollos D., Serras D., Pistus D., Polynicus D., Ammonius D., Maurus D., Hephæstus D., Apollos D., Metopas D., Apollos D., Serapas D., Meliphthongus D., Lucius D., Gregoras D.
76. The same to the Controller, and to Philagrius, at that time Prefect of Egypt.
To Flavius Philagrius, and to Flavius Palladius, Ducenary709, Officer of the Palace, and Controller, and to Flavius Antoninus, Commissary of Provisions, and Centenary of my lords the most illustrious Prefects of the sacred Prætorium, these from the Presbyters and Deacons of the Mareotis, a nome of the Catholic Church which is under the most Reverend Bishop Athanasius, we address this testimony by those whose names are underwritten:—
Whereas Theognius, Maris, Macedonius, Theodorus, Ursacius, and Valens, as if sent by all the Bishops who assembled at Tyre, came into our Diocese alleging that they had received orders to investigate certain ecclesiastical affairs, among which they spoke of the breaking of a cup of the Lord, of which information was given them by Ischyras, whom they brought with them, and who says that he is a Presbyter, although he is not,—for he was ordained by the Presbyter Colluthus who pretended to the Episcopate, and was afterwards ordered by a whole Council, by Hosius and the Bishops that were with him, to take the place of a Presbyter, as he was before; and accordingly all that were ordained by Colluthus resumed the same rank which they held before, and so Ischyras himself proved to be a layman,—and the church which he says he has, never was a church at all, but a quite small private house belonging to an orphan boy of the name of Ision;—for this reason we have offered this testimony, adjuring you by Almighty God, and by our Lords Constantine Augustus, and the most illustrious Cæsars his sons, to bring these things to the knowledge of their piety. For neither is he a Presbyter of the Catholic Church nor does he possess a church, nor has a cup ever been broken, but the whole story is false and an invention.
Dated in the Consulship of Julius Constantius the most illustrious Patrician710, brother of the most religious Emperor Constantine Augustus, and of Rufinus Albinus, most illustrious men, on the tenth day of the month Thoth711.
These were the letters of the Presbyters.
77. The following also are the letters and protests of the Bishops who came with us to Tyre, when they became aware of the conspiracy and plot.
To the Bishops assembled at Tyre, most honoured Lords, those of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt with Athanasius send greeting in the Lord.
We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed against us by Eusebius,
Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodorus, Patrophilus, and their fellows is no longer uncertain.
From the very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to the
holding of the enquiry in their presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy only,
much more of many, is able to disturb and injure the hearing of a cause. And you also
yourselves know the enmity which they entertain, not only towards us, but towards all the
orthodox, how that for the sake of the madness of Arius, and his impious doctrine, they
direct their assaults, they form conspiracies against all. And when, being confident in the
truth, we desired to shew the falsehood, which the Meletians had employed against the
Church, Eusebius and his fellows endeavoured by some means or other to interrupt our
representations, and strove eagerly to set aside our testimony, threatening those who gave
an honest judgment, and insulting others, for the sole purpose of carrying out the design
they had against us. Your godly piety, most honoured Lords, was probably ignorant of their
conspiracy, but we suppose that it has now been made manifest. For indeed they have
themselves plainly disclosed it; for they desired to send to the Mareotis those of their party
who are suspected by us, so that, while we were absent and remained here, they might disturb
the people and accomplish what they wished. They knew that the Arian madmen, and Colluthians712
and Meletians, were enemies of the Catholic Church and therefore they were
anxious to send them, that in the presence of our enemies they might devise against us
78. To the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius, from the Bishops of the Catholic Church in Egypt who have come to Tyre.
We suppose that the conspiracy which has been formed against us by Eusebius,
Theognius, Maris, Narcissus, Theodorus, Patrophilus and their fellows, is no longer uncertain.
From the very beginning we all demurred, through our fellow-minister Athanasius, to the
holding of the enquiry in their presence, knowing that the presence of even one enemy only,
I Adamantius Bishop have subscribed this letter, Ischyras, Ammon, Peter, Ammonianus, Tyrannus, Taurinus, Sarapammon, Ælurion, Harpocration, Moses, Optatus, Anubion, Saprion, Apollonius, Ischyrion, Arbæthion, Potamon, Paphnutius, Heraclides, Theodorus, Agathammon, Gaius, Pistus, Athas, Nicon, Pelagius, Theon, Paninuthius, Nonnus, Ariston, Theodorus, Irenæus, Blastammon, Philippus, Apollos, Dioscorus, Timotheus of Diospolis, Macarius, Heraclammon, Cronius, Myis, Jacobus, Ariston, Artemidorus, Phinees, Psais, Heraclides.
Another from the same.
79. The Bishops of the Catholic Church who have come from Egypt to Tyre, to the most illustrious Count Flavius Dionysius.
Perceiving that many conspiracies and plots are being formed against us through the machinations of Eusebius, Narcissus, Flacillus, Theognius, Maris, Theodorus, Patrophilus, and their fellows (against whom we wished at first to enter an objection, but were not permitted), we are constrained to have recourse to the present appeal. We observe also that great zeal is exerted in behalf of the Meletians, and that a plot is laid against the Catholic Church in Egypt in our persons. Wherefore we present this letter to you, beseeching you to bear in mind the Almighty Power of God, who defends the kingdom of our most religious and godly Emperor Constantine, and to reserve the hearing of the affairs which concern us for the most religious Emperor himself. For it is but reasonable, since you were commissioned by his Majesty, that you should reserve the matter for him upon our appealing to his piety. We can no longer endure to be the objects of the treacherous designs of the fore-mentioned Eusebius and his fellows, and therefore we demand that the case be reserved for the most religious and God-beloved Emperor, before whom we shall be able to set forth our own and the Church’s just claims. And we are convinced that when his piety shall have heard our cause, he will not condemn us. Wherefore we again adjure you by Almighty God, and by our most religious Emperor, who, together with the children of his piety, has thus ever been victorious714 and prosperous these many years, that you proceed no further, nor suffer yourselves to move at all in the Council in relation to our affairs, but reserve the hearing of them for his piety. We have likewise made the same representations to my Lords the orthodox Bishops.
80. Alexander715, Bishop of Thessalonica, on receiving these letters, wrote to the Count Dionysius as follows.
The Bishop Alexander to my master Dionysius.
I see that a conspiracy has evidently been formed against Athanasius; for they have determined,
I know not on what grounds, to send all those to whom he has objected, without
giving any information to us, although it was agreed that we should consider together who
ought to be sent. Take care therefore that nothing be done rashly (for they have come to me
in great alarm, saying that the wild beasts have already roused themselves, and are going to
rush upon them; for they had heard it reported, that John had sent certain716), lest they be
beforehand with us, and concoct what schemes they please. For you know that the Colluthians
who are enemies of the Church, and the Arians, and Meletians, are all of them leagued to-
Accordingly the Count Dionysius wrote to Eusebius and his fellows as follows.
81. This is what I have already mentioned to my lords, Flacillus718 and his fellows, that Athanasius has come forward and complained that those very persons have been sent whom he objected to; and crying out that he has been wronged and deceived. Alexander the lord of my soul719 has also written to me on the subject; and that you may perceive that what his Goodness has said is reasonable, I have subjoined his letter to be read by you. Remember also what I wrote to you before: I impressed upon your Goodness, my lords, that the persons who were sent ought to be commissioned by the general vote and decision of all. Take care therefore lest our proceedings fall under censure, and we give just grounds of blame to those who are disposed to find fault with us. For as the accuser’s side ought not to suffer any oppression, so neither ought the defendant’s. And I think that there is no slight ground of blame against us, when my lord Alexander evidently disapproves of what we have done.
82. While matters were proceeding thus we withdrew from them, as from an assembly
of treacherous men720, for whatsoever they pleased they did, whereas there is no man in
the world but knows that ex parte proceedings cannot stand good. This the divine law determines;
for when the blessed Apostle was suffering under a similar conspiracy and was
brought to trial, he demanded, saying, ‘The Jews from Asia ought to have been here before
thee, and object, if they had aught against me721.’ On which occasion Festus also, when the
Jews wished to lay such a plot against him, as these men have now laid against me, said, ‘It
is not the manner of Romans to deliver any man to die, before that he which is accused have
the accuser face to face, and have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid
against him722.’ But Eusebius and his fellows both had the boldness to pervert the law, and
have proved more unjust even than those wrong-doers. For they did not proceed privately
at the first, but when in consequence of our being present they found themselves weak, then
they straightway went out, like the Jews, and took counsel together alone, how they might
83. Although these circumstances were amply sufficient for our vindication, yet in order that the wickedness of these men and the freedom of the truth might be more fully exhibited, I have not felt averse to repeat them again, in order to shew that they have acted in a manner inconsistently with themselves, and as men scheming in the dark have fallen foul of their own friends, and while they desired to destroy us have like insane persons wounded themselves. For in their investigation of the subject of the Mysteries, they questioned Jews, they examined Catechumens723; ‘Where were you,’ they said, ‘when Macarius came and overturned the Table?’ They answered, ‘We were within;’ whereas there could be no oblation if Catechumens were present. Again, although they had written word everywhere, that Macarius came and overthrew everything, while the Presbyter was standing and celebrating the Mysteries, yet when they questioned whomsoever they pleased, and asked them, ‘Where was Ischyras when Macarius rushed in?’ those persons answered that he was lying sick in a cell. Well, then, he that was lying was not standing, nor was he that lay sick in his cell offering the oblation. Besides whereas Ischyras said that certain books had been burnt by Macarius, they who were suborned to give evidence, declared that nothing of the kind had been done, but that Ischyras spoke falsely. And what is most remarkable, although they had again written word everywhere, that those who were able to give evidence had been concealed by us, yet these persons made their appearance, and they questioned them, and were not ashamed when they saw it proved on all sides that they were slanderers, and were acting in this matter clandestinely, and according to their pleasure. For they prompted the witnesses by signs, while the Prefect threatened them, and the soldiers pricked them with their swords; but the Lord revealed the truth, and shewed them to be slanderers. Therefore also they concealed the minutes of their proceedings, which they retained themselves, and charged those who wrote them to put out of sight, and to commit to no one whomsoever. But in this also they were disappointed; for the person who wrote them was Rufus, who is now public executioner in the Augustalian724 prefecture, and is able to testify to the truth of this; and Eusebius and his fellows sent them to Rome by the hands of their own friends, and Julius the Bishop transmitted them to me. And now they are mad, because we obtained and read what they wished to conceal.
84. As such was the character of their machinations, so they very soon shewed plainly
the reasons of their conduct. For when they went away, they took the Arians with them to
The holy Council by the grace of God assembled at Jerusalem, to the Church of God which is in Alexandria, and to the Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons, in all Egypt, the Thebais, Libya, Pentapolis, and throughout the world, sends health in the Lord.
Having come together out of different Provinces to a great meeting which we have held for the consecration of the Martyry726 of the Saviour, which has been appointed to the service of God the King of all and of His Christ, by the zeal of our most God-beloved Emperor Constantine, the grace of God hath afforded us more abundant rejoicing of heart; which our most God-beloved Emperor himself hath occasioned us by his letters, wherein he hath stirred us up to do that which is right, putting away all envy from the Church of God, and driving far from us all malice, by which the members of God have been heretofore torn asunder, and that we should with simple and peaceable minds receive Arius and his fellows, whom envy, that enemy of all goodness, has caused for a season to be excluded from the Church. Our most religious Emperor has also in his letter testified to the correctness of their faith, which he has ascertained from themselves, himself receiving the profession of it from them by word of mouth, and has now made manifest to us by subjoining to his own letters the men’s orthodox opinion in writing.
85. Every one that hears of these things must see through their treachery. For they made no concealment of what they were doing; unless perhaps they confessed the truth without wishing it. For if I was the hindrance to the admittance of Arius and his fellows into the Church, and if they were received while I was suffering from their plots, what other conclusion can be arrived at, than that these things were done on their account, and that all their proceedings against me, and the story which they fabricated about the breaking of the cup and the murder of Arsenius, were for the sole purpose of introducing impiety into the Church, and of preventing their being condemned as heretics? For this was what the Emperor threatened formerly in his letters to me. And they were not ashamed to write in the manner they did, and to affirm that those persons whom the whole Ecumenical Council anathematized held orthodox sentiments. And as they undertook to say and do anything without scruple, so they were not afraid to meet together ‘in a corner,’ in order to overthrow, as far as was in their power, the authority of so great a Council.
Moreover, the price which they paid for false testimony yet more fully manifests their
wickedness and impious intentions. The Mareotis, as I have already said, is a country district
The Letter of the Receiver-General.731
Flavius Hemerius sends health to the Tax-collector of the Mareotis.
Ischyras the Presbyter having petitioned the piety of our Lords, Augusti and Cæsars, that a Church might be built in the district of Irene, belonging to Secontarurus732, their divinity has commanded that this should be done as soon as possible. Take care therefore, as soon as you receive the copy of the sacred Edict, which with all due veneration is placed above, and the Reports which have been formed before my devotion, that you quickly make an abstract of them, and transfer them to the Order book, so that the sacred command may be put in execution.
86. While they were thus plotting and scheming, I went up733 and represented to the Emperor the unjust conduct of Eusebius and his fellows, for he it was who had commanded the Council to be held, and his Count presided at it. When he heard my report, he was greatly moved, and wrote to them as follows.
Constantine, Victor734, Maximus, Augustus, to the Bishops assembled at Tyre.
I know not what the decisions are which you have arrived at in your Council amidst noise and tumult: but somehow the truth seems to have been perverted in consequence of certain confusions and disorders, in that you, through your mutual contentiousness, which you are resolved should prevail, have failed to perceive what is pleasing to God. However, it will rest with Divine Providence to disperse the mischiefs which manifestly are found to arise from this contentious spirit, and to shew plainly to us, whether you, while assembled in that place, have had any regard for the truth, and whether you have made your decisions uninfluenced by either favour or enmity. Wherefore I wish you all to assemble with all speed before my piety in order that you may render in person a true account of your proceedings.
The reason why I have thought good to write thus to you, and why I summon you before
me by letter, you will learn from what I am going to say. As I was entering on a late occasion
our all-happy home of Constantinople, which bears our name (I chanced at the time to be
on horseback), on a sudden the Bishop Athanasius, with certain others whom he had with
him, approached me in the middle of the road, so unexpectedly, as to occasion me much
amazement. God, who knoweth all things, is my witness, that I should have been unable at
first sight even to recognise him, had not some of my attendants, on my naturally inquiring
of them, informed me both who it was, and under what injustice he was suffering. I did not
however enter into any conversation with him at that time, nor grant him an interview; but
when he requested to be heard I was refusing, and all but gave orders for his removal; when
with increasing boldness he claimed only this favour, that you should be summoned to ap-
For indeed through my devotion to God, peace is preserved everywhere, and the Name of God is truly worshipped even by the barbarians, who have hitherto been ignorant of the truth. And it is manifest, that he who is ignorant of the truth, does not know God either. Nevertheless, as I said before, even the barbarians have now come to the knowledge of God, by means of me, His true servant736, and have learned to fear Him Whom they perceive from actual facts to be my shield and protector everywhere. And from this chiefly they have come to know God, Whom they fear through the dread which they have of me. But we, who are supposed to set forth (for I will not say to guard) the holy mysteries of His Goodness, we, I say, engage in nothing but what tends to dissension and hatred, and, in short, whatever contributes to the destruction of mankind. But hasten, as I said before, and all of you with all speed come to us, being persuaded that I shall endeavour with all my might to amend what is amiss, so that those things specially may be preserved and firmly established in the law of God, to which no blame nor dishonour may attach; while the enemies of the law, who under pretence of His holy Name bring in manifold and divers blasphemies, shall be scattered abroad, and entirely crushed, and utterly destroyed.
87. When Eusebius and his fellows read this letter, being conscious of what they had
done, they prevented the rest of the Bishops from going up, and only themselves went, viz.
Eusebius, Theognius, Patrophilus, the other Eusebius, Ursacius, and Valens. And they no
longer said anything about the cup and Arsenius (for they had not the boldness to do so),
but inventing another accusation which concerned the Emperor himself, they declared before
him, that Athanasius had threatened that he would cause the corn to be withheld which was
sent from Alexandria to his own home737. The Bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Agathammon,
Arbethion, and Peter, were present and heard this. It was proved also by the anger of the
Emperor; for although he had written the preceding letter, and had condemned their injustice,
as soon as he heard such a charge as this, he was immediately incensed, and instead of
Constantine Cæsar, to the people of the Catholic Church of the city of Alexandria.
I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your pious minds, that Athanasius, the interpreter of the adorable Law, was sent away into Gaul for a time, with the intent that, as the savageness of his bloodthirsty and inveterate enemies persecuted him to the hazard of his sacred life, he might thus escape suffering some irremediable calamity, through the perverse dealing of those evil men. In order therefore to escape this, he was snatched out of the jaws of his assailants, and was ordered to pass some time under my government, and so was supplied abundantly with all necessaries in this city, where he lived, although indeed his celebrated virtue, relying entirely on divine assistance, sets at nought the sufferings of adverse fortune. Now seeing that it was the fixed intention of our master Constantine Augustus, my Father, to restore the said Bishop to his own place, and to your most beloved piety, but he was taken away by that fate which is common to all men, and went to his rest before he could accomplish his wish; I have thought proper to fulfil that intention of the Emperor of sacred memory which I have inherited from him. When he comes to present himself before you, you will learn with what reverence he has been treated. Indeed it is not wonderful, whatever I have done on his behalf; for the thoughts of your longing desire for him, and the appearance of so great a man, moved my soul, and urged me thereto. May Divine Providence continually preserve you, beloved brethren.
Dated from Treveri the 15th before the Calends of July739.
88. This being the reason why I was sent away into Gaul, who, I ask again, does not
plainly perceive the intention of the Emperor, and the murderous spirit of Eusebius and his
fellows, and that the Emperor had done this in order to prevent their forming some more
desperate scheme? for he listened to them in simplicity740. Such were the practices of Eusebius
and his fellows, and such their machinations against me. Who that has witnessed them
will deny that nothing has been done in my favour out of partiality, but that that great
number of Bishops both individually and collectively wrote as they did in my behalf and
condemned the falsehood of my enemies justly, and in accordance with the truth? Who that
has observed such proceedings as these will deny that Valens and Ursacius had good reason
to condemn themselves, and to write741 as they did, to accuse themselves when they repented,
89. Wherefore also my blessed fellow-ministers, acting justly and according to the laws of the Church, while certain affirmed that my case was doubtful, and endeavoured to compel them to annul the sentence which was passed in my favour, have now endured all manner of sufferings, and have chosen rather to be banished than to see the judgment of so many Bishops reversed. Now if those genuine Bishops had withstood by words only those who plotted against me, and wished to undo all that had been done in my behalf; or if they had been ordinary men, and not the Bishops of illustrious cities, and the heads of great Churches, there would have been room to suspect that in this instance they too had acted contentiously and in order to gratify me. But when they not only endeavoured to convince by argument, but also endured banishment, and one of them is Liberius, Bishop of Rome, (for although he did not endure743 to the end the sufferings of banishment, yet he remained in his exile for two years, being aware of conspiracy formed against us), and since there is also the great Hosius, together with the Bishops of Italy, and of Gaul, and others from Spain, and from Egypt, and Libya, and all those from Pentapolis (for although for a little while, through fear of the threats of Constantius, he seemed not to resist them744 yet the great violence and tyrannical power exercised by Constantius, and the many insults and stripes inflicted upon him, proved that it was not because he gave up my cause, but through the weakness of old age, being unable to bear the stripes, that he yielded to them for a season), therefore I say, it is altogether right that all, as being fully convinced, should hate and abominate the injustice and the violence which they have used towards me; especially as it is well known that I have suffered these things on account of nothing else but the Arian impiety.
90. Now if anyone wishes to become acquainted with my case, and the falsehood of
Eusebius and his fellows, let him read what has been written in my behalf, and let him hear
the witnesses, not one, or two, or three, but that great number of Bishops; and again let him
attend to the witnesses of these proceedings, Liberius and Hosius, and their fellows, who
when they saw the attempts made against us, chose rather to endure all manner of sufferings
than to give up the truth, and the judgment which had been pronounced in our favour. And
List of Bishops Present at Sardica.
The materials for an authentic list are (1) the names given by Athanasius, Apol. c. Ar. 50, previous to the lists of bishops from various provinces who signed the letter of the council when in circulation. These names, given with no specification of their sees, are 77 in number. (2) The list of signatures to the letter of the council to Julius, given by Hilary, Fragm. ii., 59 in number. The signatures to the letters discovered by Maffei and printed in Migne, Patr. Gr. xxvi. 1331, sqq. Of these, 26 sign (3) the council’s letter to the Mareotic Churches, and 61, in part the same, sign (4) the letter of Athanasius to the same (Letter 46 in this volume). These signatures comprise 30 names not given by Hilary, while those in (1) add six which are absent from (2) and (3) alike. This raises the total to 95. We add (5) Gratus of Carthage, present according to the Greek text of the Canons, although he afterward signed the letter in a local council of his own, like Maximin of Treveri, Verissimus of Lyons, and Arius of Palestine, who are therefore given by Athanasius in his second list (the former two being omitted from the first): also Euphrates of Cologne, who was sent by Constans to Antioch with the council’s decisions (Prolegg. ch. ii. §6), and was therefore most likely present at the council itself. We thus get 97 in all.
This total is confirmed if we subtract from the ‘170 more or less’ of Hist. Arian. 15 the
76 seceders to Philippopolis (Sabinus in Socr. ii. 16), 73 of whom sign their letter, given by
Hilary. This leaves 94 ‘more or less,’ so that the list now to be given, in elucidation of that
of Athanasius, has strong claims to rank as approximately correct. The numbers after the
names refer to the sources (1, 2, 3, 4, 5) specified above. 1. Adolius (1), See unknown; 2.
Aetius (1, 3), Thessalonica in Macedonia; 3. Alexander (1, 4), Cypara (i.e. Cyparissus?) in
Achaia; 4. Alexander (2), Montemnae (?) in Achaia; 5. Alexander (1, 2, 3), Larissa in Thessaly;
6. Alypius (1, 2, 3), Megara in Achaia; 7. Amantius (1, 4), Viminacium, by deputy; 8. Ammonius
(4), See unknown; 9. Anianus (1, 2, 4), Casiulo in Spain; 10. Antigonus (1, 4), Pella,
or Pallene in Macedonia; 11. Appianus (4), See unknown; 12. Aprianus (1, 4), Peiabio
(Petovio) in Pannonia; 13. Aprianus (4), See unknown; 14. Arius (1, 2, 3), of Palestine, See
unknown (see note on Hist. Ar. 18); 15. Asclepas (1, 2, 4), Gasa; 16. Asterius (1, 2, 3), [Petra
in] Arabia; 17. Athanasius (1, 2, 3, 4), Alexandria; 18. Athenodorus (1, 2, 3, 4), Platæa in
Achaia; 19. Bassus (1, 2, 3), Diocletianapolis “in Macedonia” (really in Thrace); 20. Calepodius
(1, 2, 3), of Campania (? Naples); 21. Calvus (2, 4), Castrum Martis in Dacia Ripensis;
22. Caloes or ‘Chalbis’ (1, 4), See unknown; 23. Castus (1, 2, 4), Saragossa in Spain; 24. Cocras
(2), Asapofebiae in Achaia (= Asopus), perhaps the ‘Socrates’ of (1); 25. Cydonius (4), Cydon
in Crete; 26. Diodorus (1, 2, 4), Tenedos; 27. Dionysius (1, 2, 3), Elida (Elis?) in Achaia; 28.
Dioscorus (1, 2, 3), Thrace, See unknown; 29. Dometius (or Domitianus) (1, 4), Acaria
Constantias (possibly Castra Constantia = Coutances); 30. Domitianus (1, 2, 3), Asturica in
The names, both of bishops and of sees, have suffered much in transcription, and the
above list is the result of comparing the divergent errors of the various lists. The details of
the latter will be found in the originals, and in the discussion of the Ballerini, on whose work
(in Leonis M. Opp. vol. iii. pp. xlii. sqq.) our list is founded. In some cases the names of the
see are clearly corrupt beyond all recognition. The signatures appended to the canons in
??
This letter must have been written in the interval between the return of Athanasius in 346 and his flight in 356. Acacius was already (§3) Bishop of Cæsarea 339; Eusebius of Nicomedia is not referred to as though still living (he died 342). Moreover the language of §2 (“for in no long time they will turn to outrage,” U+0026c.) implies a period of actual peace, but with a prospect of the repetition of the scenes of the year 339. This actually occurred in 356. Accordingly we must probably place the tract under the sole reign of Constantius, between 351 and the end of 355.
It is written in answer to a friend who in disputing with Arians had been posed by their objection to the use of non-scriptural terms in the Nicene Definition. He accordingly asks for some account of what the council had done.
Athanasius begins his answer by stigmatising the evasions and inconsistency of the Arianisers, and describing their conduct at the council, and how they eventually subscribed to the terms now complained of (1–5). He then investigates the meaning of the divine Sonship (6–14), and how its true meaning is brought out by the other titles of the Son (15–17). Coming to the non-scriptural expressions he shews how they were forced upon the council by the evasions of the Arians (18–20), and that they express no sense not to be found in Scripture (21–24). Moreover, they had already been in use in the Church, as is shewn by extracts from Theognostus, the two Dionysii, and Origen (25–27). Lastly (28–32) he discusses the term ἀγένητος, applied by the Arians (especially Asterius) to the Father, in contrast, not to the creation, but to the Son, who is thereby implied to be γένητος. He insists on ‘Father’ not ‘ἀγένητος’ as the divine title authorised by Scripture. Lastly he appends, in proof of what he states in §3, the letter of Eusebius to the people of Cæsarea, containing the creed of the council, which, for reasons there stated, we have inserted above, pp. 73–76.
The interest of the letter is principally threefold; first on account of its notice of the proceedings at Nicæa (cf. ad Afr. 5), one of the few primary sources of our knowledge of what took place there: secondly, on account of its fragments of early writers, especially the Dionysii, of whom more will be said in the introduction to the next tract. With regard to Theognostus, the quotations in this tract and in Serap. iv. 9 are important in view of the somewhat damaging accounts of his teaching in the few other writers (Gregory of Nyssa, Photius) who mention him.
Thirdly, the term ἀγένητος demands attention. It is impossible to give its exact force
in idiomatic English: the rendering ‘Ingenerate’ adopted by Newman is perhaps the most
unfortunate one imaginable. ‘Uncreated,’ a possible substitute, is also open to objection,
1. Thou hast done well, in signifying to me the discussion thou hast had with the advocates
of Arianism, among whom were certain of the friends of Eusebius, as well as very many
of the brethren who hold the doctrine of the Church. I hailed thy vigilance for the love of
Christ, which excellently exposed the irreligion746 of their heresy; while I marvelled at the
effrontery which led the Arians, after all the past detection of unsoundness and futility in
their arguments, nay, after the general conviction of their extreme perverseness, still to
complain like the Jews, “Why did the Fathers at Nicæa use terms not in Scripture747, ‘Of
the essence’ and ‘One in essence?’” Thou then, as a man of learning, in spite of their subterfuges,
didst convict them of talking to no purpose; and they in devising them were but acting
suitably to their own evil disposition. For they are as variable and fickle in their sentiments,
as chameleons in their colours748; and when exposed they look confused, and when questioned
they hesitate, and then they lose shame, and betake themselves to evasions. And then,
when detected in these, they do not rest till they invent fresh matters which are not, and,
Now such endeavours750 are nothing else than an obvious token of their defect of
reason751, and a copying, as I have said, of Jewish malignity. For the Jews too, when convicted
by the Truth, and unable to confront it, used evasions, such as, ‘What sign doest Thou, that
we may see and believe Thee? What dost Thou work752? though so many signs were given,
that they said themselves, ‘What do we? for this man doeth many miracles753.’ In truth,
dead men were raised, lame walked, blind saw afresh, lepers were cleansed, and the water
became wine, and five loaves satisfied five thousand, and all wondered and worshipped the
Lord, confessing that in Him were fulfilled the prophecies, and that He was God the Son of
God; all but the Pharisees, who, though the signs shone brighter than the sun, yet complained
still, as ignorant men, ‘Why dost Thou, being a man, make Thyself God754?’ Insensate, and
verily blind in understanding! they ought contrariwise to have said, “Why hast Thou, being
God, become man?” for His works proved Him God, that they might both worship the
goodness of the Father, and admire the Son’s Economy for our sakes. However, this they
did not say; no, nor liked to witness what He was doing; or they witnessed indeed, for this
they could not help, but they changed their ground of complaint again, “Why healest Thou
the paralytic, why makest Thou the born-blind to see, on the sabbath day?” But this too was
an excuse, and mere murmuring; for on other days as well did the Lord heal ‘all manner of
sickness, and all manner of disease755,’ but they complained still according to their wont,
and by calling Him Beelzebub, preferred the suspicion of Atheism756, to a recantation of
2. As then the Jews of that day, for acting thus wickedly and denying the Lord, were
with justice deprived of their laws and of the promise made to their fathers, so the Arians,
Judaizing now, are, in my judgment, in circumstances like those of Caiaphas and the contemporary
Pharisees. For, perceiving that their heresy is utterly unreasonable, they invent
excuses, “Why was this defined, and not that?” Yet wonder not if now they practise thus;
for in no long time they will turn to outrage, and next will threaten ‘the band and the captain758.’
Forsooth in these their heterodoxy has its support, as we see; for denying the Word
And do thou, beloved, consider whether it be not so. If, the devil having sowed their hearts with this perverseness760, they feel confidence in their bad inventions, let them defend themselves against the proofs of heresy which have been advanced, and then will be the time to find fault, if they can, with the definition framed against them761. For no one, on being convicted of murder or adultery, is at liberty after the trial to arraign the sentence of the judge, why he spoke in this way and not in that762. For this does not exculpate the convict, but rather increases his crime on the score of petulance and audacity. In like manner, let these either prove that their sentiments are religious (for they were then accused and convicted, and their complaints are subsequent, and it is just that those who are under a charge should confine themselves to their own defence), or if they have an unclean conscience, and are aware of their own irreligion, let them not complain of what they do not understand, or they will bring on themselves a double imputation, of irreligion and of ignorance. Rather let them investigate the matter in a docile spirit, and learning what hitherto they have not known, cleanse their irreligious ears with the spring of truth and the doctrines of religion763.
3. Now it happened to Eusebius and his fellows in the Nicene Council as follows:—while they stood out in their irreligion, and attempted their fight against God764, the terms they used were replete with irreligion; but the assembled Bishops who were three hundred more or less, mildly and charitably required of them to explain and defend themselves on religious grounds. Scarcely, however, did they begin to speak, when they were condemned765, and one differed from another; then perceiving the straits in which their heresy lay, they remained dumb, and by their silence confessed the disgrace which came upon their heterodoxy. On this the Bishops, having negatived the terms they had invented, published against them the sound and ecclesiastical faith; and, as all subscribed it, Eusebius and his fellows subscribed it also in those very words, of which they are now complaining, I mean, “of the essence” and “one in essence,” and that “the Son of God is neither creature or work, nor in the number of things originated766, but that the Word is an offspring from the substance of the Father.” And what is strange indeed, Eusebius of Cæsarea in Palestine, who had denied the day before, but afterwards subscribed, sent to his Church a letter, saying that this was the Church’s faith, and the tradition of the Fathers; and made a public profession that they were before in error, and were rashly contending against the truth. For though he was ashamed at that time to adopt these phrases, and excused himself to the Church in his own way, yet he certainly means to imply all this in his Epistle, by his not denying the “one in essence,” and “of the essence.” And in this way he got into a difficulty; for while he was excusing himself, he went on to attack the Arians, as stating that “the Son was not before His generation,” and as thereby rejecting His existence before His birth in the flesh. And this Acacius is aware of also, though he too through fear may pretend otherwise because of the times and deny the fact. Accordingly I have subjoined at the end the letter of Eusebius, that thou mayest know from it the disrespect towards their own doctors shewn by Christ’s enemies, and singularly by Acacius himself767.
4. Are they not then committing a crime, in their very thought to gainsay so great and ecumenical a Council? are they not in transgression, when they dare to confront that good definition against Arianism, acknowledged, as it is, by those who had in the first instance taught them irreligion? And supposing, even after subscription, Eusebius and his fellows did change again, and return like dogs to their own vomit of irreligion, do not the present gain-sayers deserve still greater detestation, because they thus sacrifice768 their souls’ liberty to others; and are willing to take these persons as masters of their heresy, who are, as James769 has said, double-minded men, and unstable in all their ways, not having one opinion, but changing to and fro, and now recommending certain statements, but soon dishonouring them, and in turn recommending what just now they were blaming? But this, as the Shepherd has said, is “the child of the devil770,” and the note of hucksters rather than of doctors. For, what our Fathers have delivered, this is truly doctrine; and this is truly the token of doctors, to confess the same thing with each other, and to vary neither from themselves nor from their fathers; whereas they who have not this character are to be called not true doctors but evil. Thus the Greeks, as not witnessing to the same doctrines, but quarrelling one with another, have no truth of teaching; but the holy and veritable heralds of the truth agree together, and do not differ. For though they lived in different times, yet they one and all tend the same way, being prophets of the one God, and preaching the same Word harmoniously771.
5. And thus what Moses taught, that Abraham observed; and what Abraham observed,
that Noah and Enoch acknowledged, discriminating pure from impure, and becoming acceptable
to God. For Abel too in this way witnessed, knowing what he had learned from
Adam, who himself had learned from that Lord, who said, when He came at the end of the
ages for the abolishment of sin, “I give no new commandment unto you, but an old commandment,
which ye have heard from the beginning772.” Wherefore also the blessed Apostle
Paul, who had learned it from Him, when describing ecclesiastical functions, forbade that
deacons, not to say bishops, should be double-tongued773; and in his rebuke of the Galatians,
he made a broad declaration, “If anyone preach any other Gospel unto you than that ye
have received, let him be anathema, as I have said, so say I again. If even we, or an Angel
from heaven should preach unto you any other Gospel than that ye have received, let him
6. They say then what the others held and dared to maintain before them; “Not always Father, not always Son; for the Son was not before His generation, but, as others, came to be from nothing; and in consequence God was not always Father of the Son; but, when the Son came to be and was created, then was God called His Father. For the Word is a creature and a work, and foreign and unlike the Father in essence; and the Son is neither by nature the Father’s true Word, nor His only and true Wisdom; but being a creature and one of the works, He is improperly776 called Word and Wisdom; for by the Word which is in God was He made, as were all things. Wherefore the Son is not true God777.”
Now it may serve to make them understand what they are saying, to ask them first this,
what in fact a son is, and of what is that name significant778. In truth, Divine Scripture acquaints
us with a double sense of this word:—one which Moses sets before us in the Law,
If in the first, which belongs to those who gain the name by grace from moral improvement, and receive power to become sons of God (for this is what their predecessors said), then He would seem to differ from us in nothing; no, nor would He be Only-begotten, as having obtained the title of Son as others from His virtue. For granting what they say, that, whereas His qualifications were fore-known781, He therefore received grace from the first, the name, and the glory of the name, from His very first beginning, still there will be no difference between Him and those who receive the name after their actions, so long as this is the ground on which He as others has the character of son. For Adam too, though he received grace from the first, and upon his creation was at once placed in paradise, differed in no respect either from Enoch, who was translated thither after some time from his birth on his pleasing God, or from the Apostle, who likewise was caught up to Paradise after his actions; nay, not from him who once was a thief, who on the ground of his confession, received a promise that he should be forthwith in paradise.
7. When thus pressed, they will perhaps make an answer which has brought them into
trouble many times already; “We consider that the Son has this prerogative over others, and
therefore is called Only-begotten, because He alone was brought to be by God alone, and
all other things were created by God through the Son782.” Now I wonder who it was783 that
suggested to you so futile and novel an idea as that the Father alone wrought with His own
hand the Son alone, and that all other things were brought to be by the Son as by an underworker.
If for the toil’s sake God was content with making the Son only, instead of making
8. But let us suppose that the other creatures could not endure to be wrought by the
absolute Hand of the Unoriginate792 and therefore the Son alone was brought into being
by the Father alone, and other things by the Son as an underworker and assistant, for this
is what Asterius the sacrificer793 has written, and Arius has transcribed794 and bequeathed
These irreligious men then having so little mind amid their madness, let us see whether this particular sophism be not even more irrational than the others. Adam was created alone by God alone through the Word; yet no one would say that Adam had any prerogative over other men, or was different from those who came after him, granting that he alone was made and fashioned by God alone, and we all spring from Adam, and consist according to succession of the race, so long as he was fashioned from the earth as others, and at first not being, afterwards came to be.
9. But though we were to allow some prerogative to the Protoplast as having been deemed
worthy of the hand of God, still it must be one of honour not of nature. For he came of the
earth, as other men; and the hand which then fashioned Adam, is also both now and ever
fashioning and giving entire consistence to those who come after him. And God Himself
declares this to Jeremiah, as I said before; ‘Before I formed thee in the womb, I knew thee796;’
and so He says of all, ‘All those things hath My hand made797;’ and again by Isaiah, ‘Thus
saith the Lord, thy redeemer, and He that formed thee from the womb, I am the Lord that
maketh all things; that stretcheth forth the heavens alone; that spreadeth abroad the earth
by Myself798.’ And David, knowing this, says in the Psalm, ‘Thy hands have made me and
“Yes,” they will say, “we have another;” (which indeed I formerly heard Eusebius and his fellows use), “on this score do we consider that the Son of God has a prerogative over others, and is called Only-begotten, because He alone partakes the Father, and all other things partake the Son.” Thus they weary themselves in changing and in varying their phrases like colours803; however, this shall not save them from an exposure, as men that are of the earth, speaking vainly, and wallowing in their own conceits as in mire.
10. For if He were called God’s Son, and we the Son’s sons, their fiction were plausible;
but if we too are said to be sons of that God, of whom He is Son, then we too partake the
Father804, who says, ‘I have begotten and exalted children805.’ For if we did not partake
But to persist in such teaching does not consist with piety809, for it is rather the tone of
thought of Sadducees and the Samosatene810; it remains then to say that the Son of God is
so called according to the other sense, in which Isaac was son of Abraham; for what is naturally
begotten from any one and does not accrue to him from without, that in the nature
of things is a son, and that is what the name implies811. Is then the Son’s generation one of
human affection? (for this perhaps, as their predecessors812, they too will be ready to object
11. For God creates, and to create is also ascribed to men; and God has being, and men
are said to be, having received from God this gift also. Yet does God create as men do? or
is His being as man’s being? Perish the thought; we understand the terms in one sense of
God, and in another of men. For God creates, in that He calls what is not into being, needing
nothing thereunto; but men work some existing material, first praying, and so gaining the
wit to make, from that God who has framed all things by His proper Word. And again men,
being incapable of self-existence, are enclosed in place, and consist in the Word of God; but
God is self-existent, enclosing all things, and enclosed by none; within all according to His
own goodness and power, yet without all in His proper nature815. As then men create not
as God creates, as their being is not such as God’s being, so men’s generation is in one way,
12. The case being thus, let who will among them consider the matter, so that one may
abash them by the following question; Is it right to say that what is God’s offspring and
proper to Him is out of nothing? or is it reasonable in the very idea, that what is from God
has accrued to Him, that a man should dare to say that the Son is not always? For in this
again the generation of the Son exceeds and transcends the thoughts of man, that we become
fathers of our own children in time, since we ourselves first were not and then came into
being; but God, in that He ever is, is ever Father of the Son821. And the origination of
mankind is brought home to us from things that are parallel; but, since ‘no one knoweth
the Son but the Father, and no one knoweth the Father but the Son, and he to whomsoever
the Son will reveal Him822,’ therefore the sacred writers to whom the Son has revealed Him,
have given us a certain image from things visible, saying, ‘Who is the brightness of His glory,
and the Expression of His Person823;’ and again, ‘For with Thee is the well of life, and in
Thy light shall we see light824;’ and when the Word chides Israel, He says, ‘Thou hast forsaken
the Fountain of wisdom825;’ and this Fountain it is which says, ‘They have forsaken Me the
Fountain of living waters826.’ And mean indeed and very dim is the illustration827 compared
with what we desiderate; but yet it is possible from it to understand something above man’s
nature, instead of thinking the Son’s generation to be on a level with ours. For who can even
imagine that the radiance of light ever was not, so that he should dare to say that the Son
was not always, or that the Son was not before His generation? or who is capable of separating
13. Therefore let them tell us, from what teacher or by what tradition they derived these
notions concerning the Saviour? “We have read,” they will say, “in the Proverbs, ‘The Lord
created me a beginning of His ways unto His works830;’” this Eusebius and his fellows used
to insist on831, and you write me word, that the present men also, though overthrown and
confuted by an abundance of arguments, still were putting about in every quarter this passage,
and saying that the Son was one of the creatures, and reckoning Him with things originated.
But they seem to me to have a wrong understanding of this passage also; for it has a religious
and very orthodox sense, which had they understood, they would not have blasphemed the
Lord of glory. For on comparing what has been above stated with this passage, they will find
a great difference between them832. For what man of right understanding does not perceive,
that what are created and made are external to the maker; but the Son, as the foregoing argument
has shewn, exists not externally, but from the Father who begat Him? for man too
both builds a house and begets a son, and no one would reverse things, and say that the
house or the ship were begotten by the builder833, but the son was created and made by
him; nor again that the house was an image of the maker, but the son unlike him who begat
him; but rather he will confess that the son is an image of the father, but the house a work
of art, unless his mind be disordered, and he beside himself. Plainly, divine Scripture, which
knows better than any the nature of everything, says through Moses, of the creatures, ‘In
the beginning God created the heaven and the earth834;’ but of the Son it introduces not
another, but the Father Himself saying, ‘I have begotten Thee from the womb before the
14. ‘Has then the passage no meaning?’ for this, like a swarm of gnats, they are droning
about us840. No surely, it is not without meaning, but has a very apposite one; for it is true
to say that the Son was created too, but this took place when He became man; for creation
belongs to man. And any one may find this sense duly given in the divine oracles, who, instead
of accounting their study a secondary matter, investigates the time and characters841,
and the object, and thus studies and ponders what he reads. Now as to the season spoken
of, he will find for certain that, whereas the Lord always is, at length in fulness of the ages
He became man; and whereas He is Son of God, He became Son of man also. And as to the
object he will understand, that, wishing to annul our death, He took on Himself a body from
the Virgin Mary; that by offering this unto the Father a sacrifice for all, He might deliver us
all, who by fear of death were all our life through subject to bondage842. And as to the
character, it is indeed the Saviour’s, but is said of Him when He took a body and said, ‘The
Lord created me a beginning of His ways unto His works843.’ For as it properly belongs to
God’s Son to be everlasting. and in the Father’s bosom, so on His becoming man, the words
befitted Him, ‘The Lord created me.’ For then it is said of Him, as also that He hungered,
and thirsted, and asked where Lazarus lay, and suffered, and rose again844. And as, when
15. This then is quite enough to expose the infamy of the Arian heresy; for, as the Lord
has granted, out of their own words is irreligion brought home to them848. But come now
and let us on our part act on the offensive, and call on them for an answer; for now is fair
time, when their own ground has failed them, to question them on ours; perhaps it may
abash the perverse, and disclose to them whence they have fallen. We have learned from
divine Scripture, that the Son of God, as was said above, is the very Word and Wisdom of
the Father. For the Apostle says, ‘Christ the power of God and the Wisdom of God849;’ and
John after saying, ‘And the Word was made flesh,’ at once adds, ‘And we saw His glory, the
glory as of the Only-begotten of the Father, full of grace and truth850,’ so that, the Word
being the Only-begotten Son, in this Word and in Wisdom heaven and earth and all that is
therein were made. And of this Wisdom that God is Fountain we have learned from851
Baruch, by Israel’s being charged with having forsaken the Fountain of Wisdom. If then
they deny Scripture, they are at once aliens to their name, and may fitly be called of all men
atheists852, and Christ’s enemies, for they have brought upon themselves these names. But
if they agree with us that the sayings of Scripture are divinely inspired, let them dare to say
openly what they think in secret that God was once wordless and wisdomless853; and let
16. How full of irreligion this is, I consider none can doubt who has ever so little understanding.
But since they mutter something about Word and Wisdom being only names of
the Son857, we must ask then, If these are only names of the Son, He must be something
else beside them. And if He is higher than the names, it is not lawful from the lesser to denote
the higher; but if He be less than the names, yet He surely must have in Him the principle
of this more honourable appellation; and this implies his advance, which is an irreligion
equal to anything that has gone before. For He who is in the Father, and in whom also the
Father is, who says, ‘I and the Father are one858,’ whom he that hath seen, hath seen the
Father, to say that He has been exalted859 by anything external, is the extreme of madness.
However, when they are beaten hence, and like Eusebius and his fellows, are in these great
straits, then they have this remaining plea, which Arius too in ballads, and in his own
Thalia860, fabled, as a new difficulty: ‘Many words speaketh God; which then of these are
17. O that they would consent to confess the truth from this their own statement! for if
they once grant that God produces words, they plainly know Him to be a Father; and acknowledging
this, let them consider that, while they are loth to ascribe one Word to God,
they are imagining that He is Father of many; and while they are loth to say that there is no
Word of God at all, yet they do not confess that He is the Son of God,—which is ignorance
of the truth, and inexperience in divine Scripture. For if God is Father of a word at all,
wherefore is not He that is begotten a Son? And again, who should be Son of God, but His
Word? For there are not many words, or each would be imperfect, but one is the Word, that
He only may be perfect, and because, God being one, His Image too must be one, which is
the Son. For the Son of God, as may be learnt from the divine oracles themselves, is Himself
the Word of God, and the Wisdom, and the Image, and the Hand, and the Power; for God’s
18. Now Eusebius and his fellows were at the former period examined at great length,
and convicted themselves, as I said before; on this they subscribed; and after this change of
mind they kept in quiet and retirement874; but since the present party, in the fresh arrogance
of irreligion, and in dizziness about the truth, are full set upon accusing the Council, let
them tell us what are the sort of Scriptures from which they have learned, or who is the
Saint875 by whom they have been taught, that they have heaped together the phrases, ‘out
of nothing876,’ and ‘He was not before His generation,’ and ‘once He was not,’ and ‘alterable,’
and ‘pre-existence,’ and ‘at the will;’ which are their fables in mockery of the Lord. For the
blessed Paul in his Epistle to the Hebrews says, ‘By faith we understand that the ages were
framed by the Word of God, so that that which is seen was not made of things which do
appear877.’ But nothing is common to the Word with the ages878; for He it is who is in ex-
Why then, when they have invented on their part unscriptural phrases, for the purposes of irreligion, do they accuse those who are religious in their use of them881? For irreligiousness is utterly forbidden, though it be attempted to disguise it with artful expressions and plausible sophisms; but religiousness is confessed by all to be lawful, even though presented in strange phrases882, provided only they are used with a religious view, and a wish to make them the expression of religious thoughts. Now the aforesaid grovelling phrases of Christ’s enemies have been shewn in these remarks to be both formerly and now replete with irreligion; whereas the definition of the Council against them, if accurately examined, will be found to be altogether a representation of the truth, and especially if diligent attention be paid to the occasion which gave rise to these expressions, which was reasonable, and was as follows:—
19. The Council883 wishing to do away with the irreligious phrases of the Arians, and
to use instead the acknowledged words of the Scriptures, that the Son is not from nothing
20. Again, when the Bishops said that the Word must be described as the True Power
and Image of the Father, in all things exact891 and like the Father, and as unalterable, and
as always, and as in Him without division (for never was the Word not, but He was always,
existing everlastingly with the Father, as the radiance of light), Eusebius and his fellows endured
indeed, as not daring to contradict, being put to shame by the arguments which were
21. Therefore if they, as the others, make an excuse that the terms are strange, let them
consider the sense in which the Council so wrote, and anathematize what the Council anathematized;
and then if they can, let them find fault with the expressions. But I well know
that, if they hold the sense of the Council, they will fully accept the terms in which it is
22. If then any man conceives God to be compound, as accident912 is in essence, or to
have any external envelopement913, and to be encompassed, or as if there is aught about
Him which completes the essence, so that when we say ‘God,’ or name ‘Father,’ we do not
signify the invisible and incomprehensible essence, but something about it, then let them
complain of the Council’s stating that the Son was from the essence of God; but let them
reflect, that in thus considering they utter two blasphemies; for they make God corporeal,
and they falsely say that the Lord is not Son of the very Father, but of what is about Him.
But if God be simple, as He is, it follows that in saying ‘God’ and naming ‘Father,’ we name
nothing as if about Him, but signify his essence itself. For though to comprehend what the
essence of God is be impossible, yet if we only understand that God is, and if Scripture indicates
Him by means of these titles, we, with the intention of indicating Him and none
else, call Him God and Father and Lord. When then He says, ‘I am that I am,’ and ‘I am the
Lord God914,’ or when Scripture says, ‘God,’ we understand nothing else by it but the intim-
23. Again, the illustration of the Light and the Radiance has this meaning. For the Saints
have not said that the Word was related to God as fire kindled from the heat of the sun,
which is commonly put out again, for this is an external work and a creature of its author,
but they all preach of Him as Radiance916, thereby to signify His being from the essence,
proper and indivisible, and His oneness with the Father. This also will secure His true unchangableness
and immutability; for how can these be His, unless He be proper Offspring
of the Father’s essence? for this too must be taken to confirm His identity with His own
Father. Our explanation then having so religious an aspect, Christ’s enemies should not be
startled at the ‘One in essence,’ either, since this term also has a sound sense and good
reasons. Indeed, if we say that the Word is from the essence of God (for after what has been
24. Further, let every corporeal reference be banished on this subject; and transcending
every imagination of sense, let us, with pure understanding and with mind alone, apprehend
the genuine relation of son to father, and the Word’s proper relation towards God, and the
unvarying likeness of the radiance towards the light: for as the words ‘Offspring’ and ‘Son’
bear, and are meant to bear, no human sense, but one suitable to God, in like manner when
we hear the phrase ‘one in essence,’ let us not fall upon human senses, and imagine partitions
and divisions of the Godhead, but as having our thoughts directed to things immaterial, let
us preserve undivided the oneness of nature and the identity of light; for this is proper to a
son as regards a father, and in this is shewn that God is truly Father of the Word. Here again,
the illustration of light and its radiance is in point919. Who will presume to say that the radiance
is unlike and foreign to the sun? rather who, thus considering the radiance relatively
to the sun, and the identity of the light, would not say with confidence, ‘Truly the light and
the radiance are one, and the one is manifested in the other, and the radiance is in the sun,
so that whoso sees this, sees that also?’ but such a oneness and natural property, what should
it be named by those who believe and see aright, but Offspring one in essence? and God’s
Offspring what should we fittingly and suitably consider, but Word, and Wisdom, and
Power? which it were a sin to say was foreign to the Father, or a crime even to imagine as
other than with Him everlastingly. For by this Offspring the Father made all things, and
extended His Providence unto all things; by Him He exercises His love to man, and thus
25. This then is the sense in which they who met at Nicæa made use of these expressions. But next that they did not invent them for themselves (since this is one of their excuses), but spoke what they had received from their predecessors, proceed we to prove this also, to cut off even this excuse from them. Know then, O Arians, foes of Christ, that Theognostus922, a learned man, did not decline the phrase ‘of the essence,’ for in the second book of his Hypotyposes, he writes thus of the Son:—
“The essence of the Son is not one procured from without, nor accruing out of nothing923, but it sprang from the Father’s essence, as the radiance of light, as the vapour924 of water; for neither the radiance, nor the vapour, is the water itself or the sun itself, nor is it alien; but it is an effluence of the Father’s essence, which, however, suffers no partition. For as the sun remains the same, and is not impaired by the rays poured forth by it, so neither does the Father’s essence suffer change, though it has the Son as an Image of Itself925.”
Theognostus then, after previously investigating in the way of an exercise926, proceeds to lay down his sentiments in the foregoing words. Next, Dionysius, who was Bishop of Alexandria, upon his writing against Sabellius and expounding at large the Saviour’s Economy according to the flesh, and thence proving against the Sabellians that not the Father but His Word became flesh, as John has said, was suspected of saying that the Son as a thing made and originated, and not one in essence with the Father; on this he writes to his namesake Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, to allege in his defence that this was a slander upon him. And he assured him that he had not called the Son made, nay, did confess Him to be even one in essence. And his words ran thus:—
“And I have written in another letter a refutation of the false charge they bring against me, that I deny that Christ was one in essence with God. For though I say that I have not found this term anywhere in Holy Scripture, yet my remarks which follow, and which they have not noticed, are not inconsistent with that belief. For I instanced human birth as being evidently homogeneous, and I observed that undeniably parents differed from their children only in not being the same individuals, otherwise there could be neither parents nor children. And my letter, as I said before, owing to present circumstances I am unable to produce; or I would have sent you the very words I used, or rather a copy of it all, which, if I have an opportunity, I will do still. But I am sure from recollection that I adduced parallels of things kindred with each other; for instance, that a plant grown from seed or from root, was other than that from which it sprang, yet was altogether one in nature with it927: and that a stream flowing from a fountain, gained a new name, for that neither the fountain was called stream, nor the stream fountain, and both existed, and the stream was the water from the fountain”
26. And that the Word of God is not a work or creature, but an offspring proper to the Father’s essence and indivisible, as the great Council wrote, here you may see in the words of Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, who, while writing against the Sabellians, thus inveighs against those who dared to say so:—
“Next, I may reasonably turn to those who divide and cut to pieces and destroy that
most sacred doctrine of the Church of God, the Divine Monarchy928, making it as it were
27. And concerning the everlasting co-existence of the Word with the Father, and that He is not of another essence or subsistence, but proper to the Father’s, as the Bishops in the Council said, you may hear again from the labour-loving940 Origen also. For what he has written as if inquiring and by way of exercise, that let no one take as expressive of his own sentiments, but of parties who are contending in investigation, but what he941 definitely declares, that is the sentiment of the labour-loving man. After his prolusions then (so to speak) against the heretics, straightway he introduces his personal belief, thus:—
“If there be an Image of the Invisible God, it is an invisible Image; nay, I will be bold to
add, that, as being the likeness of the Father, never was it not. For when was that God, who,
according to John, is called Light (for ‘God is Light’), without a radiance of His proper glory,
that a man should presume to assert the Son’s origin of existence, as if before He was not?
But when was not that Image of the Father’s Ineffable and Nameless and Unutterable subsistence,
that Expression and Word, and He that knows the Father? for let him understand
And again elsewhere he says:—
“But it is not innocent nor without peril, if because of our weakness of understanding we deprive God, as far as in us lies, of the Only-begotten Word ever co-existing with Him; and the Wisdom in which He rejoiced; else He must be conceived as not always possessed of joy.”
See, we are proving that this view has been transmitted from father to father; but ye, O
modern Jews and disciples of Caiaphas, how many fathers can ye assign to your phrases?
Not one of the understanding and wise; for all abhor you, but the devil alone942; none but
he is your father in this apostasy, who both in the beginning sowed you with the seed of this
irreligion, and now persuades you to slander the Ecumenical Council943, for committing
to writing, not your doctrines, but that which from the beginning those who were eye-witnesses
and ministers of the Word have handed down to us944. For the faith which the
28. This in fact was the reason, when the unsound nature of their phrases had been exposed
at that time, and they were henceforth open to the charge of irreligion, that they
proceeded to borrow of the Greeks the term Unoriginate946, that, under shelter of it, they
might reckon among the things originated and the creatures, that Word of God, by whom
these very things came to be; so unblushing are they in their irreligion, so obstinate in their
blasphemies against the Lord. If then this want of shame arises from ignorance of the term,
they ought to have learned of those who gave it them, and who have not scrupled to say that
even intellect, which they derive from Good, and the soul which proceeds from intellect,
though their respective origins be known, are notwithstanding unoriginated, for they understand
that by so saying they do not disparage that first Origin of which the others come947.
This being the case, let them say the like themselves, or else not speak at all of what they do
not know. But if they consider they are acquainted with the subject, then they must be interrogated;
for948 the expression is not from divine Scripture949, but they are contentious, as
elsewhere, for unscriptural positions. Just as I have related the reason and sense, with which
the Council and the Fathers before it defined and published ‘of the essence,’ and ‘one in es-
29. If these are their sentiments they ought to signify their heterodoxy in their own
phrases, and not to hide their perverseness under the cloke of the Unoriginate. But instead
of this, the evil-minded men do all things with craftiness like their father, the devil; for as
he attempts to deceive in the guise of others, so these have broached the term Unoriginate,
that they might pretend to speak piously of God, yet might cherish a concealed blasphemy
against the Lord, and under a veil might teach it to others. However, on the detecting of this
sophism, what remains to them? ‘We have found another,’ say the evildoers; and then proceed
to add to what they have said already, that Unoriginate means what has no author of being,
but stands itself in this relation to things originated. Unthankful, and in truth deaf to the
Scriptures! who do everything, and say everything, not to honour God, but to dishonour
the Son, ignorant that he who dishonours the Son, dishonours the Father. For first, even
though they denote God in this way, still the Word is not proved to be of things originated.
For again, as being an offspring of the essence of the Father, He is of consequence with Him
eternally. For this name of offspring does not detract from the nature of the Word, nor does
Unoriginated take its sense from contrast with the Son, but with the things which come to
be through the Son; and as he who addresses an architect, and calls him framer of house or
city, does not under this designation allude to the son who is begotten from him, but on
account of the art and science which he displays in his work, calls him artificer, signifying
thereby that he is not such as the things made by him, and while he knows the nature of the
builder, knows also that he whom he begets is other than his works; and in regard to his son
calls him father, but in regard to his works, creator and maker; in like manner he who says
in this sense that God is unoriginate, names Him from His works, signifying, not only that
He is not originated, but that He is maker of things which are so; yet is aware withal that
30. In like manner, when the Prophets spoke of God as All-ruling, they did not so name Him, as if the Word were included in that All; (for they knew that the Son was other than things originated, and Sovereign over them Himself, according to His likeness to the Father); but because He is Ruler over all things which through the Son He has made, and has given the authority of all things to the Son, and having given it, is Himself once more the Lord of all things through the Word. Again, when they called God, Lord of the powers955, they said not this as if the Word was one of those powers, but because while He is Father of the Son, He is Lord of the powers which through the Son have come to be. For again, the Word too, as being in the Father, is Lord of them all, and Sovereign over all; for all things, whatsoever the Father hath, are the Son’s. This then being the force of such titles, in like manner let a man call God unoriginated, if it so please him; not however as if the Word were of originated things, but because, as I said before, God not only is not originated, but through His proper Word is He the maker of things which are so. For though the Father be called such, still the Word is the Father’s Image, and one in essence with Him; and being His Image, He must be distinct from things originated, and from everything; for whose Image He is, His property and likeness He hath: so that he who calls the Father unoriginated and almighty, perceives in the Unoriginated and the Almighty, His Word and His Wisdom, which is the Son. But these wondrous men, and prompt for irreligion, hit upon the term Unoriginated, not as caring for God’s honour, but from malevolence towards the Saviour; for if they had regard to honour and reverent language, it rather had been right and good to acknowledge and to call God Father, than to give Him this name; for in calling God unoriginated, they are, as I said before, calling Him from things which came to be, and as a Maker only, that so they may imply the Word to be a work after their own pleasure; but he who calls God Father, in Him withal signifies His Son also, and cannot fail to know that, whereas there is a Son, through this Son all things that came to be were created.
31. Therefore it will be much more accurate to denote God from the Son and to call
Him Father, than to name Him and call Him Unoriginated from His works only; for the
latter term refers to the works that have come to be at the will of God through the Word,
but the name of Father points out the proper offspring from His essence. And whereas the
Word surpasses things originated, by so much and more also doth calling God Father surpass
the calling Him Unoriginated; for the latter is non-scriptural and suspicious, as it has various
senses; but the former is simple and scriptural, and more accurate, and alone implies the
32. But perhaps being refuted as touching the term Unoriginate also, they will say according
to their evil nature, ‘It behoved, as regards our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ also,
to state from the Scriptures what is there written of Him, and not to introduce non-scriptural
expressions.’ Yes, it behoved, say I too; for the tokens of truth are more exact as drawn from
Scripture, than from other sources962; but the ill disposition and the versatile and crafty irreligion
of Eusebius and his fellows, compelled the Bishops, as I said before, to publish more
distinctly the terms which overthrew their irreligion; and what the Council did write has
already been shewn to have an orthodox sense, while the Arians have been shewn to be
corrupt in their phrases, and evil in their dispositions. The term Unoriginate, having its
own sense, and admitting of a religious use, they nevertheless, according to their own idea,
and as they will, use for the dishonour of the Saviour, all for the sake of contentiously
maintaining, like giants963, their fight with God. But as they did not escape condemnation
when they adduced these former phrases, so when they misconceive of the Unoriginated
which in itself admits of being used well and religiously, they were detected, being disgraced
before all, and their heresy everywhere proscribed. This then, as I could, have I related, by
way of explaining what was formerly done in the Council; but I know that the contentious
among Christ’s foes will not be disposed to change even after hearing this, but will ever
search about for other pretences, and for others again after those. For as the Prophet speaks,
‘If the Ethiopian change his skin, or the leopard his spots964’, then will they be willing to
The following tract, like the last, is a letter to a person engaged in discussion with Arians, who were openly finding fault with the Definition of Nicæa, and especially with the word Co-essential (§19). Montfaucon suggests that both epistles were addressed to the same person, the de Decretis (§25) having as it were challenged the Arians to cite passages from Dionysius on behalf of their own doctrine, whereupon their opponent came back to Athanasius with a request for further help. But the language of the first sentence of our present tract seems to imply that Athanasius had not previously heard of the discussions in question. However, slender as such grounds are, the tract furnishes no more decisive indication of date. (On certain expressions which might seem to carry the date back to the lifetime of Arius, see Prolegg. ch. ii. §7.)
Dionysius ‘the Great,’ Bishop of Alexandria 233–265, was a pupil of Origen (Eus. H. E. vi. 29), and equally distinguished as a ruler of the Church and as a theologian. In all the controversies of his age (the lapsed, rebaptism, Easter, Paul of Samosata, Sabellianism, the authorship of the Apocalypse) his influence made itself felt, and his writings were very numerous (Westcott in D. C. B. i. p. 851 sq.; a good account of Dionysius in vol. I. of this series, p. 281 note). The most celebrated controversy in which he was involved was that which, a century later, gave rise to the tract before us.
About the period when personal attacks on the Nicene leaders began to be exchanged
for overt objections to the Nicene Definitions, the claim was freely made that ‘the fathers’
had been condemned by the latter: in other words, that they had held with the Arians (see
below §1, ἀεὶ μὲν προφάσεις…νῦν δὲ καὶ διαβάλλειν τοὺς πατέρας τετολμήκασι). Accordingly
we find Athanasius at about the same date, viz. early in the sole reign of Constantius,
vindicating on the one hand the work of the Council, on the other the orthodox reputation
of Dionysius. The Arians found material for their appeal to the latter in a letter addressed
by him to certain bishops in Pentapolis, called Ammon and Euphranor. Whether or no
Sabellius had been a native of that province, at any rate his doctrine was at that time so
popular there ‘that the Son of God was scarcely any longer preached in the Churches.’ Exercising
the right of supervision over those districts which had already become vested by
prescription in the Alexandrian See, Dionysius wrote to Ammon, Bishop of Berenice, (Euseb.
H. E. vii. 26, who enumerates three several letters to Ammon, Telesphorus, and Euphranor,
and a fourth to Ammon and Euporus: he also refers to his letters to Dionysius of Rome:
Montfaucon is therefore scarcely fair in charging Eusebius with suppressing the episode ‘ne
verbum quidem de hac historia fecerit!’) insisting on the distinctness of the Son from the
Father. In doing so he used strong expressions akin to the language of Origen on the subordination
of the Son. These expressions were at once objected to by certain orthodox
That Dionysius in his ‘Refutation and Defence’ merely restated, and did not (κατ᾽
οἰκονομίαν) alter, his theological position is open to no doubt. Athanasius, not the Arians,
had the right to claim him as his own. He is clearly speaking optima fide when he deprecates
the pressing of statements in which he had given expression to one side only, and that the
less essential side, of his convictions. At the same time we cannot but see that the Arians
had good prima facie ground for their appeal. Here were their special formulæ, those ana-
The controversy of the two Dionysii has another interesting side, as bearing upon the
means then employed for dealing with questions affecting the Church as a whole,—and in
particular upon the position of the Roman Church as the natural referee in such questions.
(Cf. Prolegg. ch. iv. §4.) This is not the place for a general discussion of the question, or for
an attempt to trace its history previous to the case before us. But it should be noted, firstly,
that when the Pentapolite (?) opponents of Dionysius desire a lever against him, their first
resource is not a council of local bishops, but the Roman Church: secondly, that the Roman
bishop takes up the case, and writes to his Alexandrian namesake for an explanation: thirdly,
The tract of Athanasius, with his extracts in de Decr. and de Syn., tell us all that we know of the history of this important controversy. Dionysius had previously (Eus. H. E. vii. 6) had some correspondence with Xystus, the previous Bishop of Rome, on the subject of the Sabellian teaching current in the Pentapolis. He was in fact during his episcopate in constant communication with Rome and with the other important churches of the Christian World. His letters are much used in the sixth and seventh books of the History of Eusebius, to whom we are indebted for most of our knowledge of his writings.
The general arrangement of the tract is as follows:—
§1–4 are prefatory, the fourth section broadly indicates the line of the defence. §§5–12 deal with the incriminated passages: Athan. gives the history of them, and lays stress on their incomplete presentation of the belief of Dionysius, as having been written for a special purpose,—as may also be said of much of the language of the Apostles. But even in themselves the expressions of Dionysius are orthodox, referring (as Athanasius claims) to Christ as man. In §§13–23 he turns to the Refutation and Defence, from which he makes copious extracts, bringing out the diametrical opposition between Dionysius and the Arians. In §§24, 25 the anti-Arian doctrine of Dionysius is summed up, and §26 recapitulates the main points of §§5–12. He concludes (§27) by claiming a verdict upon the evidence, and urging upon the Arians the alternative of abandoning their error, or of being left with the devil as their only partisan.
Letter of Athanasius concerning Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, shewing that he too was against the Arian heresy, like the Synod of Nicæa, and that the Arians in vain libel him in claiming him as on their side.
1. The Arian appeal to Dionysius a slander against him.
You have been tardy in informing me of the present argument between yourself and the enemies of Christ; for even before your courtesy wrote to me, I had made diligent enquiry, and learnt about the matter, of which I heard with pleasure. I approved of the right opinion entertained by your piety concerning our blessed fathers, while on the present occasion I once more recognise the unreasonableness of the Arian madmen. For whereas their heresy has no ground in reason, nor express proof from holy writ, they were always resorting to shameless subterfuges and plausible fallacies. But they have now also ventured to slander the fathers: and this is not inconsistent, but fully of a piece with their perversity. For what marvel is it if men who have presumed to ‘take counsel against the Lord and against His Christ,’ are also vilifying the blessed Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, as a partisan and accomplice of their own? For if they are pleased to extol a man, for the support of their own heresy, even if they call him blessed, they cast upon him no slight affront, but a great one indeed; just like robbers or men of evil life who, when branded for their own practices, claim sober persons as being of their number, and thus defame their sober character.
2. The Arian position inconsistent with Holy Scripture.
If then they have confidence in their opinions and statements, let them broach their
heresy nakedly, and shew from it if they think they have any religious argument whether
from Scripture, or from human reason, in their defence. But if they have nothing of the
kind, let them hold their peace. For they will find nothing from any quarter except the
greater condemnation of themselves. Firstly from the Scriptures, in that John says, ‘In the
beginning was the Word;’ whereas they say, ‘he was not before he was begotten:’ while
David sings, in the character of the Father, ‘my heart uttered a good Word’ (Ps. xlv. 1, LXX),
whom they allege to be in thought only, and originated from nothing. Further, whereas
John once more says in the Gospel (i. 3), ‘all things were made by Him, and without Him
was not anything made,’ while Paul writes, ‘there is one Lord Jesus Christ by whom are all
things’ (1 Cor. viii. 6), and elsewhere, ‘all things were created in Him’ (Col. i. 16), how will
they have the boldness (or rather how will they escape disgrace) to oppose the sayings of
the saints, by saying that the artificer of all things is a creature, and that He is a created thing
3. The Arians appeal to Dionysius as the Jews did to Abraham: but with equally little reason.
Seeing this themselves, accordingly, and having no confidence in their own position, they utter falsehoods against religious men. But it would be better for them, when isolated, and perceiving that under examination they were at a loss and put to silence on all sides, rather to have turned back from the way of error and not to claim men whom they do not know, lest being confuted by them also they should carry off all the more disgrace. But perhaps they do not wish ever to depart from this wickedness of theirs; for they emulate this characteristic of Caiaphas and his party, just as they have learned from them to deny Christ. For they too, when the Lord had done so so many works, by which He shewed Himself to be the Christ the Son of the Living God, and being convicted by him, from thenceforth in all things thinking and speaking against the Scripture, and unable for a moment to face the proofs against themselves, betook themselves to the patriarch with the words, ‘We have Abraham to our father’ (Matt. iii. 9), thus thinking to cloke their own unreasonableness. But neither did they gain anything by these words, nor will these men, by speaking of Dionysius, be able to escape the guilt of the others. For the Lord convicted the latter of their wicked deeds by the words, ‘This did not Abraham’ (John viii. 40), while the same truth again shall convict these men of their impiety and falsehood. For the Bishop Dionysius did not hold with Arius, nor was he ignorant of the truth. On the contrary, both the Jews of that day, and the new Jews of the present day inherited their mad enmity against Christ from their father the devil. Well then, a strong proof that here once more these men are saying what is not true, but are maligning the man, is the fact that neither was he condemned and expelled from the church for impiety by other bishops, as these men have been from the clergy, nor did he of his own accord leave the church as the partisan of a heresy, but died honourably within it, and his memory is retained and registered along with the fathers to the present day. For if he had held with these men, or not vindicated what he had written, without doubt he too would have been treated as these men have been.
4. The Arian appeal to Dionysius based upon an isolated fragment of his teaching to the neglect of the rest.
And indeed this would suffice for the entire refutation of the new Jews, who both deny the Lord and slander the fathers and attempt to deceive all Christians. But since they think they have, in certain parts of the bishop’s letter, pretexts for their slander of him, come let us look at these also, so that even from them the futility of the reasoning may be exposed, and they may at length cease from their blasphemy against the Lord, and at any rate with the soldiers (Mat. xxvii. 54), when they see creation witnessing, confess that truly He is the Son of God, and not one of created things. They say then that in a letter the blessed Dionysius has said, ‘that the Son of God is a creature and made, and not His own by nature, but in essence alien from the Father, just as the husbandman is from the vine, or the ship-builder from the boat, for that being a creature He was not before He came to be.’ Yes, he wrote it, and we too admit that his letter runs thus. But just as he wrote this, he also wrote very many other letters, and they ought to consult those also; in order that the faith of the man may be made clear from them all, and not from this alone. For the art of a ship-builder who has constructed many triremes is judged of not from one, but from all. If therefore he simply wrote this letter of which they speak as an exposition of his faith, or if this was his only letter, let them accuse him to their hearts’ content,—for this suggestion really amounts to an accusation,— but if he was led to write as he did by the occasion and the person966 concerned, while he also wrote other letters, defending himself where he had been suspected, in that case they ought not to have neglected the reasons, and hastily cast a slur upon the man, lest they should appear to be hunting merely stray expressions, while passing over the truth to be found in his other letters. For a husbandman also treats trees of the same sort now in one way now in another, according to the character of the soil he has to do with: nor would any one blame him because he cuts one, grafts another, plants another, and another again takes up. On the contrary, upon learning the reason, he all the more admires the versatility of his skill. Well then, unless they have consulted the writing superficially let them state the main subject of the letter; for so the malignity and unscrupulous character of their design will come out. But since they do not know, or are ashamed to state it, we must state it ourselves.
5. The occasion of Dionysius’ writing against the Sabellians.
At that date certain of the Bishops in Pentapolis, Upper Libya, held with Sabellius. And
they were so successful with their opinions that the Son of God was scarcely any longer
6. Dionysius did not express his full opinion in the passages alleged.
Well then, what is there in common between the heresy of Arius and the opinion of
Dionysius: or why is Dionysius to be called like Arius, when they differ widely? For the one
is a teacher of the Catholic Church, while the other has been the inventor of a new heresy.
And while Arius to expound his own error wrote a Thaleia in an effeminate and ridiculous
style like Sotades the Egyptian, Dionysius not only wrote other letters also, but composed
a defence of himself upon the suspicious points, and came out clearly as of right opinions.
If then his writings are inconsistent, let them not draw him to their side, for on this assumption
he is not worthy of credit. But if, when he had written his letter to Ammonius, and
fallen under suspicion, he made his defence so as to better968 what he had previously said,
but did so without changing, it must be evident that he wrote the suspected passages in a
qualified sense969. But what is written or done in such a sense men have no business to
7. The language of the Apostles needs similar caution in particular passages.
But if they accuse the blessed man (for the arguments of the Arians about him are in fact accusations against him) simply for writing thus, what will they do when they hear even the great and blessed Apostles in the Acts, firstly Peter saying (Acts ii. 22), ‘Ye men of Israel hear these words: Jesus of Nazareth, a man approved of God unto us by mighty works and wonders and signs which God did by Him in the midst of you, as ye yourselves know: Him, being delivered up by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God, ye by the hand of lawless men did crucify and slay;’ and again (ib. iv. 10), ‘In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, Whom ye crucified, Whom God raised from the dead, even in Him doth this man stand here before you whole;’ and Paul, relating (ib. xiii. 22) in Antioch of Pisidia how God, ‘when He had removed Saul, raised up David to be king; to whom also He bare witness and said, I have found David the Son of Jesse, a man after my heart, who shall do My will. Of this man’s seed hath God according to promise brought unto Israel a Saviour, Jesus;’ and again at Athens (ib. xvii. 30), ‘The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked; but now He commandeth men that they should all everywhere repent: inasmuch as He hath appointed a day in the which He will judge the world in righteousness by means of the man whom He hath ordained, whereof He hath given assurance unto all men, in that He hath raised Him from the dead;’ or Stephen, the great martyr, when he says, ‘Behold I see the heavens opened and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God.’ Why, it is high time for them to brazen it out (for there is nothing too daring for them) and claim that the very apostles held with Arius: for they declare Christ to have been a man from Nazareth, and passible.
8. The Apostles spoke of Christ as man, but also as God.
Well then, such being the imaginations of these men, did the Apostles, since they used
the above language, regard Christ as only a man and nothing more? God forbid. The very
idea is out of the question. But here too they have acted as wise master-builders and stewards
of the mysteries of God. And they have good reason for it. For inasmuch as the Jews of that
9. Dionysius must be interpreted like the Apostles.
And Dionysius accordingly acted as he learned from the Apostles. For as the heresy of
Sabellius was creeping on, he was compelled, as I said before, to write the aforesaid letter,
and to hurl at them what is said of the Saviour in reference to His manhood and His humiliation,
so as to bar them by reason of His human attributes from saying that the Father was
a son, and so render easier for them the teaching concerning the Godhead of the Son, when
in his other letters he calls Him from the Scriptures the word, wisdom, power, breath (Wisd.
vii. 25), and brightness of the Father. For example, in the letters written in his defence,
speaking as I have described, he waxes bold in the faith, and in piety towards Christ. As then
the Apostles are not to be accused by reason of their human language about the Lord,—because
the Lord has been made man,—but are all the more worthy of admiration for their
wise reserve and seasonable teaching, so Dionysius is no Arian on account of his letter to
Euphranor and Ammonius against Sabellius. For even if he did use humble phrases and
examples, yet they too are from the Gospels, and his justification for them is the Saviour’s
coming in the flesh, on account of which not only these things, but others like them are
written. For just as He is Word of God, so afterwards ‘the Word was made flesh;’ and while
‘in the beginning was the Word; the Virgin at the consummation of the ages conceived, and
the Lord has become man. And He who is indicated by both statements is one Person, for
‘the Word was made flesh.’ But the expressions used about His Godhead, and His becoming
man, are to be interpreted with discrimination and suitably to the particular context. And
10. The expressions of Dionysius claimed by the Arians refer to Christ as Man.
Dionysius, teaching exactly thus, in his letter to Euphranor and Ammonius wrote in
view of Sabellius concerning the human predicates of the Saviour. For to the latter class
belong the sayings, ‘I am the Vine and My Father the Husbandman’ (Joh. xv. 1), and ‘faithful
to Him that made Him’ (Heb. iii. 2), and ‘He created me’ (Prov. viii. 22), and ‘made so much
better than the angels’ (Heb. i. 4). But He was not ignorant of the passages, ‘I am in the
Father and the Father in Me’ (Joh. xiv. 10), and ‘He that hath seen Me hath seen the Father.’
For we know that he mentioned them in his other Epistles. For while mentioning them
there, he made mention also of the human attributes of the Lord. For just as ‘being in the
form of God He counted it not a prize to be on an equality with God, but emptied Himself,
taking the form of a slave’ (Phil. ii. 6), and ‘though He was rich, yet for our sakes He became
poor,’ so while there are high and rich descriptions of His Deity, there are also those which
relate to His coming in the flesh, humble expressions and poor. But that these are used of
the Saviour as man is apparent on the following grounds. The husbandman is different in
essence from the vine, while the branches are of one essence and akin to it, and are in fact
undivided from the vine, it and they having one and the same origin. But, as the Lord said,
He is the vine, we are the branches. If then the Son is of one essence with ourselves, and has
the same origin as we, let us grant that in this respect the Son is diverse in essence from the
Father, like as the vine is from the husbandman. But if the Son is different from what we
are, and He is the Word of the Father while we are made of earth, and are descendants of
Adam, then the above expression ought not to be referred to the deity of the Word, but to
His human coming. Since thus also has the Saviour said: ‘I am the vine, ye are the branches,
My Father is the husbandman.’ For we are akin to the Lord according to the body, and for
that reason he said (Heb. ii. 12, Ps. xxii. 22), ‘I will declare thy name unto my brethren.’ And
just as the branches are of one essence with the vine, and are from it, so we also having our
bodies homogeneous with the Lord’s body, receive of His fulness (Joh. i. 16), and have that
11. The same is true of the analogous language of the Apostles.
This then being the sense of the expression, it follows that it is of the vine, so understood, that it is written: ‘Who was faithful to Him that had created Him’ (Heb. iii. 2), and ‘made so much better than the angels’ (ib. i. 4), and ‘He created me’ (Prov. viii. 22). For when He had taken that which He had to offer on our behalf, namely His body of the Virgin Mary, then it is written of Him that He had been created, and formed, and made: for such phrases are applicable to men. Moreover not after (His taking) the body has He been made better than the angels, lest He should appear to have been previously less than or equal to them. But writing to Jews, and comparing the human ministry of the Lord to Moses, he said, ‘having been made so much better than the angels,’ for by means of angels the law was spoken, because ‘the law was given by Moses, but grace came by Jesus Christ’ (Joh. i. 17), and the gift of the Spirit. And whereas in those days the law was preached from Dan to Beersheba, now ‘their sound is gone out into all lands’ (Rom. x. 18; Ps. xix. 3), and the Gentiles worship Christ, and through Him know the Father. The above things then are written of the Saviour as man, and not otherwise.
12. The passages alleged from Dionysius are, when rightly understood, strictly orthodox.
Well then, did Dionysius, as the adversaries of Christ reiterate, when writing of the
human characteristics of the Son, and so calling Him a creature, mean that he was one man
among others? Or when he said that the Word was not proper to the essence of the Father,
did he hold that He was of one essence with us men? Certainly he did not write thus in his
other epistles. but in them not only manifests a correct opinion, but as good as cries out by
them against these people, saying as it were: I am not of the same opinion as you, you adversaries
of God, nor did my writings furnish Arius with a pretext for impiety. But writing
to Ammon and Euphranor on account of the Sabellianisers, I made mention of the vine and
the husbandman and used other like expressions, in order that, by pointing out the human
characteristics of the Lord, I might persuade those men not to say that it is the Father who
was made man. For like as the husbandman is not the vine, so He that came in the body
was not the Father but the Word; and the Word having come to be in the Vine was called
13. But other writings of Dionysius have to be considered also. Their history.
The following is the occasion of his writing the other letters. The Bishop Dionysius having heard of the affairs in Pentapolis and having written, in zeal for religion, as I said above, his letter to Euphranor and Ammonius against the heresy of Sabellius, some of the brethren belonging to the Church, of right opinions, but without asking him, so as to learn from himself how he had written, went up to Rome; and they spoke against him in the presence of his namesake Dionysius the Bishop of Rome. And he, upon hearing it, wrote simultaneously against the partisans of Sabellius and against those who held the very opinions for uttering which Arius was cast out of the Church; calling it an equal and opposite impiety to hold with Sabellius, or with those who say that the Word of God is a thing made and formed and originated. And he wrote also to Dionysius to inform him of what they had said about him. And the latter straightway wrote back, and inscribed his books ‘a Refutation and a Defence.’ Here mark the detestable gang of the adversaries of Christ, and how they themselves have stirred up their disgrace against themselves. For Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, having written also against those who said that the Son of God was a creature and a created thing, it is manifest that not now for the first time but from of old the heresy of the Arian adversaries of Christ has been anathematised by all. And Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, making his defence concerning the letter he had written, appears in his turn as neither thinking as they allege, nor having held the Arian error at all.
14. Object and general method of Dionysius in his ‘Refutation and Defence.’
And the mere fact of Dionysius having made his defence about the matters on which
these people harp suffices completely to condemn the Arians, and to demonstrate their
malignity. For he wrote, not in angry controversy, but to defend himself on the points where
he was under suspicion. But in defending himself against charges, what does he do if not,
15. Extracts from the ‘Refutation and Defence.’
‘For never was there a time when God was not a father.’ And this he acknowledges in
what follows, ‘that Christ is for ever, being Word and Wisdom and Power. For it is not to
be supposed that God, having at first no such issue, afterwards begat a Son, but that the Son
has His being not of Himself but of the Father.’ And a little way on he adds on the same
subject, ‘But being the brightness of light eternal, certainly He is Himself eternal; for as the
light exists always, it is evident that the brightness must exist always as well. For it is by the
fact of its shining that the existence of light is perceived, and there cannot be light that does
not give light. For let us come back to our examples. If there is sun, there is sunlight, there
is day. If there is none of these things, it is quite impossible for there to be sun. If then the
sun were eternal, the day also would be unceasing. But in fact, as that is not so, the day begins
and ceases with the sun. But God is light eternal, never beginning nor ceasing. The brightness
then lies before Him eternally, and is with Him without beginning and ever-begotten,
16. Contrast of the language of Dionysius with that of Arius.
Now if the sense of the above statements were doubtful, there would be need of an interpreter. But since he wrote plainly and repeatedly on the same subject, let Arius gnash his teeth when he sees his own heresy subverted by Dionysius, and hears him say what he does not wish to hear: ‘God was always Father, and the Son is not absolutely eternal, but His eternity flows from the eternity of the Father, and He coexists with Him as brightness with the light.’ But let these, who have so much as imagined that Dionysius held with Arius, lay aside such a slander against him. For what have they in common, when Arius says, ‘The Son was not before He was begotten, but there was once a time when He was not,’ whereas Dionysius teaches, ‘Now God is Light eternal, neither beginning, nor ever to end: accordingly the brightness lies before Him eternally, and coexists with Him, shining before Him without beginning and ever-begotten.’ For in fact to meet the suspicion of others who allege that Dionysius in speaking of the Father does not name the Son, and again in speaking of the Son does not name the Father, but divides, removes, and separates the Son from the Father, he replies and puts them to shame in the second book, as follows.
17. Dionysius did not separate the Persons of the Holy Trinity.
‘Each of the names I have mentioned is inseparable and indivisible972 from that next
to it. I spoke of the Father, and before referring to the Son I designated Him too in the
Father. I referred to the Son,—and even if I did not also expressly mention the Father, certainly
He was to be understood beforehand in the Son. I added the Holy Spirit, but at the
same time I further added both whence and through whom He proceeded. But they are ignorant
that neither is the Father, qua Father, separated from the Son,—for the name carries
that relationship with it,—nor is the Son expatriated from the Father. For the title Father
denotes the common bond. But in their hands is the Spirit, who cannot be parted either
from Him that sent or from Him that conveyed Him: How then can I, who use these names,
18. Dionysius did not hold that the Son was not of one essence with the Father.
Next he confutes them upon their charge that he called the Son one of the things originated,
and not of one essence with the Father (once more in the first book) as follows: ‘Only
in saying that certain things were perceived to be originated and created, I gave them as
examples cursorily, as being less adequate, saying that neither was the plant [of one essence]
with the husbandman, nor the boat with its builder. Then I dwelt more upon more apposite
and suitable comparisons, and went at greater length into those nearer the truth, making
out various proofs, which I wrote to you975 in another letter, by means of which proofs I
shewed also that the charge they allege against me is untrue, namely, that I denied Christ
to be of one essence with God. For even if I argue that I have not found this word (ὁμοούσιον)
nor read it anywhere in the Holy Scriptures, yet my subsequent reasonings, which they have
suppressed, do not discord with its meaning. For I gave the example of human birth evidently
as being homogeneous, and saying that certainly the parents only differed from their children
in not being themselves the children, else it would follow that there was no such thing as
parents or children. And the letter, as I said before, I am prevented by circumstances from
producing, else I would have sent you the exact words I then used, or rather a copy of all
the letter: which I will do if I have an opportunity. But I know, and recollect, that I added
several similitudes from kindred relations. For I said that a plant, sprung from a seed or
root, was different from that whence it sprung, and at the same time entirely of one nature
with it: and that a stream flowing from a well receives another form and name,—for the
well is not called a river, nor the river a well,—and that both existed, and that the well was
as it were a father, while the river was water from the well. But they pretend not to see these
and the like written statements, but to be as it were blind, while they try to pelt me with two
19. Inconsistency of the Arian appeal to Dionysius.
Who that hears this will not set down as mad those who suspect Dionysius of holding with Arius? For lo! in these words, by arguments based on truth, he tramples upon his entire heresy. For by the simile of the Brightness he destroys the statements that ‘He was not before He was begotten,’ and ‘There was a time when He was not,’ as also by saying that His Father was never without issue. But their allegation that He was made ‘of nothing’ he destroys by saying that the Word was like a river from a well, and a shoot from a stock, and a child from a parent, and Light from Light, and Life from Life. And their barring off and separating the Word from God, he overthrows by saying that the Triad is without division and without diminution gathered together into the Monad. While their statement that the Son has no part in the Father’s essence, he unequivocally tramples down by saying that the Son is of one essence with the Father. Wherein one must wonder at the impudence of the irreligious persons. How can they, when Dionysius whom they claim as their partisan says that the Son is of one essence976, themselves go about buzzing like gnats with the complaint that the Synod was wrong in writing ‘of one essence?’ For if Dionysius is a friend of theirs, let them not deny what their partisan holds. But if they think that the expression was wrongly used, how can they reiterate that Dionysius, who used it, held with them? the more so as he does not appear to have written these things merely by the way, but having previously written other letters977, he convicts of falsehood those who had charged him with not saying that the Son was of one Essence with the Father, while he refutes those who thought that he said that the Word was originated, shewing that he did not hold what they supposed, but even if he had used the expressions, he had done so merely in order to shew that it was the Son, not the Father, who had put on the originated, formed, created body; for which reason the Son also is said to have been originated, created, and formed.
20. Dionysius must be fairly interpreted, and allowed the benefit of his own explanatory statements.
Clearly since he had previously used such expressions, while bidding a long farewell to the Arians, he demands a good conscience from his hearers,—being entitled to plead the difficulty, or perhaps one may say the incomprehensibleness of the problems concerned,— namely that they may judge not of the words but of the meaning of the writer, and the more so as there is very much to shew his intention. For instance he says himself: ‘I used the examples of such relations cursorily, as being less adequate, the plant and the husbandman for instance; while I dwelt upon the more pertinent examples, and went at greater length into those nearer the truth.’ But a man who says this shews that it is nearer the truth to say that the Son is eternal and of the Father, than to say that He is originated. For by the latter the bodily nature of the Lord is denoted, but by the former, the eternity of His Godhead. In the following words, for instance, he maintains, and not only so, but deliberately and with genuine demonstrative force, that they are refuted who charged him with not saying that the Son is of one essence with the Father: ‘even if I did not find this expression in the Scriptures, yet collecting from the actual Scriptures their general sense, I knew that, being Son and Word, He could not be outside the Essence of the Father.’ For that he does not hold the Son to be a thing created or formed,—for on this point also they have quoted him repeatedly— he says in the second book as follows: ‘But if any one of my traducers, because I called God the Creator the maker of all things, thinks that I mean that He is Maker of Christ also, let him mark that I previously called Him Father, in which term the Son also is implied. For after I said that the Father is Maker, I added neither is He Father of the things He created, if He that begat is to be called Father in the strict sense. For the wider sense of the term Father we will work out in what follows. Neither is the Father a maker, if by maker is meant simply the artificer. For among the Greeks, philosophers are called “makers” of their own discourses. And the Apostle speaks of a “doer” (ποιητής) “of the law” (Rom. ii. 13), for men are called “doers” of inward qualities, such as virtue and vice; as God said, “I looked for one to do justice, but he did wickedness ”’ (Isa. v. 7, LXX).
21. In what sense Dionysius said that the Son was ‘made.’
Of a truth one that hears this is reminded of the divine oracle which says, ‘whithersoever
the impious turns, he is destroyed’ (Prov. xii. 7, LXX). For lo! turning subtly in each direction
these impious men are destroyed, having even here no excuse as touching Dionysius. For
he teaches openly that the Son is not a thing made or created, while he taxes and corrects
those who accuse him of having said that God was the creator (of Christ), in that they failed
to notice that he had previously spoken of God as Father, in which expression the Son also
is implied. But in saying thus, he shews that the Son is not one of the creatures, and that
God is not the maker but the Father of His own Word. And since certain had ignorantly
objected to him that he called God the maker of Christ, he defends himself in various ways,
shewing that not even here is what he said open to blame. For he had said that God was the
22. The relation of the Son to the Father is essential, according to Dionysius.
For let not any Arian suppose that he says even anything of the following kind: The Son coexists with the Father, so that while the names are correlated, the things are widely removed; and whereas the Son did not always coexist with the Father, since the Son came into being, God received from that fact the additional name of Father, and His coexistence with Him dates from that time as happens in the case of men. On the contrary, let him observe and bear in mind what we have said before, and he will see that the faith of Dionysius is correct. For in saying, ‘For there was no time when God was not Father,’ and again, ‘God at any rate is light eternal without beginning nor ever to end, accordingly the brightness is eternally before Him and coexists with Him, without beginning and ever-begotten, shining in His presence,’ he should make it impossible for any one to entertain any such suspicion against him. Moreover the examples of the well and the river, and the root and the branch, and the breath and the vapour, put to shame the adversaries of Christ when they reiterate the contrary against him.
23. Dionysius did not hold that there are two Words.
But since in addition to all his own iniquities Arius has raked up this expression also as
if from a dunghill, adding that, ‘The Word is not the Father’s own, but the Word that is in
God is different, while this one, the Lord, is outside of and has nothing to do with the Essence
of the Father, and is only called “Word” conceptually978, and is not by nature and of a truth
Son of God, but is called Son, He too, by adoption, as a creature;’—and since saying thus
he boasts among the ignorant as though here too he has Dionysius as his partisan;—look
at the faith of Dionysius on these points also, how he contradicts these perversities of Arius.
For in the first book he writes as follows: ‘Now I have said that God is the well of all that is
good: while the Son has been described as the river which proceeds from Him. For word is
24. If the Arians agree with Dionysius let them use his language.
These things Arius either never heard, or heard and in his ignorance did not understand.
For otherwise, had he understood, he would not have so grossly libelled the Bishop, but
certainly would revile him also, as he did ourselves, because of his hatred of the truth. For
being an adversary of Christ, he will not hesitate to persecute also those who hold the doctrine
of Christ, as the Lord Himself has said beforehand: ‘If they persecuted Me, they will also
persecute you’ (Joh. xv. 20). Or, if the leaders of impiety think Dionysius was a partisan of
theirs, let them write and confess what he did. Let them write about the vine and the husbandman,
the boat and the shipbuilder; and let them at the same time confess, as he did in
his defence, the Unity of Essence, and that the Son is of the Father’s Substance, and eternal;
and the relation of intelligence and word, and the well and the river, and the rest; in order
that they may see from the very contrast that he used the former class of language for a
special purpose, but the latter as expressing the full meaning of the Christian Faith. And
consequently let them, by adopting this language, revoke what they have held inconsistently
with it. For in what way does the faith of Dionysius even approximate to the mischief of
Arius? Does not Arius restrict the term Word to a conceptual sense, while Dionysius calls
Him the true Word of God by nature? and while the one banishes the Word from the
25. The teaching of Dionysius on the Word (continued).
For with reference to the madness of Arius when he says that the Word which is in God is distinct from that one of which John said, ‘In the beginning was the Word’ (Joh. i. 1), and that God’s own wisdom within Himself is not the same as that to which the Apostle refers as ‘Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God’ (1 Cor. i. 24), Dionysius resists and denounces any such error, as you may see in the second book where he writes on the subject as follows: ‘“In the beginning was the Word;” but it was not Word that sent forth the Word, for “the Word was with God.” The Lord has been made wisdom (cf. 1 Cor. i. 30): He then that sent out Wisdom was not Wisdom, for “I was she,” saith Wisdom, “in whom He delighted.” Christ is truth: but “Blessed,” saith He, “be the God of truth”’ (1 Esdr. iv. 40). There He overthrows both Sabellius and Arius, and shews both heresies to be equal in impiety. For neither is the Father of the Word Himself Word, nor is the offspring of the Father a creature, but the Own-begotten of His essence. And again the Word that proceeded forth is not Father, nor again is He one word out of many; but He alone is the Father’s Son, the true and genuine Son by nature, Who both now is in Him, and is eternally and indivisibly from within Him. Thus the Lord is both Wisdom and Truth, and is not in the second place after another wisdom; but He alone it is through whom the Father made all things, and in Him He made the manifold essences of created things, and through Him He is made known to whom He will, and in Him He carries on and effects His universal providence. For Him alone does Dionysius recognise as Word of God. This is the faith of Dionysius: for I have collected and copied a few statements from his letters, enough to induce you to add to their number, but to put the Arians to utter shame on account of their libel upon the Bishop. For in all, even the details, of what he wrote, he exposed their error and branded their heresy.
26. How Dionysius dealt with the Sabellians.
Hence too it is manifest that even the letter to Euphranor and Ammonius was written
by him in a different sense and for a special purpose. For this his defence makes plain. And
27. Conclusion.
Dionysius knew this when he wrote. And by his first letters he silenced Sabellius, and
in his others he overcame the heresy of Arius. For just as the human attributes of the Saviour
overthrew Sabellius, so against the Arian madmen one must use proofs drawn not from the
human attributes but from what betokens the deity of the Word, lest they pervert what is
said of the Lord by reason of His Body, and think that the Word is of like nature with us
men, and so abide still in their madness. But if they also are taught about His deity they will
condemn their own error; and when they understand that the Word was made flesh, they
(Written between 356 and 362)
The Life of St. Antony is included in the present collection partly on account of the important influence it has exercised upon the development of the ascetic life in the Church, partly and more especially on the ground of its strong claim to rank as a work of Athanasius. If that claim were undisputed, no apology would be needed for its presence in this volume. If on the other hand its spurious and unhistorical character had been finally demonstrated, its insertion would be open to just objections. As it is, the question being still in dispute, although the balance of qualified opinion is on the side of the Athanasian authorship, it is well that the reader should have the work before him and judge for himself. To assist his judgment, it will be attempted in the following paragraphs to state the main reasons on either side. In doing so, I can honestly disclaim any bias for or against the Vita, or monasticism. Monasticism, with all its good and evil, is a great outgrowth of human life and instinct, a great fact in the history of the Christian religion; and whether its origin is to be put fifty years earlier or later (for that is the net value of the question at issue) is a somewhat small point relatively to the great problems which it offers to the theologian, the historian, and the moralist. But the point is at any rate worthy of careful and dispassionate examination. In attempting this, while holding no brief for either side, I may as well at once state my opinion on the evidence, namely that, genuine as are many of the difficulties which surround the question, the external evidence for the Vita is too strong to allow us to set it aside as spurious, and that in view of that evidence the attempts to give a positive account of the book as a spurious composition have failed.
1. Bibliography. a. Sources. The only reference to Antony in other writings of Athanasius is in Hist. Ar. 14. See also Fest. Index x. Vita Pachomii in Act. SS. Mai., Tom. iii. Appx. (written late in the fourth century, but by a person who had known Pachomius). Coptic fragments and documents (for early history of Egyptian monasticism with occasional details about Antony) in Zoega, Catalogus codd. Copticorum, (Rome, 1810), Mingarelli, Codd. copticorum reliquiæ, (Bologna, 1785), Revillout, Rapport sur une mission, etc. (in Archives des Missions scientifiques et littéraires, 3me, série, 1879, vol. 4), Amélineau, Hist. de S. Pakhôme, U+0026c. (Annales du Musée Guimet, vol. xvii. Paris, 1889).
b. Modern discussions. Since the Reformation the general tendency of protestant writers
has been to discredit, of Roman Catholics to maintain the authority of the Vita. To the
former class belong the Magdeburg Centuriators, Rivet, Basnage, Casimir Oudin; to the
latter, Bellarmin, Noel Alexandre, and above all Montfaucon in the Benedictine edition of
Athanasius (especially in the Vita Athanasii, Animadversio II. in Vitam et Scripta S.A., and
2. External evidence as to authorship and date. This is given by Montfaucon in the Monitum and reproduced by Eichhorn, pp. 36 sqq.
i. The Version of Evagrius. Evagrius, presbyter (Eustathian) and subsequently (388)
Bishop at Antioch (in Italy 364–373), translated the Vita Antonii into Latin. He prefaced
with a short apology (see below, Vit. Ant. §1, note 1) for the freedom of his rendering, addressed
‘Innocentio carissimo filio.’ Now this Innocent, the friend of Jerome and Evagrius,
died in the summer of 374, almost exactly a year after the death of Athanasius (D. C. B. iii.
31, 251). Of this identification there is no reason to doubt; still less ground is there for the
hesitation (Hist. Lit. I. 283, ‘non una est dubitandi ratio’) of Cave and others as to the identity
of the version, printed by Montfaucon and transmitted by very numerous mss. (‘quæ ingenti
numero vidi,’ Migne xxv. p. clviii.) with that actually made by Evagrius. Therefore, even if
we make the two very improbable assumptions that the Dedication to Innocentius falls
within a few weeks or days of his death (i.e. during the journey from Italy to Syria!), and
that the Vita was translated by Evagrius almost immediately upon its composition, the
composition of the Vita falls within a few months of the death of Athanasius. Its antiquity
then ‘is fully conceded’ even by Mr. Gwatkin (Studies, p. 103, who yet, p. 98, puts it down
to ‘the generation after Athanasius!’). The translation of Evagrius also preserves what looks
like the original heading. It should be added that the Evagrian version (read in the light of
ii. Jerome wrote his Vita Pauli in the Syrian desert, between 374 and 379. He mentions both the Vita and its Latin Version in the prologue: if he had seen the latter he can scarcely have been ignorant of its heading. The non-mention of Athanasius as the author is an argumentum ex silentio of the most precarious kind. Some fifteen years later (de Script Eccles. 87, 88, 125) he repeatedly mentions Athanasius as the author, and specifies Evagrius as the translator.
iii. Ephrem the Syrian (Opp. ed. 1732–43, I. p. 249) quotes ‘Saint’ Athanasius by name as the biographer of Antony. Ephrem died in 373. But little stress can be laid upon this testimony, in view of the lack of a critical sifting of the works which bear the name of this saint (so Tillemont viii. 229, and vii. 138). More important is
iv. Gregory Naz. Or. 21, ‘Athanasius compiled the biography of the divine Antony τοῦ μοναδικοῦ βίου νομοθεσίαν ἐν πλάσματι διηγήσεως’ (cf. Vita, Prologue). This oration was delivered in 380, seven years after the death of Athanasius. Gregory, it is true, is not a good judge on a point of criticism. But he expresses the opinion of his time, and confirms and is confirmed by the evidence of Evagrius and Jerome.
v. Rufinus, Hist. Eccl. I. viii. He would give an account of Antony, but ‘ille libellus exclusit qui ab Athanasio scriptus etiam Latino Sermone editus est.’ This was written 400 a.d.: if in a later work (Hist. Mon. 30, and see also 29) he happens to allude to the Vita without mentioning its author, we are not entitled to say that to Rufinus ‘the work is anonymous’ (Gwatkin, p. 103).
vi. The Life of Pachomius, which (as above mentioned) has details of Antony’s life independent of the Vita, also mentions the latter (c. 1) as the work of Athanasius. Though written perhaps as late as 390, this document is of great weight as evidence in the case (see Krüger in Theol. Ltzg. 1890, p. 620).
vii. Paulinus in his prologue to the Life of Ambrose (after 400) refers to the Vita as written by Athanasius. viii. Fifth-century historians, Palladius, Hist. Laus. 8, Socrates (H. E., i. 21) Sozomenus (i. 13) attest the established tradition of their day that Athanasius was the author of the Life.
ix. Augustine (Conf. viii. 14, 15, 19, 29) and Chrysostom (Hom. 8 on S. Matthew) mention the Vita without giving the name of the author. But we are not entitled to cite them as witnesses to its (alleged) anonymity, which they neither affirm nor imply.
The above witnesses, all of whom excepting No. viii. come within 50 years of the death
of Athanasius, are a formidable array. No other work of Athanasius can boast of such external
evidence in its favour. And in the face of such evidence it is impossible to place the composition
later than the lifetime of the great Bishop. We have therefore to ask whether the contents
of the Vita are in irreconcileable conflict with the result of the external evidence: whether
3. Internal Evidence. It may be remarked in limine that for the existence of Antony there is not only the evidence of the Vita itself, but also that of many other fourth-century documents (see above 1.a. under ‘sources’). Weingarten quite admits this (R. E., X. 774, but he implies the contrary in his Zeit-tafeln, ed. 3, p. 228); and Mr. Gwatkin is certainly far ahead of his evidence when he pronounces (Arian Controversy, p. 48) that Antony ‘never existed.’
a. Origin and early history of Monasticism. According to the Vita, the desert was unknown to μοναχοί (solitary ascetics) at the time (about 275? Vit. §3) when Antony first adopted the ascetic life. About the year 285 he began his twenty years’ sojourn in the ruined fort. To the end of this sojourn belongs the first great wave of Monastic settlement in the desert. During the later part of the great persecution ‘monasteries’ and monks begin to abound (§44, 46). The remainder of his long life (311–356) is passed mainly in his ‘inner mountain,’ where he forms the head and centre of Egyptian monasticism. Now it is contended by Weingarten and his followers that the Vita is contradicted in this important particular by all the real evidence as to the origin of monasticism, which cannot be proved to have originated before the death of Constantine. But Eichhorn has I think conclusively shewn the hastiness of this assumption. Passing over the disputable evidence of the De Vita Contemplativa ascribed to Philo, (which Weingarten endeavours, against Lucius and others, to put back to a date much earlier than the third century and out of relation to Christian asceticism979), the writings of Athanasius himself are the sufficient refutation of the late date assigned to the rise of monachism.
In the writings of the supposed date (356–362) of the Vita, references to monks are very
frequent (e.g. Apol. Fug. 4, Apol. Const. 29): but previous to this (339) we find them mentioned
in Encyl. §3, and yet earlier, Apol. Ar. 67 (see below). In the letter to Dracontius
(Letter 49 in this vol.), corporate monasticism is implied to be no novel institution. Dracontius
himself (about 354) is president of a monastery, and many other similar communities
are referred to. (Gwatkin deals with this letter in an unsatisfactory fashion, p. 102, see the
letter itself, §§7, 9, and notes.) The letter to Amun, probably earlier than that just mentioned,
is clearly (sub. fin.) addressed to the head of a monastic society. Again, the bishops Muis
and Paulus of Letter 49, §7, who were monks before their consecration, had been in the
monastery of Tabennæ before the death of Pachomius, which occurred almost certainly in
346 (Eichhorn 12, 13. The whole history of Pachomius, who was only a year or two older
than Athanasius, although personally but little known to him, his monastery being at
b. Historical misstatements. i. It is better to include under this head rather than under
the last the title ad peregrinos fratres. Who were the ‘foreign monks’ (τοὺς ἐν τῇ ξένῃ
μοναχούς)? The introduction of monasticism into the West seems to belong to the time of
S. Ambrose (Aug. Conf. viii. 6, cf. Sozom. III. 14, ‘the European nations before 361 had
no experience of monastic societies’) or rather Martin of Tours (D.C.B. iii. p. 840). The
statement (Encycl. Brit. ‘Monachism’) that Athanasius carried the Vita Atonii to Rome in
340 is based on a misunderstanding of Jerome (Ep. 127), who really says no more than that
the existence of monachism in Egypt first became known at Rome from the visits of Athanasius
and of his successor Peter. If then the ‘peregrini fratres’ are to be looked for in the
West, we have a serious difficulty, and must choose between the Vita and Sozomen. But the
foreign monks may have belonged to the East. (I cannot see that §93 ‘assumes,’ as Mr.
Gwatkin maintains, ‘the existence of numerous monks in the West.’ What is said is simply
that Antony had been heard of—ἠκούσθη—in Spain, Gaul, and Africa.) However, the point
must be left uncertain, and so far allowed to weigh against the Vita.
ii. Early intercourse of Athanasius with Antony (Prologue, and note 2). If the Benedictine
text is correct, the reference must be to the period before Athanasius became deacon to
Bishop Alexander, in fact to a period previous to 318 a.d. Tillemont (viii. 652), who maintains
the other reading, mainly relies upon the impossibility of finding room for the intercourse
in question in the early life of Athanasius. But his only source of knowledge of that period
is Rufinus, a very poor authority, and Montfaucon replies with some force (Animadv. 11)
iii. The narrative about Duke Balacius (§86: see note there) is another genuine difficulty, only to be got over if we suppose either that Athanasius in one place tells the story inaccurately, and corrects himself in the other, or that the Hist. Arian. was partly written for Athanasius by a secretary.
iv. Supposed learning of Antony. His ignorance of letters and of the Greek language does not prevent his forcibly employing the most effective arguments against Arianism (69), vindicating the Incarnation (74) much in the manner of Athanasius, and above all showing a fair acquaintance (72–74) with Platonic philosophy (see notes there). But everything in the biography points to a man of robust mind, retentive memory (3) and frequent intercourse with visitors. If he were so, he can scarcely have been ignorant of the theological controversies of his day, or of the current philosophical ideas. Nor can I see that the philosophy of his argument against the Greeks goes beyond what that would imply. His allusion to Plato does not look like a first-hand citation. And even an Athanasius would not so entirely rise out of the biographical habits of his day as to mingle nothing of his own with the speeches of his hero (‘Equidem quid Antonio quid Athanasio tribuendum sit uix diiudicari posse concedo,’ Eich. p. 52).
c. Inconsistencies with Athanasius. It is the most serious objection to the Athanasian authorship of the Vita that Athanasius (with the exception of the ‘antilegomenon’ Hist. Ar. 14) nowhere else mentions Antony by name. Especially in the letter to Dracontius, who at first refused the Episcopate in the supposed interests of his soul, we might, it is argued, have expected a reference to the deep reverence of Antony (§67) for even the lowest clergy (the persons enumerated, Letter 49, §7, are bishops who had previously been monks, and have nothing to do with this question). That is true. We might have expected it. But as a matter of fact Athanasius uses another argument instead (see Letter 49, §3, note 8a). It does not follow that he did not know of the Antony of the Vita. But although the letter in question has been pressed unduly, the general objection, as an argumentum ex silentio on a rather large scale, remains981. Some more detailed points must now be considered.
a. Demons and Miracles. The writings of Athanasius are singularly free from the tendency to indulge in the marvellous. The death of Arius he regards as a judgment, and relates it with a certain awe-struck sobriety. The φήμη of Julian’s death in the Narrat. ad Ammon. comes less under the head of ecclesiastical miracle than under that of τὰ θειᾶ τῶν πρηγμάτων (Herod. ix. 100, cf. Grote v. 260 sq.); whereas the Vita swarms with miraculous and demoniacal stories, some (passed over in silence by Newman and other apologists for the Life) indescribably silly (e.g. §§53, 63). Hence even Cave allows that the Vita contains things ‘tanto viro indigna.’ But it must be observed (1) that Antony disclaims, and his biographer disclaims for him, inherent miraculous power. His miracles are wrought by Christ in answer to prayer, and he prefers that those who desire his help should obtain what they want by praying for themselves (cf. also §49). (2) That again and again (esp. §§16–43) he insists on the absolute subjection of all evil powers to God, and their powerlessness to injure believers in Christ. (3) That Athanasius recognises σημεῖα (in the sense of miracles, see Letter 49, §9, note 9) as a known phenomenon in the case both of bishops and of monks. (4) That his language about demons and the power of the sign of the Cross in dispersing them is quite of a piece with what is related in the Vita (see notes passim). (5) On the clairvoyance of Antony, and one or two kindred matters which offer points of contact with phenomena that have been recently the subject of careful research, notes will be found below giving modern references. On the whole, one could wish that Athanasius, who is in so many ways surprisingly in touch with the modern mind (supra, introd. to de Incar and Prolegg. ch. iv. §2 d and §3), had not written a biography revealing such large credulity. But we must measure this credulity of his not by the evidential methods of our own day, but by those of his own. If we compare the Vita, not with our modern biographies but with those, say, of Paul and Hilarion by Jerome, its superiority is striking (this is pointed out by W. Israël in Zeitschr für Wiss. Theol. 1878, pp. 130, 137, 145, 153). For myself I should certainly prefer to believe that Athanasius had not written many things in the Vita: but I would far rather he had written them all than the one passage Hist. Ar. §38 fin.
β. Theology. That there should be certain characteristic differences from the theology
of Athanasius is what one would expect in an account of Antony that bore any relation to
the historical person. Such is the anthropomorphic tendency, shewn especially in the corporeal
nature ascribed to demons. Such perhaps is a tinge of naive semi-pelagianism about
the Hermit’s language (§20 and elsewhere); we cannot forget the connection of Cassian’s
Collations with Egyptian monasticism. Once again, ‘Antony’s shame of the body is not in
the spirit of the writer ad Amunem’ (Gwatkin, Studies, p. 102). Lastly, in Antony’s account
of the heathen gods (§76) we miss the characteristic Euhemerism of Athanasius (see supra,
pp. 10, 62, U+0026c.). Throughout, in fact, the ruder monastic instinct crops up from under the
Athanasian style and thought of the biographer. But the latter is also unmistakable (see the
notes passim), and the differences have been certainly made too much of. I will give one
De Incarn. 2.1. τὴν τῶν ὅλων πρόνοιαν καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν οὐκ εἶναι μοθολογοῦσιν.
14. 6. τοῦ διὰ τῆς ἰδίας προνοίας…διδάσκοντος περὶ τοῦ πατρός.
Epist. Æg. 15. βλέποντες…πάντα τάξει καὶ προνοίU+0026 139· κινούμενα.
Apol. Fug. 17. ἔμελε γὰρ αὐτοῖς…μήτε τὴν ὡρισμένην παρὰ τῆς Προνοίας κρίσιν προλαμβάνειν (and so in §§9, 16, 22, 25 of this short tract).
Orat. iii. 37. ῾Ο Πατὴρ ἐν τῷ ῾Υιῷ τῶν πάντων τὴν πρόνοιαν ποιεῖται.
If each one of these and numberless other references to Providence is ‘very incidental,’ those in the Vita may surely claim the benefit (whatever that may be) of the same formula.
The above are the principal materials for a decision as to the genuineness of the Vita: and I do not see how they can justify any opinion but that stated at the outset. Against the Vita we have certain historical difficulties (intercourse with Athanasius, peregrini fratres, Balacius), and arguments ex silentio, a kind of evidence seldom conclusive. For it, we have a quite unusual array of external evidence, including an almost contemporary version, the absence of any room for its date at a safe distance from its traditional author, and the many points of contact, as well as the characteristic differences between the Vita and the writings of Athanasius. Moreover on the kindred question of the origin of monasticism, Weingarten’s theory breaks down, and leads him to suicidal steps in more than one direction. Although, therefore, it is permissible to keep an open mind on the subject, we must recognise that the enterprise of the recent assailants of the Vita is at present at a dead halt, that overwhelming probability is against them.
But if Athanasius wrote the Vita, it does not follow that all its less edifying details are
true, nor that its portraiture is free from subjectivity982. At the same time, to the present
writer at least, the lineaments of a genuine man, ὁμοιοπαθοῦς ἡμῖν, stand out from the
story. Doubtless there is idealisation, panegyric, an absence of sinfulness (Gwatkin, Studies,
p. 100). But the moderate value set on miracles (38, 56), the absence of the element of fear
from his religion (42, U+0026c.), his serene courtesy (73) and uniform cheerfulness (67, 70), the
caution against being tempted to excess in ascetic exercises (25), the ready half-humorous
good sense (73, 85) of the man, are human touches which belong to flesh and blood, not to
The Vita has undoubtedly exercised a powerful and wide-spread influence. Upon it Jerome modelled his highly idealised tales of Paul and Hilarion; at Rome and all over the West it kindled the flame of monastic aspirations; it awoke in Augustine (Conf. viii. ubi supra) the resolution to renounce the world and give himself wholly to God. The ingens numerus of Latin manuscripts, and the imitation of its details in countless monastic biographies, testify to its popularity in the middle ages. Like monasticism itself, its good influence was not without alloy; but on the whole we may claim for it that it tended to stimulate the nobler of the impulses which underlie the monastic life.
A few words may be added on the evidence of the Vita as to the form and motive of
early monachism. In the Life of Antony, the stages are (1) ascetics living in the towns and
villages, not withdrawn from society (§§3, 4); (2) solitary monasticism in the desert, away
from human society; and, as the fame of Antony increases, (3) the formation (§44) of clusters
of cells centering round some natural leader, the germ of the λαύρα (such as the community
of Tabennæ under Pachomius). Of organised monastic communities the Vita tells us
nothing. With regard to the motive of the earliest monasticism, this has been variously
sought in (1) the development of the ascetic element present in Christianity from the very
first; (2) in the influence of the Alexandrian School, especially Origen, who again is influenced
by the spirit of revolt against the body and detachment from the world which characterised
neo-Platonism (see Bornemann’s work mentioned above); (3) in the persecutions, which
drove Christians to the desert (Eus. H. E. vi. 42), which some adopted as their home; (4) to
the (not necessarily conscious) imitation of analogous heathen institutions, especially the
societies of ἁγνεύοντες which were gathered round or in the temples of Serapis (Weingarten,
R. E., X. 779–785. Revillout, p. 480 n, refers to Zoega, p. 542, for the fact that Pachomius
himself was a monk of Serapis before his forced baptism by his Christian neighbours; and
that after it he continued his ascetic life with no external difference. (5) To the desire to
avoid civil obligations, already marked in the Rescript of Valens (Cod. Th. xii. 1. 63, quidam
ignauiæ sectatores desertis civitatum muneribus, U+0026c.). Of the above motives the Vita gives
no support to any but the first, which it directly confirms, and perhaps indirectly to the
Table of Contents.
Prologue.
§§1, 2. Birth and beginnings of Antony.
§§3, 4. His early ascetic life.
§§5, 6. Early conflicts with the devil.
§7. Details of his life at this time (271–285?)
§§8–10. His life in the tombs, and combats with demons there.
§11. He goes to the desert and overcomes temptations on the way.
§§12, 13. How Antony took up his abode in a ruined fort across the Nile, and how he defeated the demons. His twenty years’ sojourn there.
§§14, 15. How he left the fort, and how monasticism began to flourish in Egypt. Antony its leader.
§§16–43. His address to monks, rendered from Coptic, exhorting them to perseverance, and encouraging them against the wiles of Satan.
§44. The growth of the monastic life at this time (about A.D. 305).
§45. How Antony renewed his ascetic endeavours at this time.
§46. How he sought martyrdom at Alexandria during the Persecution (311).
§47. How he lived at this time.
§48. How he delivered a woman from an evil spirit.
§§49, 50. How at this time he betook himself to his ‘inner mountain.’
§§51–53. How he there combated the demons.
§54. Of the miraculous spring, and how he edified the monks of the ‘outer’ mountain, and of Antony’s sister.
§§55, 56. How humanely he counselled those who resorted to him.
§57. Of the case of Fronto, healed by faith and prayer.
§58. Of a certain virgin, and of Paphnutius the confessor.
§59. Of the two brethren, and how one perished of thirst.
§60. Of the death of Amun, and Antony’s vision thereof.
§61, 62. Of Count Archelaus and the virgin Polycration.
§§63, 64. Strange tales of the casting out of demons. §65. Of Antony’s vision concerning the forgiveness of his sins.
§66. Of the passage of souls, and how some were hindered of Satan.
§67. How Antony reverenced all ordained persons.
§68. How he rejected the schism of Meletius and the heresies of Manes and Arius.
§69. How he confuted the Arians.
§§70, 71. How he visited Alexandria, and healed and converted many, and how Athanasius escorted him from the city.
§§72–79. How he reasoned with divers Greeks and philosophers at the ‘outer’ mountain.
§80. How he confuted the philosophers by healing certain vexed with demons.
§81. How the Emperors wrote to Antony, and of his answer.
§82. How he saw in a vision the present doings of the Arians.
§§83, 84. That his healings were done by Christ alone, through prayer.
§85. How wisely he answered a certain duke.
§86. Of the Duke Balacius, and how, warned by Antony, he met with a miserable end.
§87. How he bore the infirmities of the weak, and of his great benefits to all Egypt.
§88. Of his discernment, and how he was a counsellor to all.
§§89, 90. How, when now 105 years old, he counselled the monks, and gave advice concerning burial.
§91. Of his sickness and his last will.
§92. Of Antony’s death.
§93. How Antony remained hale until his death, and how the fame of him filled all the world.
§94. The end.
Antony’s answers to a philosopher, and to Didymus, are given by Socrates IV. 23, 25:
the following is from Hanmer’s translation of Socr. I. 21: “The same time lived Antony the
monk in the deserts of Ægypt. But inasmuch as Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, hath
lately set forth in a several volume, intituled of his life, his manners and converasiton, how
openly he buckled with divils, how he over-reached their slights and subtle combats, and
wrought many marvellous and strange miracles, I think it superfluous on my part to intreat
thereof.’
For the translation of the text I am indebted to my friend and colleague the Rev. H.
Ellershaw, jun.
The life and conversation of our holy Father, Antony: written and sent to the monks in foreign parts by our Father among the Saints, Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.
Athanasius983 the bishop to the brethren in foreign parts.
You have entered upon a noble rivalry with the monks of Egypt by your determination
either to equal or surpass them in your training in the way of virtue. For by this time there
are monasteries among you, and the name of monk receives public recognition. With reason,
therefore, all men will approve this determination, and in answer to your prayers God will
give its fulfilment. Now since you asked me to give you an account of the blessed Antony’s
way of life, and are wishful to learn how he began the discipline, who and what manner of
man he was previous to this, how he closed his life, and whether the things told of him are
true, that you also may bring yourselves to imitate him, I very readily accepted your behest,
for to me also the bare recollection of Antony is a great accession of help. And I know that
you, when you have heard, apart from your admiration of the man, will be wishful to emulate
his determination; seeing that for monks the life of Antony is a sufficient pattern of discipline.
Wherefore do not refuse credence to what you have heard from those who brought tidings
of him; but think rather that they have told you only a few things, for at all events they
scarcely can have given circumstances of so great import in any detail. And because I at
your request have called to mind a few circumstances about him, and shall send as much
as I can tell in a letter, do not neglect to question those who sail from here: for possibly when
all have told their tale, the account will hardly be in proportion to his merits. On account
of this I was desirous, when I received your letter, to send for certain of the monks, those
especially who were wont to be more frequently with him, that if I could learn any fresh
details I might send them to you. But since the season for sailing was coming to an end and
the letter-carrier urgent, I hastened to write to your piety what I myself know, having seen
him many times, and what I was able to learn from him, for I was his attendant for a long
1. Antony you must know was by descent an Egyptian: his parents were of good family and possessed considerable wealth985, and as they were Christians he also was reared in the same Faith. In infancy he was brought up with his parents, knowing nought else but them and his home. But when he was grown and arrived at boyhood, and was advancing in years, he could not endure to learn986 letters, not caring to associate with other boys; but all his desire was, as it is written of Jacob, to live a plain man at home987. With his parents he used to attend the Lord’s House, and neither as a child was he idle nor when older did he despise them; but was both obedient to his father and mother and attentive to what was read, keeping in his heart what was profitable in what he heard. And though as a child brought up in moderate affluence, he did not trouble his parents for varied or luxurious fare, nor was this a source of pleasure to him; but was content simply with what he found nor sought anything further.
2. After the death of his father and mother he was left alone with one little sister: his age was about eighteen or twenty, and on him the care both of home and sister rested. Now it was not six months after the death of his parents, and going according to custom into the Lord’s House, he communed with himself and reflected as he walked how the Apostles988 left all and followed the Saviour; and how they in the Acts989 sold their possessions and brought and laid them at the Apostles’ feet for distribution to the needy, and what and how great a hope was laid up for them in heaven. Pondering over these things he entered the church, and it happened the Gospel was being read, and he heard the Lord saying to the rich man990, ‘If thou wouldest be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor; and come follow Me and thou shalt have treasure in heaven.’ Antony, as though God had put him in mind of the Saints, and the passage had been read on his account, went out immediately from the church, and gave the possessions of his forefathers to the villagers—they were three hundred acres991, productive and very fair—that they should be no more a clog upon himself and his sister992. And all the rest that was movable he sold, and having got together much money he gave it to the poor, reserving a little however for his sister’s sake.
3. And again as he went into the church, hearing the Lord say in the Gospel993, ‘be not anxious for the morrow,’ he could stay no longer, but went out and gave those things also to the poor. Having committed his sister to known and faithful virgins, and put her into a convent994 to be brought up, he henceforth devoted himself outside his house to discipline995, taking heed to himself and training himself with patience. For there were not yet so many monasteries996 in Egypt, and no monk at all knew of the distant desert; but all who wished to give heed to themselves practised the discipline in solitude near their own village. Now there was then in the next village an old man who had lived the life of a hermit from his youth up. Antony, after he had seen this man, imitated him in piety. And at first he began to abide in places outside the village: then if he heard of a good man anywhere, like the prudent bee, he went forth and sought him, nor turned back to his own palace until he had seen him; and he returned, having got from the good man as it were supplies for his journey in the way of virtue. So dwelling there at first, he confirmed his purpose not to return to the abode of his fathers nor to the remembrance of his kinsfolk; but to keep all his desire and energy for perfecting his discipline. He worked, however, with his hands, having heard, ‘he who is idle let him not eat997,’ and part he spent on bread and part he gave to the needy. And he was constant in prayer, knowing that a man ought to pray in secret unceasingly998. For he had given such heed to what was read that none of the things that were written fell from him to the ground, but he remembered all, and afterwards his memory served him for books.
4. Thus conducting himself, Antony was beloved by all. He subjected himself in sincerity
to the good men whom he visited, and learned thoroughly where each surpassed him in
zeal and discipline. He observed the graciousness of one; the unceasing prayer of another;
he took knowledge of another’s freedom from anger and another’s loving-kindness; he gave
heed to one as he watched, to another as he studied; one he admired for his endurance, another
for his fasting and sleeping on the ground; the meekness of one and the long-suffering
of another he watched with care, while he took note of the piety towards Christ and the
mutual love which animated all. Thus filled, he returned to his own place of discipline, and
henceforth would strive to unite the qualities of each, and was eager to show in himself the
5. But the devil, who hates and envies what is good, could not endure to see such a resolution in a youth, but endeavoured to carry out against him what he had been wont to effect against others. First of all he tried to lead him away from the discipline, whispering to him the remembrance of his wealth, care for his sister, claims of kindred, love of money, love of glory, the various pleasures of the table and the other relaxations of life, and at last the difficulty of virtue and the labour of it; he suggested also the infirmity of the body and the length of the time. In a word he raised in his mind a great dust of debate, wishing to debar him from his settled purpose. But when the enemy saw himself to be too weak for Antony’s determination, and that he rather was conquered by the other’s firmness, overthrown by his great faith and falling through his constant prayers, then at length putting his trust in the weapons which are999 ‘in the navel of his belly’ and boasting in them—for they are his first snare for the young—he attacked the young man, disturbing him by night and harassing him by day, so that even the onlookers saw the struggle which was going on between them. The one would suggest foul thoughts and the other counter them with prayers: the one fire him with lust, the other, as one who seemed to blush, fortify his body with faith, prayers, and fasting. And the devil, unhappy wight, one night even took upon him the shape of a woman and imitated all her acts simply to beguile Antony. But he, his mind filled with Christ and the nobility inspired by Him, and considering the spirituality of the soul, quenched the coal of the other’s deceit. Again the enemy suggested the ease of pleasure. But he like a man filled with rage and grief turned his thoughts to the threatened fire and the gnawing worm, and setting these in array against his adversary, passed through the temptation unscathed. All this was a source of shame to his foe. For he, deeming himself like God, was now mocked by a young man; and he who boasted himself against flesh and blood was being put to flight by a man in the flesh. For the Lord was working with Antony—the Lord who for our sake took flesh1000 and gave the body victory over the devil, so that all who truly fight can say1001, ‘not I but the grace of God which was with me.’
6. At last when the dragon could not even thus overthrow Antony, but saw himself
thrust out of his heart, gnashing his teeth as it is written, and as it were beside himself, he
appeared to Antony like a black boy, taking a visible shape1002 in accordance with the colour
of his mind. And cringing to him, as it were, he plied him with thoughts no longer, for
guileful as he was, he had been worsted, but at last spoke in human voice and said, ‘Many
I deceived, many I cast down; but now attacking thee and thy labours as I had many others,
7. This was Antony’s first struggle against the devil, or rather this victory was the Saviour’s
work in Antony1005, ‘Who condemned sin in the flesh that the ordinance of the law
might be fulfilled in us who walk not after the flesh but after the spirit.’ But neither did
Antony, although the evil one had fallen, henceforth relax his care and despise him; nor did
the enemy as though conquered cease to lay snares for him. For again he went round as a
lion seeking some occasion against him. But Antony having learned from the Scriptures
that the devices1006 of the devil are many, zealously continued the discipline, reckoning that
though the devil had not been able to deceive his heart by bodily pleasure, he would endeavour
to ensnare him by other means. For the demon loves sin. Wherefore more and more
he repressed the body and kept it in subjection1007, lest haply having conquered on one
side, he should be dragged down on the other. He therefore planned to accustom himself
to a severer mode of life. And many marvelled, but he himself used to bear the labour easily;
for the eagerness of soul, through the length of time it had abode in him, had wrought a
good habit in him, so that taking but little initiation from others he shewed great zeal in this
matter. He kept vigil to such an extent that he often continued the whole night without
sleep; and this not once but often, to the marvel of others. He ate once a day, after sunset,
sometimes once in two days, and often even in four. His food was bread and salt, his drink,
water only. Of flesh and wine it is superfluous even to speak, since no such thing was found
with the other earnest men. A rush mat served him to sleep upon, but for the most part he
lay upon the bare ground. He would not anoint himself with oil, saying it behoved young
men to be earnest in training and not to seek what would enervate the body; but they must
accustom it to labour, mindful of the Apostle’s words1008, ‘when I am weak, then am I
strong.’ ‘For,’ said he, ‘the fibre of the soul is then sound when the pleasures of the body are
diminished.’ And he had come to this truly wonderful conclusion, ‘that progress in virtue,
and retirement from the world for the sake of it, ought not to be measured by time, but by
desire and fixity of purpose.’ He at least gave no thought to the past, but day by day, as if he
were at the beginning of his discipline, applied greater pains for advancement, often repeating
to himself the saying of Paul1009: ‘Forgetting the things which are behind and stretching
forward to the things which are before.’ He was also mindful of the words spoken by the
prophet Elias1010, ‘the Lord liveth before whose presence I stand to-day.’ For he observed
8. Thus tightening his hold upon himself, Antony departed to the tombs, which happened to be at a distance from the village; and having bid one of his acquaintances to bring him bread at intervals of many days, he entered one of the tombs, and the other having shut the door on him, he remained within alone. And when the enemy could not endure it, but was even fearful that in a short time Antony would fill the desert with the discipline, coming one night with a multitude of demons, he so cut him with stripes that he lay on the ground speechless from the excessive pain. For he affirmed that the torture had been so excessive that no blows inflicted by man could ever have caused him such torment. But by the Providence of God—for the Lord never overlooks them that hope in Him—the next day his acquaintance came bringing him the loaves. And having opened the door and seeing him lying on the ground as though dead, he lifted him up and carried him to the church in the village, and laid him upon the ground. And many of his kinsfolk and the villagers sat around Antony as round a corpse. But about midnight he came to himself and arose, and when he saw them all asleep and his comrade alone watching, he motioned with his head for him to approach, and asked him to carry him again to the tombs without waking anybody.
9. He was carried therefore by the man, and as he was wont, when the door was shut he
was within alone. And he could not stand up on account of the blows, but he prayed as he
lay. And after he had prayed, he said with a shout, Here am I, Antony; I flee not from your
stripes, for even if you inflict more nothing shall separate me1011 from the love of Christ.
And then he sang, ‘though a camp be set against me, my heart shall not be afraid1012.’ These
were the thoughts and words of this ascetic. But the enemy, who hates good, marvelling that
after the blows he dared to return, called together his hounds and burst forth, ‘Ye see,’ said
he, ‘that neither by the spirit of lust nor by blows did we stay the man, but that he braves
us, let us attack him in another fashion.’ But changes of form for evil are easy for the devil,
so in the night they made such a din that the whole of that place seemed to be shaken by an
earthquake, and the demons as if breaking the four walls of the dwelling seemed to enter
through them, coming in the likeness of beasts and creeping things. And the place was on
a sudden filled with the forms of lions, bears, leopards, bulls, serpents, asps, scorpions, and
wolves, and each of them was moving according to his nature. The lion was roaring, wishing
to attack, the bull seeming to toss with its horns, the serpent writhing but unable to approach,
and the wolf as it rushed on was restrained; altogether the noises of the apparitions, with
their angry ragings, were dreadful. But Antony, stricken and goaded by them, felt bodily
pains severer still. He lay watching, however, with unshaken soul, groaning from bodily
anguish; but his mind was clear, and as in mockery he said, ‘If there had been any power in
you, it would have sufficed had one of you come, but since the Lord hath made you weak,
10. Nor was the Lord then forgetful of Antony’s wrestling, but was at hand to help him. So looking up he saw the roof as it were opened, and a ray of light descending to him. The demons suddenly vanished, the pain of his body straightway ceased, and the building was again whole. But Antony feeling the help, and getting his breath again, and being freed from pain, besought the vision which had appeared to him, saying, ‘Where wert thou? Why didst thou not appear at the beginning to make my pains to cease?’ And a voice came to him, ‘Antony, I was here, but I waited to see thy fight; wherefore since thou hast endured, and hast not been worsted, I will ever be a succour to thee, and will make thy name known everywhere.’ Having heard this, Antony arose and prayed, and received such strength that he perceived that he had more power in his body than formerly. And he was then about thirty-five years old.
11. And on the day following he went forth still more eagerly bent on the service of God and having fallen in with the old man he had met previously, he asked him to dwell with him in the desert. But when the other declined on account of his great age, and because as yet there was no such custom, Antony himself set off forthwith to the mountain. And yet again the enemy seeing his zeal and wishing to hinder it, cast in his way what seemed to be a great silver dish. But Antony, seeing the guile of the Evil One, stood, and having looked on the dish, he put the devil in it to shame, saying, ‘Whence comes a dish in the desert? This road is not well-worn, nor is there here a trace of any wayfarer; it could not have fallen without being missed on account of its size; and he who had lost it having turned back, to seek it, would have found it, for it is a desert place. This is some wile of the devil. O thou Evil One, not with this shalt thou hinder my purpose; let it go with thee to destruction.1013’ And when Antony had said this it vanished like smoke from the face of fire.
12. Then again as he went on he saw what was this time not visionary, but real gold scattered in the way. But whether the devil showed it, or some better power to try the athlete and show the Evil One that Antony truly cared nought for money, neither he told nor do we know. But it is certain that that which appeared was gold. And Antony marvelled at the quantity, but passed it by as though he were going over fire; so he did not even turn, but hurried on at a run to lose sight of the place. More and more confirmed in his purpose, he hurried to the mountain, and having found a fort, so long deserted that it was full of creeping things, on the other side of the river; he crossed over to it and dwelt there. The reptiles, as though some one were chasing them, immediately left the place. But he built up the entrance completely, having stored up loaves for six months—this is a custom of the Thebans, and the loaves often remain fresh a whole year—and as he found water within, he descended as into a shrine, and abode within by himself, never going forth nor looking at any one who came. Thus he employed a long time training himself, and received loaves, let down from above, twice in the year.
13. But those of his acquaintances who came, since he did not permit them to enter, often used to spend days and nights outside, and heard as it were crowds within clamouring, dinning, sending forth piteous voices and crying, ‘Go from what is ours. What dost thou even in the desert? Thou canst not abide our attack.’ So at first those outside thought there were some men fighting with him, and that they had entered by ladders; but when stooping down they saw through a hole there was nobody, they were afraid, accounting them to be demons, and they called on Antony. Them he quickly heard, though he had not given a thought to the demons, and coming to the door he besought them to depart and not to be afraid, ‘for thus,’ said he, ‘the demons make their seeming onslaughts against those who are cowardly. Sign yourselves therefore with the cross1014, and depart boldly, and let these make sport for themselves.’ So they departed fortified with the sign of the Cross. But he remained in no wise harmed by the evil spirits, nor was he wearied with the contest, for there came to his aid visions from above, and the weakness of the foe relieved him of much trouble and armed him with greater zeal. For his acquaintances used often to come expecting to find him dead, and would hear him singing1015, ‘Let God arise and let His enemies be scattered, let them also that hate Him flee before His face. As smoke vanisheth, let them vanish; as wax melteth before the face of fire, so let the sinners perish from the face of God;’ and again, ‘All nations compassed me about, and in the name of the Lord I requited them1016.’
14. And so for nearly twenty years he continued training himself in solitude, never going forth, and but seldom seen by any. After this, when many were eager and wishful to imitate his discipline, and his acquaintances came and began to cast down and wrench off the door by force, Antony, as from a shrine, came forth initiated in the mysteries and filled with the Spirit of God. Then for the first time he was seen outside the fort by those who came to see him. And they, when they saw him, wondered at the sight, for he had the same habit of body as before, and was neither fat, like a man without exercise, nor lean from fasting and striving with the demons, but he was just the same as they had known him before his retirement. And again his soul was free from blemish, for it was neither contracted as if by grief, nor relaxed by pleasure, nor possessed by laughter or dejection, for he was not troubled when he beheld the crowd, nor overjoyed at being saluted by so many. But he was altogether even as being guided by reason, and abiding in a natural state. Through him the Lord healed the bodily ailments of many present, and cleansed others from evil spirits. And He gave grace to Antony in speaking, so that he consoled many that were sorrowful, and set those at variance at one, exhorting all to prefer the love of Christ before all that is in the world. And while he exhorted and advised them to remember the good things to come, and the lovingkindness of God towards us, ‘Who spared not His own Son, but delivered Him up for us all1017,’ he persuaded many to embrace the solitary life. And thus it happened in the end that cells arose even in the mountains, and the desert was colonised by monks, who came forth from their own people, and enrolled themselves for the citizenship in the heavens.
15. But when he was obliged to cross the Arsenoitic Canal1018—and the occasion of it was the visitation of the brethren—the canal was full of crocodiles. And by simply praying, he entered it, and all they with him, and passed over in safety. And having returned to his cell, he applied himself to the same noble and valiant exercises; and by frequent conversation he increased the eagerness of those already monks, stirred up in most of the rest the love of the discipline, and speedily by the attraction of his words cells multiplied, and he directed them all as a father.
16. One day when he had gone forth because all the monks had assembled to him and asked to hear words from him, he spoke to them in the Egyptian tongue as follows: ‘The Scriptures are enough for instruction1019, but it is a good thing to encourage one another in the faith, and to stir up with words. Wherefore you, as children, carry that which you know to your father; and I as the elder share my knowledge and what experience has taught me with you. Let this especially be the common aim of all, neither to give way having once begun, nor to faint in trouble, nor to say: We have lived in the discipline a long time: but rather as though making a beginning daily let us increase our earnestness. For the whole life of man is very short, measured by the ages to come, wherefore all our time is nothing compared with eternal life. And in the world everything is sold at its price, and a man exchanges one equivalent for another; but the promise of eternal life is bought for a trifle. For it is written, “The days of our life in them are threescore years and ten, but if they are in strength, fourscore years, and what is more than these is labour and sorrow1020.” Whenever, therefore, we live full fourscore years, or even a hundred in the discipline, not for a hundred years only shall we reign, but instead of a hundred we shall reign for ever and ever. And though we fought on earth, we shall not receive our inheritance on earth, but we have the promises in heaven; and having put off the body which is corrupt, we shall receive it incorrupt.
17. ‘Wherefore, children, let us not faint nor deem that the time is long, or that we are
doing something great, “for the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared
with the glory which shall be revealed to us-ward1021.” Nor let us think, as we look at the
world, that we have renounced anything of much consequence, for the whole earth is very
small compared with all the heaven. Wherefore if it even chanced that we were lords of all
the earth and gave it all up, it would be nought worthy of comparison with the kingdom of
heaven. For as if a man should despise a copper drachma to gain a hundred drachmas of
gold; so if a man were lord of all the earth and were to renounce it, that which he gives up
is little, and he receives a hundredfold. But if not even the whole earth is equal in value to
the heavens, then he who has given up a few acres leaves as it were nothing; and even if he
have given up a house or much gold he ought not to boast nor be low-spirited. Further, we
should consider that even if we do not relinquish them for virtue’s sake, still afterwards
when we die we shall leave them behind—very often, as the Preacher saith1022, to those to
whom we do not wish. Why then should we not give them up for virtue’s sake, that we may
18. ‘And so from such things let a man persuade himself not to make light of it, especially if he considers that he himself is the servant of the Lord, and ought to serve his Master. Wherefore as a servant would not dare to say, because I worked yesterday, I will not work today; and considering the past will do no work in the future; but, as it is written in the Gospel, daily shows the same readiness to please his master, and to avoid risk: so let us daily abide firm in our discipline, knowing that if we are careless for a single day the Lord will not pardon us, for the sake of the past, but will be wrath against us for our neglect. As also we have heard in Ezekiel1023; and as Judas because of one night destroyed his previous labour.
19. ‘Wherefore, children, let us hold fast our discipline, and let us not be careless. For in it the Lord is our fellow-worker, as it is written, “to all that choose the good, God worketh with them for good1024.” But to avoid being heedless, it is good to consider the word of the Apostle, “I die daily1025.” For if we too live as though dying daily, we shall not sin. And the meaning of that saying is, that as we rise day by day we should think that we shall not abide till evening; and again, when about to lie down to sleep, we should think that we shall not rise up. For our life is naturally uncertain, and Providence allots it to us daily. But thus ordering our daily life, we shall neither fall into sin, nor have a lust for anything, nor cherish wrath against any, nor shall we heap up treasure upon earth. But, as though under the daily expectation of death, we shall be without wealth, and shall forgive all things to all men, nor shall we retain at all the desire of women or of any other foul pleasure. But we shall turn from it as past and gone, ever striving and looking forward to the day of Judgment. For the greater dread and danger of torment ever destroys the ease of pleasure, and sets up the soul if it is like to fall.
20. ‘Wherefore having already begun and set out in the way of virtue, let us strive the
more that we may attain those things that are before. And let no one turn to the things behind,
like Lot’s wife, all the more so that the Lord hath said, “No man, having put his hand to the
plough, and turning back, is fit for the kingdom of heaven1026.” And this turning back is
nought else but to feel regret, and to be once more worldly-minded. But fear not to hear of
21. ‘And let us strive that wrath rule us not nor lust overcome us, for it is written, “The
wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God. And lust, when it hath conceived,
beareth sin, and the sin when it is full grown bringeth forth death1030.” Thus living, let us
keep guard carefully, and as it is written, “keep our hearts with all watchfulness1031.” For
we have terrible and crafty foes—the evil spirits—and against them we wrestle, as the Apostle
said, “Not against flesh and blood, but against the principalities and against the powers,
against the world-rulers of this darkness, against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the
heavenly places1032.” Great is their number in the air around us1033, and they are not far
from us. Now there are great distinctions among them; and concerning their nature and
distinctions much could be said, but such a description is for others of greater powers than
22. ‘First, therefore, we must know this: that the demons have not been created like what we mean when we call them by that name; for God made nothing evil, but even they have been made good. Having fallen, however, from the heavenly wisdom, since then they have been grovelling on earth. On the one hand they deceived the Greeks with their displays, while out of envy of us Christians they move all things in their desire to hinder us from entry into the heavens; in order that we should not ascend up thither from whence they fell. Thus there is need of much prayer and of discipline, that when a man has received through the Spirit the gift of discerning spirits, he may have power to recognise their characteristics: which of them are less and which more evil; of what nature is the special pursuit of each, and how each of them is overthrown and cast out. For their villainies and the changes in their plots are many. The blessed Apostle and his followers knew such things when they said, “for we are not ignorant of his devices1034;” and we, from the temptations we have suffered at their hands, ought to correct one another under them. Wherefore I, having had proof of them, speak as to children.
23. ‘The demons, therefore, if they see all Christians, and monks especially, labouring cheerfully and advancing, first make an attack by temptation and place hindrances to hamper our way, to wit, evil thoughts. But we need not fear their suggestions, for by prayer, fasting, and faith in the Lord their attack immediately fails. But even when it does they cease not, but knavishly by subtlety come on again. For when they cannot deceive the heart openly with foul pleasures they approach in different guise, and thenceforth shaping displays they attempt to strike fear, changing their shapes, taking the forms of women, wild beasts, creeping things, gigantic bodies, and troops of soldiers. But not even then need ye fear their deceitful displays. For they are nothing and quickly disappear, especially if a man fortify himself beforehand with faith and the sign of the cross1035. Yet are they bold and very shameless, for if thus they are worsted they make an onslaught in another manner, and pretend to prophesy and foretell the future, and to shew themselves of a height reaching to the roof and of great breadth; that they may stealthily catch by such displays those who could not be deceived by their arguments. If here also they find the soul strengthened by faith and a hopeful mind, then they bring their leader to their aid.
24. ‘And he said they often appeared as the Lord revealed the devil to Job, saying, “His
eyes are as the morning star. From his mouth proceed burning lamps and hearths of fire
are cast forth. The smoke of a furnace blazing with the fire of coals proceeds from his nostrils.
His breath is coals and from his mouth issues flame1036.” When the prince of the demons
25. ‘Again they are treacherous, and are ready to change themselves into all forms and
assume all appearances. Very often also without appearing they imitate the music of harp
and voice, and recall the words of Scripture. Sometimes, too, while we are reading they immediately
repeat many times, like an echo, what is read. They arouse us from our sleep to
prayers; and this constantly, hardly allowing us to sleep at all. At another time they assume
the appearance of monks and feign the speech of holy men, that by their similarity they may
deceive and thus drag their victims where they will. But no heed must be paid them even if
they arouse to prayer, even if they counsel us not to eat at all, even though they seem to accuse
and cast shame upon us for those things which once they allowed. For they do this not for
26. ‘Wherefore the prophet sent by the Lord declared them to be wretched, saying: “Wo is he who giveth his neighbours to drink muddy destruction1042.” For such practices and devices are subversive of the way which leads to virtue. And the Lord Himself, even if the demons spoke the truth,—for they said truly “Thou art the Son of God1043”—still bridled their mouths and suffered them not to speak; lest haply they should sow their evil along with the truth, and that He might accustom us never to give heed to them even though they appear to speak what is true. For it is unseemly that we, having the holy Scriptures and freedom from the Saviour, should be taught by the devil who hath not kept his own order but hath gone from one mind to another1044. Wherefore even when he uses the language of Scripture He forbids him, saying: “But to the sinner said God, Wherefore dost thou declare My ordinances and takest My covenant in thy mouth1045?” For the demons do all things—they prate, they confuse, they dissemble, they confound—to deceive the simple. They din, laugh madly, and whistle; but if no heed is paid to them forthwith they weep and lament as though vanquished.’
27. ‘The Lord therefore, as God, stayed the mouths of the demons: and it is fitting that we, taught by the saints, should do like them and imitate their courage. For they when they saw these things used to say: “When the sinner rose against me, I was dumb and humble, and kept silence from good words1046.” And again: “But I was as a deaf man and heard not, and as a dumb man who openeth not his mouth, and I became as a man who heareth not1047.” So let us neither hear them as being strangers to us, nor give heed to them even though they arouse us to prayer and speak concerning fasting. But let us rather apply ourselves to our resolve of discipline, and let us not be deceived by them who do all things in deceit, even though they threaten death. For they are weak and can do nought but threaten.
28. ‘Already in passing I have spoken on these things, and now I must not shrink from
speaking on them at greater length, for to put you in remembrance will be a source of safety.
Since the Lord visited earth1048, the enemy is fallen and his powers weakened. Wherefore
although he could do nothing, still like a tyrant, he did not bear his fall quietly, but threatened,
29. ‘But if any one having in mind the history of Job1052 should say, Why then hath the
devil gone forth and accomplished all things against him; and stripped him of all his possessions,
and slew his children, and smote him with evil ulcers? let such a one, on the other
30. ‘So then we ought to fear God only, and despise the demons, and be in no fear of them. But the more they do these things the more let us intensify our discipline against them, for a good life and faith in God is a great weapon. At any rate they fear the fasting, the sleeplessness, the prayers, the meekness, the quietness, the contempt of money and vainglory, the humility, the love of the poor, the alms, the freedom from anger of the ascetics, and, chief of all, their piety towards Christ. Wherefore they do all things that they may not have any that trample on them, knowing the grace given to the faithful against them by the Saviour, when He says, “Behold I have given to you power to tread upon serpents and scorpions, and upon all the power of the enemy1055.”
31. ‘Wherefore if they pretend to foretell the future, let no one give heed, for often they
announce beforehand that the brethren are coming days after. And they do come. The
demons, however, do this not from any care for the hearers, but to gain their trust, and that
then at length, having got them in their power, they may destroy them. Whence we must
give no heed to them, but ought rather to confute them when speaking, since we do not
need them. For what wonder is it, if with more subtle bodies than men have1056, when they
have seen them start on their journey, they surpass them in speed, and announce their
coming? Just as a horseman getting a start of a man on foot announces the arrival of the
latter beforehand, so in this there is no need for us to wonder at them. For they know none
of those things which are not yet in existence; but God only is He who knoweth all things
before their birth1057. But these, like thieves, running off first with what they see, proclaim
32. ‘So, too, with respect to the water of the river, they sometimes make foolish statements. For having seen that there has been much rain in the regions of Ethiopia, and knowing that they are the cause of the flood of the river before the water has come to Egypt they run on and announce it. And this men could have told, if they had as great power of running as the demons. And as David’s spy1058 going up to a lofty place saw the man approaching better than one who stayed down below, and the forerunner himself announced, before the others came up, not those things which had not taken place, but those things which were already on the way and were being accomplished, so these also prefer to labour, and declare what is happening to others simply for the sake of deceiving them. If, however, Providence meantime plans anything different for the waters or wayfarers—for Providence can do this—the demons are deceived, and those who gave heed to them cheated.’
33. ‘Thus in days gone by arose the oracles of the Greeks, and thus they were led astray by the demons. But thus also thenceforth their deception was brought to an end by the coming of the Lord1059, who brought to nought the demons and their devices. For they know nothing of themselves, but, like thieves, what they get to know from others they pass on, and guess at rather than foretell things. Therefore if sometimes they speak the truth, let no one marvel at them for this. For experienced physicians also, since they see the same malady in different people, often foretell what it is, making it out by their acquaintance with it. Pilots, too, and farmers, from their familiarity with the weather, tell at a glance the state of the atmosphere, and forecast whether it will be stormy or fine. And no one would say that they do this by inspiration, but from experience and practice. So if the demons sometimes do the same by guesswork, let no one wonder at it or heed them. For what use to the hearers is it to know from them what is going to happen before the time? Or what concern have we to know such things, even if the knowledge be true? For it is not productive of virtue, nor is it any token of goodness. For none of us is judged for what he knows not, and no one is called blessed because he hath learning and knowledge. But each one will be called to judgment in these points—whether he have kept the faith and truly observed the commandments.’
34. ‘Wherefore there is no need to set much value on these things, nor for the sake of them to practise a life of discipline and labour; but that living well we may please God. And we neither ought to pray to know the future, nor to ask for it as the reward of our discipline; but our prayer should be that the Lord may be our fellow-helper for victory over the devil. And if even once we have a desire to know the future, let us be pure in mind, for I believe that if a soul is perfectly pure and in its natural state, it is able1060, being clear-sighted, to see more and further than the demons—for it has the Lord who reveals to it—like the soul of Elisha, which saw what was done1061 by Gehazi, and beheld the hosts1062 standing on its side.’
35. ‘When, therefore, they come by night to you and wish to tell the future, or say, “we
are the angels,” give no heed, for they lie. Yea even if they praise your discipline and call
you blessed, hear them not, and have no dealings with them; but rather sign yourselves and
your houses, and pray, and you shall see them vanish. For they are cowards, and greatly fear
the sign of the Lord’s Cross, since of a truth in it the Saviour stripped them, and made an
example of them1063. But if they shamelessly stand their ground, capering and changing
their forms of appearance, fear them not, nor shrink, nor heed them as though they were
good spirits. For the presence either of the good or evil by the help of God can easily be
distinguished. The vision of the holy ones is not fraught with distraction: “For they will not
strive, nor cry, nor shall any one hear their voice1064.” But it comes so quietly and gently
that immediately joy, gladness and courage arise in the soul. For the Lord who is our joy is
with them, and the power of God the Father. And the thoughts of the soul remain unruffled
and undisturbed, so that it, enlightened as it were with rays, beholds by itself those who
appear. For the love of what is divine and of the things to come possesses it, and willingly
it would be wholly joined with them if it could depart along with them. But if, being men,
some fear the vision of the good, those who appear immediately take fear away; as Gabriel1065
did in the case of Zacharias, and as the angel1066 did who appeared to the women at the
36. ‘But the inroad and the display of the evil spirits is fraught with confusion, with din, with sounds and cryings such as the disturbance of boorish youths or robbers would occasion. From which arise fear in the heart, tumult and confusion of thought, dejection, hatred towards them who live a life of discipline, indifference, grief, remembrance of kinsfolk and fear of death, and finally desire of evil things, disregard of virtue and unsettled habits. Whenever, therefore, ye have seen ought and are afraid, if your fear is immediately taken away and in place of it comes joy unspeakable, cheerfulness, courage, renewed strength, calmness of thought and all those I named before, boldness and love toward God,—take courage and pray. For joy and a settled state of soul show the holiness of him who is present. Thus Abraham beholding the Lord rejoiced1067; so also John1068 at the voice of Mary, the God-bearer1069, leaped for gladness. But if at the appearance of any there is confusion, knocking without, worldly display, threats of death and the other things which I have already mentioned, know ye that it is an onslaught of evil spirits.’
37. ‘And let this also be a token for you: whenever the soul remains fearful there is a presence of the enemies. For the demons do not take away the fear of their presence as the great archangel Gabriel did for Mary and Zacharias, and as he did who appeared to the women at the tomb; but rather whenever they see men afraid they increase their delusions that men may be terrified the more; and at last attacking they mock them, saying, “fall down and worship.” Thus they deceived the Greeks, and thus by them they were considered gods, falsely so called. But the Lord did not suffer us to be deceived by the devil, for He rebuked him whenever he framed such delusions against Him, saying: “Get behind me, Satan: for it is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and Him only shalt thou serve1070.” More and more, therefore, let the deceiver be despised by us; for what the Lord hath said, this for our sakes He hath done: that the demons hearing like words from us may be put to flight through the Lord who rebuked them in those words.’
38. ‘And it is not fitting to boast at the casting forth of the demons, nor to be uplifted
by the healing of diseases: nor is it fitting that he who casts out devils should alone be highly
esteemed, while he who casts them not out should be considered nought. But let a man learn
the discipline of each one and either imitate, rival, or correct it. For the working of signs is
not ours but the Saviour’s work: and so He said to His disciples: “Rejoice not that the demons
39. ‘I should have liked to speak no further and to say nothing from my own promptings, satisfied with what I have said: but lest you should think that I speak at random and believe that I detail these things without experience or truth; for this cause even though I should become as a fool, yet the Lord who heareth knoweth the clearness of my conscience, and that it is not for my own sake, but on account of your affection towards me and at your petition that I again tell what I saw of the practices of evil spirits. How often have they called me blessed and I have cursed them in the name of the Lord! How often have they predicted the rising of the river, and I answered them, “What have you to do with it?” Once they came threatening and surrounded me like soldiers in full armour. At another time they filled the house with horses, wild beasts and creeping things, and I sang: “Some in chariots and some in horses, but we will boast in the name of the Lord our God1074;” and at the prayers they were turned to flight by the Lord. Once they came in darkness, bearing the appearance of a light, and said, “We are come to give thee a light, Antony.” But I closed my eyes and prayed, and immediately the light of the wicked ones was quenched. And a few months after they came as though singing psalms and babbling the words of Scripture, “But I like a deaf man, heard not1075.” Once they shook the cell1076 with an earthquake, but I continued praying with unshaken heart. And after this they came again making noises, whistling and dancing. But as I prayed and lay singing psalms to myself they forthwith began to lament and weep, as if their strength had failed them. But I gave glory to the Lord who had brought down and made an example of their daring and madness.’
40. ‘Once a demon exceeding high appeared with pomp, and dared to say, “I am the
power of God and I am Providence, what dost thou wish that I shall give thee?” But I then
so much the more breathed upon him1077, and spoke the name of Christ, and set about to
41. ‘And since I have become a fool in detailing these things, receive this also as an aid to your safety and fearlessness; and believe me for I do not lie. Once some one knocked at the door of my cell, and going forth I saw one who seemed of great size and tall. Then when I enquired, “Who art thou?” he said, “I am Satan.” Then when I said, “Why art thou here?” he answered, “Why do the monks and all other Christians blame me undeservedly? Why do they curse me hourly?” Then I answered, “Wherefore dost thou trouble them?” He said, “I am not he who troubles them, but they trouble themselves, for I am become weak. Have they not read1081,” “The swords of the enemy have come to an end, and thou hast destroyed the cities?” “I have no longer a place, a weapon, a city. The Christians are spread everywhere, and at length even the desert is filled with monks. Let them take heed to themselves, and let them not curse me undeservedly.” Then I marvelled at the grace of the Lord, and said to him: “Thou who art ever a liar and never speakest the truth, this at length, even against thy will, thou hast truly spoken. For the coming of Christ hath made thee weak, and He hath cast thee down and stripped thee.” But he having heard the Saviour’s name, and not being able to bear the burning from it, vanished.’
42. ‘If, therefore, the devil himself confesses that his power is gone, we ought utterly to
despise both him and his demons; and since the enemy with his hounds has but devices of
this sort, we, having got to know their weakness, are able to despise them. Wherefore let us
not despond after this fashion, nor let us have a thought of cowardice in our heart, nor frame
fears for ourselves, saying, I am afraid lest a demon should come and overthrow me; lest he
43. ‘And for your fearlessness against them hold this sure sign—whenever there is any apparition, be not prostrate with fear, but whatsoever it be, first boldly ask, Who art thou? And from whence comest thou? And if it should be a vision of holy ones they will assure you, and change your fear into joy. But if the vision should be from the devil, immediately it becomes feeble, beholding your firm purpose of mind. For merely to ask, Who art thou1083? and whence comest thou? is a proof of coolness. By thus asking, the son of Nun learned who his helper was; nor did the enemy escape the questioning of Daniel1084.’
44. While Antony was thus speaking all rejoiced; in some the love of virtue increased, in others carelessness was thrown aside, the self-conceit of others was stopped; and all were persuaded to despise the assaults of the Evil One, and marvelled at the grace given to Antony from the Lord for the discerning of spirits. So their cells were in the mountains, like filled with holy bands of men who sang psalms, loved reading, fasted, prayed, rejoiced in the hope of things to come, laboured in alms-giving, and preserved love and harmony one with another. And truly it was possible, as it were, to behold a land set by itself, filled with piety and justice. For then there was neither the evil-doer, nor the injured, nor the reproaches of the tax-gatherer: but instead a multitude of ascetics; and the one purpose of them all was to aim at virtue. So that any one beholding the cells again, and seeing such good order among the monks, would lift up his voice and say, ‘How goodly are thy dwellings, O Jacob, and thy tents, O Israel; as shady glens and as a garden1085 by a river; as tents which the Lord hath pitched, and like cedars near waters1086.’
45. Antony, however, according to his custom, returned alone to his own cell, increased his discipline, and sighed daily as he thought of the mansions in Heaven, having his desire fixed on them, and pondering over the shortness of man’s life. And he used to eat and sleep, and go about all other bodily necessities with shame when he thought of the spiritual faculties of the soul. So often, when about to eat with any other hermits, recollecting the spiritual food, he begged to be excused, and departed far off from them, deeming it a matter for shame if he should be seen eating by others. He used, however, when by himself, to eat through bodily necessity, but often also with the brethren; covered with shame on these occasions, yet speaking boldly words of help. And he used to say that it behoved a man to give all his time to his soul rather than his body, yet to grant a short space to the body through its necessities; but all the more earnestly to give up the whole remainder to the soul and seek its profit, that it might not be dragged down by the pleasures of the body, but, on the contrary, the body might be in subjection to the soul. For this is that which was spoken by the Saviour: ‘Be not anxious for your life what ye shall eat, nor for your body what ye shall put on. And do ye seek not what ye shall eat, or what ye shall drink, and be not of a doubtful mind. For all these things the nations of the world seek after. But your Father knoweth that ye have need of all these things. Howbeit seek ye first His Kingdom, and all these things shall be added unto you1087.’
46. After this the Church was seized by the persecution which then1088 took place under Maximinus, and when the holy martyrs were led to Alexandria, Antony also followed, leaving his cell, and saying, Let us go too, that if called, we may contend or behold them that are contending. And he longed to suffer martyrdom, but not being willing to give himself up, he ministered to the confessors in the mines and in the prisons. And he was very zealous in the judgment hall to stir up to readiness those who were summoned when in their contest, while those who were being martyred he received and brought on their way until they were perfected. The judge, therefore, beholding the fearlessness of Antony and his companions, and their zeal in this matter, commanded that no monk should appear in the judgment hall, nor remain at all in the city. So all the rest thought it good to hide themselves that day, but Antony gave so little heed to the command that he washed his garment, and stood all next day on a raised place before them, and appeared in his best before the governor. Therefore when all the rest wondered at this, and the governor saw and passed by with his array, he stood fearlessly, shewing the readiness of us Christians. For, as I said before, he prayed himself to be a martyr, wherefore he seemed as one grieved that he had not borne his witness. But the Lord was keeping him for our profit and that of others, that he should become a teacher to many of the discipline which he had learned from the Scriptures. For many only beholding his manner of life were eager to be imitators of his ways. So he again ministered as usual to the confessors, and as though he were their fellow captive he laboured in his ministry.
47. And when at last the persecution ceased, and the blessed Bishop Peter1089 had borne his testimony, Antony departed, and again withdrew to his cell, and was there daily a martyr to his conscience, and contending in the conflicts of faith. And his discipline was much severer, for he was ever fasting, and he had a garment of hair on the inside, while the outside was skin, which he kept until his end. And he neither bathed his body with water to free himself from filth, nor did he ever wash his feet, nor even endure so much as to put them into water, unless compelled by necessity. Nor did any one even see him unclothed, nor his body naked at all, except after his death, when he was buried.
48. When therefore he had retired and determined to fix a time, after which neither to go forth himself nor admit anybody, Martinian, a military officer, came and disturbed Antony. For he had a daughter afflicted with an evil spirit. But when he continued for a long while knocking at the door, and asking him to come out and pray to God for his child, Antony, not bearing to open, looked out from above and said, ‘Man, why dost thou call on me? I also am a man even as you. But if you believe on Christ whom I serve, go, and according as you believe, pray to God, and it shall come to pass.’ Straightway, therefore, he departed, believing and calling upon Christ, and he received his daughter cleansed from the devil. Many other things also through Antony the Lord did, who saith, ‘Seek and it shall be given unto you1090.’ For many of the sufferers, when he would not open his door, slept outside his cell, and by their faith and sincere prayers were healed.
49. But when he saw himself beset by many, and not suffered to withdraw himself according to his intent as he wished, fearing because of the signs which the Lord wrought by him, that either he should be puffed up, or that some other should think of him above what he ought to think, he considered and set off to go into the upper Thebaid, among those to whom he was unknown. And having received loaves from the brethren, he sat down by the bank of the river, looking whether a boat would go by, that, having embarked thereon, he might go up the river with them. While he was considering these things, a voice came to him from above, ‘Antony, whither goest thou and wherefore?’ But he no way disturbed, but as he had been accustomed to be called1091 often thus, giving ear to it, answered, saying, ‘Since the multitude permit me not to be still, I wish to go into the upper Thebaid on account of the many hindrances that come upon me here, and especially because they demand of me things beyond my power.’ But the voice said unto him, ‘Even though you should go into the Thebaid, or even though, as you have in mind, you should go down to the Bucolia1092, you will have to endure more, aye, double the amount of toil. But if you wish really to be in quiet, depart now into the inner desert.’ And when Antony said, ‘Who will show me the way for I know it not?’ immediately the voice pointed out to him Saracens about to go that way. So Antony approached, and drew near them, and asked that he might go with them into the desert. And they, as though they had been commanded by Providence, received him willingly. And having journeyed with them three days and three nights, he came to a very lofty mountain, and at the foot of the mountain ran a clear spring, whose waters were sweet and very cold; outside there was a plain and a few uncared-for palm trees.
50. Antony then, as it were, moved by God, loved the place1093, for this was the spot
which he who had spoken with him by the banks of the river had pointed out. So having
first received loaves from his fellow travellers, he abode in the mountain alone, no one else
being with him. And recognising it as his own home, he remained in that place for the future.
But the Saracens, having seen the earnestness of Antony, purposely used to journey that
way, and joyfully brought him loaves, while now and then the palm trees also afforded him
a poor and frugal relish. But after this, the brethren learning of the place, like children
mindful of their father, took care to send to him. But when Antony saw that the bread was
the cause of trouble and hardships to some of them, to spare the monks this, he resolved to
ask some of those who came to bring him a spade, an axe, and a little corn. And when these
were brought, he went over the land round the mountain, and having found a small plot of
suitable ground, tilled it; and having a plentiful supply of water for watering, he sowed. This
51. So he was alone in the inner mountain, spending his time in prayer and discipline. And the brethren who served him asked that they might come every month and bring him olives, pulse and oil, for by now he was an old man. There then he passed his life, and endured such great wrestlings, ‘Not against flesh and blood1094,’ as it is written, but against opposing demons, as we learned from those who visited him. For there they heard tumults, many voices, and, as it were, the clash of arms. At night they saw the mountain become full of wild beasts, and him also fighting as though against visible beings, and praying against them. And those who came to him he encouraged, while kneeling he contended and prayed to the Lord. Surely it was a marvellous thing that a man, alone in such a desert, feared neither the demons who rose up against him, nor the fierceness of the four-footed beasts and creeping things, for all they were so many. But in truth, as it is written, ‘He trusted in the Lord as Mount Sion1095,’ with a mind unshaken and undisturbed; so that the demons rather fled from him, and the wild beasts, as it is written1096, ‘kept peace with him.’
52. The devil, therefore, as David says in the Psalms1097, observed Antony and gnashed his teeth against him. But Antony was consoled by the Saviour and continued unhurt by his wiles and varied devices. As he was watching in the night the devil sent wild beasts against him. And almost all the hyenas in that desert came forth from their dens and surrounded him; and he was in the midst, while each one threatened to bite. Seeing that it was a trick of the enemy he said to them all: ‘If ye have received power against me I am ready to be devoured by you; but if ye were sent against me by demons, stay not, but depart, for I am a servant of Christ.’ When Antony said this they fled, driven by that word as with a whip.
53. A few days after, as he was working (for he was careful to work hard), some one stood at the door and pulled the plait which he was working, for he used to weave baskets, which he gave to those who came in return for what they brought him. And rising up he saw a beast like a man to the thighs but having legs and feet like those of an ass. And Antony only signed himself and said, ‘I am a servant of Christ. If thou art sent against me, behold I am here.’ But the beast together with his evil spirits fled, so that, through his speed, he fell and died. And the death of the beast was the fall of the demons. For they strove in all manner of ways to lead Antony from the desert and were not able.
54. And once being asked by the monks to come down and visit them and their abodes after a time, he journeyed with those who came to him. And a camel carried the loaves and the water for them. For all that desert is dry, and there is no water at all that is fit to drink, save in that mountain from whence they drew the water, and in which Antony’s cell was. So when the water failed them on their way, and the heat was very great, they all were in danger. For having gone round the neighbourhood and finding no water, they could walk no further, but lay on the ground and despairing of themselves, let the camel go. But the old man seeing that they were all in jeopardy, groaning in deep grief, departed a little way from them, and kneeling down he stretched forth his hands and prayed. And immediately the Lord made water to well forth where he had stood praying, and so all drank and were revived. And having filled their bottles they sought the camel and found her, for the rope happened to have caught in a stone and so was held fast. Having led it and watered it they placed the bottles on its back and finished their journey in safety. And when he came to the outer cells all saluted him, looking on him as a father. And he too, as though bringing supplies from the mountain, entertained them with his words and gave them a share of help. And again there was joy in the mountains, zeal for improvement and consolation through their mutual faith. Antony also rejoiced when he beheld the earnestness of the monks, and his sister grown old in virginity, and that she herself also was the leader of other virgins.
55. So after certain days he went in again to the mountain. And henceforth many resorted
to him, and others who were suffering ventured to go in. To all the monks therefore who
came to him, he continually gave this precept: ‘Believe on the Lord and love Him; keep
yourselves from filthy thoughts and fleshly pleasures, and as it is written in the Proverbs,
be not deceived “by the fulness of the belly1098.” Pray continually; avoid vainglory; sing
psalms before sleep and on awaking; hold in your heart the commandments of Scripture;
be mindful of the works of the saints that your souls being put in remembrance of the
commandments may be brought into harmony with the zeal of the saints.’ And especially
he counselled them to meditate continually on the apostle’s word, ‘Let not the sun go down
upon your wrath1099.’ And he considered this was spoken of all commandments in common,
and that not on wrath alone, but not on any other sin of ours, ought the sun to go down.
For it was good and needful that neither the sun should condemn us for an evil by day nor
the moon for a sin by night, or even for an evil thought. That this state may be preserved in
us it is good to hear the apostle and keep his words, for he says, ‘Try your own selves and
prove your own selves1100.’ Daily, therefore, let each one take from himself the tale of his
actions both by day and night; and if he have sinned, let him cease from it; while if he have
not, let him not be boastful. But let him abide in that which is good, without being negligent,
nor condemning his neighbours, nor justifying himself, ‘until the Lord come who searcheth
out hidden things1101,’ as saith the blessed apostle Paul. For often unawares we do things
that we know not of; but the Lord seeth all things. Wherefore committing the judgment to
Him, let us have sympathy one with another. Let us bear each other’s burdens1102: but let
us examine our own selves and hasten to fill up that in which we are lacking. And as a safeguard
against sin let the following be observed. Let us each one note and write down our
actions and the impulses of our soul as though we were going to relate them to each other.
And be assured that if we should be utterly ashamed to have them known, we shall abstain
from sin and harbour no base thoughts in our mind. For who wishes to be seen while sinning?
or who will not rather lie after the commission of a sin, through the wish to escape notice?
As then while we are looking at one another, we would not commit carnal sin, so if we record
our thoughts as though about to tell them to one another, we shall the more easily keep
ourselves free from vile thoughts through shame lest they should be known. Wherefore let
that which is written be to us in place of the eyes of our fellow hermits, that blushing as
much to write as if we had been caught, we may never think of what is unseemly. Thus
56. This was the advice he gave to those who came to him. And with those who suffered he sympathised and prayed. And oft-times the Lord heard him on behalf of many: yet he boasted not because he was heard, nor did he murmur if he were not. But always he gave the Lord thanks and besought the sufferer to be patient, and to know that healing belonged neither to him nor to man at all, but only to the Lord, who doeth good when and to whom He will. The sufferers therefore used to receive the words of the old man as though they were a cure, learning not to be downhearted but rather to be long-suffering. And those who were healed were taught not to give thanks to Antony but to God alone.
57. Wherefore a man, Fronto by name, who was an officer of the Court and had a terrible disease, for he used to bite his own tongue and was in danger of injury to his eyes, having come to the mountain, asked Antony to pray for him. But Antony said to him, ‘Depart and thou shalt be healed.’ But when he was violent and remained within some days, Antony waited and said, ‘If thou stayest here, thou canst not be healed. Go, and having come into Egypt thou shalt see the sign wrought in thee.’ And he believed and went. And as soon as he set eyes on Egypt his sufferings ceased, and the man became whole according to the word of Antony, which the Saviour had revealed to him in prayer.
58. There was also a maiden from Busiris Tripolitana, who had a terrible and very hideous disorder. For the runnings of her eyes, nose, and ears fell to the ground and immediately became worms. She was paralysed also and squinted. Her parents having heard of monks going to Antony, and believing on the Lord who healed1103 the woman with the issue of blood, asked to be allowed, together with their daughter, to journey with them. And when they suffered them, the parents together with the girl, remained outside the mountain with Paphnutius, the confessor and monk; but the monks went in to Antony. And when they only wished to tell about the damsel, he anticipated them, and detailed both the sufferings of the child and how she journeyed with them. Then when they asked that she should be admitted, Antony did not allow it, but said, ‘Go, and if she be not dead, you will find her healed: for the accomplishment of this is not mine, that she should come to me, wretched man that I am, but her healing is the work of the Saviour, who in every place sheweth His pity to them that call upon Him. Wherefore the Lord hath inclined to her as she prayed, and His loving-kindness hath declared to me that He will heal the child where she now is.’ So the wonder took place; and going out they found the parents rejoicing and the girl whole.
59. But when two brethren were coming to him, the water failed on the way, and one died and the other was at the point of death, for he had no strength to go on, but lay upon the ground expecting to die. But Antony sitting in the mountain called two monks, who chanced to be there, and urged them saying, ‘Take a pitcher of water and run on the road towards Egypt. For of two men who were coming, one is already dead and the other will die unless you hasten. For this has been revealed to me as I was praying.’ The monks therefore went, and found one lying dead, whom they buried, and the other they restored with water and led him to the old man. For it was a day’s journey1104. But if any one asks, why he did not speak before the other died, the question ought not to be asked. For the punishment of death was not Antony’s but God’s, who also judged the one and revealed the condition of the other. But the marvel here was only in the case of Antony: that he sitting in the mountain had his heart watchful, and had the Lord to show him things afar off.
60. And this is so, for once again he was sitting on the mountain, and looking up saw in the air some one being borne upwards, and there was much joy among those who met him. Then wondering and deeming a company of that kind to be blessed, he prayed to learn what this might be. And immediately a voice came to him: ‘This is the soul of Amun, the monk at Nitria.’ Now Amun had persevered in the discipline up to old age; and the distance from Nitria to the mountain where Antony was, was thirteen days’ journey. The companions of Antony therefore, seeing the old man amazed, asked to learn, and heard that Amun was just dead1105. And he was well known, for he had stayed there very often, and many signs had been wrought by his means. And this is one of them. Once when he had need to cross the river called Lycus (now it was the season of the flood), he asked his comrade Theodorus to remain at a distance, that they should not see one another naked as they swam the water. Then when Theodorus was departed he again felt ashamed even to see himself naked. While, therefore, he was pondering filled with shame, on a sudden he was borne over to the other side. Theodorus, therefore, himself being a good man, approached, and seeing Amun across first without a drop of water falling from him, enquired how he had got over. And when he saw that Amun was unwilling to tell him, he held him by the feet and declared that he would not let him go before he had learned it from him. So Amun seeing the determination of Theodorus especially from what he had said, and having asked him to tell no man before his death, told him that he had been carried and placed on the further side. And that he had not even set foot on the water, nor was that possible for man, but for the Lord alone and those whom He permits, as He did for the great apostle Peter1106. Theodorus therefore told this after the death of Amun. And the monks to whom Antony spoke concerning Amun’s death marked the day; and when the brethren came up from Nitria thirty days after, they enquired of them and learned that Amun had fallen asleep at that day and hour in which the old man had seen his soul borne upwards. And both these and the others marvelled at the purity of Antony’s soul, how he had immediately learned that which was taking place at a distance of thirteen days’ journey, and had seen the soul as it was taken up.
61. And Archelaus too, the Count, on a time having found him in the outer mountain, asked him merely to pray for Polycratia of Laodicea, an excellent and Christian1107 maiden, for she suffered terribly in the stomach and side through over much discipline, and was altogether weakly of body. Antony prayed therefore, and the Count noted the day in which the prayer was made, and having departed to Laodicea he found the maiden whole. And having enquired when and on what day she was relieved of her infirmity, he produced the paper on which he had written the time of the prayer, and having read it he immediately shewed the writing on the paper. And all wondered when they knew that the Lord had relieved her of pain at the time when Antony was praying and invoking the goodness of the Saviour on her behalf.
62. And concerning those who came to him, he often foretold some days or sometimes a month beforehand what was the cause of their coming. For some came only for the sake of seeing him, others through sickness, and others suffering from evil spirits. And all thought the labour of the journey neither trouble nor loss. For each one returned aware that he had received benefit. But though saying such things and beholding such sights, he used to ask that no one should wonder at him for this; but should rather marvel at the Lord for having granted to us men to know Him as far as our powers extended.
63. Afterwards, on another occasion, having descended to the outer cells, he was asked to enter a vessel and pray with the monks, and he alone perceived an exceedingly unpleasant smell. But those on board said that the stench arose from the fish and salt meat in the ship. He replied however, the smell was different from that; and while he was speaking, a youth with an evil spirit, who had come and hidden himself in the ship, cried out. But the demon being rebuked in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ departed from him, and the man became whole. And all knew that the evil smell arose from the demon.
64. And another, a person of rank, came to him, possessed by a demon; and the demon was so terrible that the man possessed did not know that he was coming to Antony. But he even ate the excreta from his body. So those who brought him besought Antony to pray for him. And Antony pitying the young man prayed and kept watch with him all the night. And about dawn the young man suddenly attacked Antony and gave him a push. But when those who came with him were angry, Antony said, ‘Be not angry with the young man, for it is not he, but the demon which is in him. And being rebuked and commanded to go into dry places, the demon became raging mad, and he has done this. Wherefore give thanks to the Lord, for his attack on me thus is a sign of the departure of the evil spirit.’ When Antony had said this, straightway the young man had become whole, and having come at last to his right mind, knew where he was, and saluted the old man and gave thanks to God.
65. And many monks have related with the greatest agreement and unanimity that many other such like things were done by him. But still these do not seem as marvellous as certain other things appear to be. For once, when about to eat, having risen up to pray about the ninth hour, he perceived that he was caught up in the spirit, and, wonderful to tell, he stood and saw himself, as it were, from outside himself, and that he was led in the air by certain ones. Next certain bitter and terrible beings stood in the air and wished to hinder him from passing through. But when his conductors opposed them, they demanded whether he was not accountable to them. And when they wished to sum up the account from his birth, Antony’s conductors stopped them, saying, ‘The Lord hath wiped out the sins from his birth, but from the time he became a monk, and devoted himself to God, it is permitted you to make a reckoning.’ Then when they accused him and could not convict him, his way was free and unhindered. And immediately he saw himself, as it were, coming and standing by himself, and again he was Antony as before. Then forgetful of eating, he remained the rest of the day and through the whole of the night groaning and praying. For he was astonished when he saw against what mighty opponents our wrestling is, and by what labours we have to pass through the air. And he remembered that this is what the Apostle said, ‘according to the prince of the power of the air1108.’ For in it the enemy hath power to fight and to attempt to hinder those who pass through. Wherefore most earnestly he exhorted, ‘Take up the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to withstand in the evil day1109,’ that the enemy, ‘having no evil thing to say against us, may be ashamed1110.’ And we who have learned this, let us be mindful of the Apostle when he says, ‘whether in the body I know not, or whether out of the body I know not; God knoweth1111.’ But Paul was caught up unto the third heaven, and having heard things unspeakable he came down; while Antony saw that he had come to the air, and contended until he was free.
66. And he had also this favour granted him. For as he was sitting alone on the mountain, if ever he was in perplexity in his meditations, this was revealed to him by Providence in prayer. And the happy man, as it is written, was taught of God1112. After this, when he once had a discussion with certain men who had come to him concerning the state of the soul and of what nature its place will be after this life, the following night one from above called him, saying, ‘Antony, rise, go out and look.’ Having gone out therefore (for he knew whom he ought to obey) looking up, he beheld one standing and reaching to the clouds, tall, hideous, and fearful, and others ascending as though they were winged. And the figure stretched forth his hands, and some of those who were ascending were stayed by him, while others flew above, and having escaped heaven-ward, were borne aloft free from care. At such, therefore, the giant gnashed his teeth, but rejoiced over those who fell back. And forthwith a voice came to Antony, ‘Understandest thou what thou seest?’ And his under- standing was opened, and he understood that it was the passing of souls, and that the tall being who stood was the enemy who envies the faithful. And those whom he caught and stopped from passing through are accountable to him, while those whom he was unable to hold as they passed upwards had not been subservient to him. So having seen this, and as it were being reminded, he struggled the more daily to advance towards those things which were before. And these visions he was unwilling to tell, but as he spent much time in prayer, and was amazed, when those who were with him pressed him with questions and forced him, he was compelled to speak, as a father who cannot withhold ought from his children. And he thought that as his conscience was clear, the account would be beneficial for them, that they might learn that discipline bore good fruit, and that visions were oftentimes the solace of their labours.
67. Added to this he was tolerant in disposition and humble in spirit. For though he was such a man, he observed the rule of the Church most rigidly, and was willing that all the clergy should be honoured above himself1113. For he was not ashamed to bow his head to bishops and presbyters, and if ever a deacon came to him for help he discoursed with him on what was profitable, but gave place to him in prayer, not being ashamed to learn himself. For often he would ask questions, and desired to listen to those who were present, and if any one said anything that was useful he confessed that he was profited. And besides, his countenance had a great and wonderful grace. This gift also he had from the Saviour. For if he were present in a great company of monks, and any one who did not know him previously, wished to see him, immediately coming forward he passed by the rest, and hurried to Antony, as though attracted by his appearance. Yet neither in height nor breadth was he conspicuous above others, but in the serenity of his manner and the purity of his soul. For as his soul was free from disturbances, his outward appearance was calm; so from the joy of his soul he possessed a cheerful countenance, and from his bodily movements could be perceived the condition of his soul, as it is written, ‘When the heart is merry the countenance is cheerful, but when it is sorrowful it is cast down1114.’ Thus Jacob recognised the counsel Laban had in his heart, and said to his wives, ‘The countenance of your father is not as it was yesterday and the day before1115.’ Thus Samuel recognised David, for he had mirthful eyes, and teeth white as milk. Thus Antony was recognised, for he was never disturbed, for his soul was at peace; he was never downcast, for his mind was joyous.
68. And he was altogether wonderful in faith and religious, for he never held communion with the Meletian schismatics, knowing their wickedness and apostacy from the beginning; nor had he friendly dealings with the Manichæans or any other heretics; or, if he had, only as far as advice that they should change to piety. For he thought and asserted that intercourse with these was harmful and destructive to the soul. In the same manner also he loathed the heresy of the Arians, and exhorted all neither to approach them nor to hold their erroneous belief. And once when certain Arian madmen came to him, when he had questioned them and learned their impiety, he drove them from the mountain, saying that their words were worse than the poison of serpents.
69. And once also the Arians having lyingly asserted that Antony’s opinions were the same as theirs, he was displeased and wroth against them. Then being summoned by the bishops and all the brethren, he descended from the mountain, and having entered Alexandria1116, he denounced the Arians, saying that their heresy was the last of all and a forerunner of Antichrist. And he taught the people that the Son of God was not a created being, neither had He come into being from non-existence, but that He was the Eternal Word and Wisdom of the Essence of the Father. And therefore it was impious to say, ‘there was a time when He was not,’ for the Word was always co-existent with the Father. Wherefore have no fellowship with the most impious Arians. For there is no communion between light and darkness1117. For you are good Christians, but they, when they say that the Son of the Father, the Word of God, is a created being, differ in nought from the heathen, since they worship that which is created, rather than God the creator1118. But believe ye that the Creation itself is angry with them because they number the Creator, the Lord of all, by whom all things came into being, with those things which were originated.
70. All the people, therefore, rejoiced when they heard the anti-Christian heresy anathematised by such a man. And all the people in the city ran together to see Antony; and the Greeks and those who are called their Priests, came into the church, saying, ‘We ask to see the man of God,’ for so they all called him. For in that place also the Lord cleansed many of demons, and healed those who were mad. And many Greeks asked that they might even but touch the old man, believing that they should be profited. Assuredly as many became Christians in those few days as one would have seen made in a year. Then when some thought that he was troubled by the crowds, and on this account turned them all away from him, he said, undisturbedly, that there were not more of them than of the demons with whom he wrestled in the mountain.
71. But when he was departing, and we were setting him forth on his way, as we1119 arrived at the gate a woman from behind cried out, ‘Stay, thou man of God, my daughter is grievously vexed by a devil. Stay, I beseech thee, lest I too harm myself with running.’ And the old man when he heard her, and was asked by us, willingly stayed. And when the woman drew near, the child was cast on the ground. But when Antony had prayed and called upon the name of Christ, the child was raised whole, for the unclean spirit was gone forth. And the mother blessed God, and all gave thanks. And Antony himself also rejoiced, departing to the mountain as though it were to his own home.
72. And Antony also was exceeding prudent, and the wonder was that although he had not learned letters, he was a ready-witted and sagacious man. At all events two Greek philosophers once came, thinking they could try their skill on Antony; and he was in the outer mountain, and having recognised who they were from their appearance, he came to them and said to them by means of an interpreter, ‘Why, philosophers, did ye trouble yourselves so much to come to a foolish man?’ And when they said that he was not a foolish man, but exceedingly prudent, he said to them, ‘If you came to a foolish man, your labour is superfluous; but if you think me prudent become as I am, for we ought to imitate what is good. And if I had come to you I should have imitated you; but if you to me, become as I am, for I am a Christian.’ But they departed with wonder, for they saw that even demons feared Antony.
73. And again others such as these met him in the outer mountain and thought to mock1120 him because he had not learned letters. And Antony said to them, ‘What say ye? which is first, mind or letters? And which is the cause of which—mind of letters or letters of mind?’ And when they answered mind is first and the inventor of letters, Antony said, ‘Whoever, therefore, hath a sound mind hath not need of letters.’ This answer amazed both the bystanders and the philosophers, and they departed marvelling that they had seen so much understanding in an ignorant man. For his manners were not rough as though he had been reared in the mountain and there grown old, but graceful and polite, and his speech was seasoned with the divine salt, so that no one was envious, but rather all rejoiced over him who visited him.
74. After this again certain others came; and these were men who were deemed wise
among the Greeks, and they asked him a reason for our faith in Christ. But when they attempted
to dispute concerning the preaching of the divine Cross and meant to mock, Antony
stopped for a little, and first pitying their ignorance, said, through an interpreter, who could
skilfully interpret his words, ‘Which is more beautiful, to confess the Cross or to attribute
to those whom you call gods adultery and the seduction of boys? For that which is chosen
by us is a sign of courage and a sure token of the contempt of death, while yours are the
passions of licentiousness. Next, which is better, to say that the Word of God was not changed,
but, being the same, He took a human body for the salvation and well-being of man, that
having shared in human birth He might make man partake in the divine and spiritual
nature1121; or to liken the divine to senseless animals and consequently to worship fourfooted
beasts, creeping things and the likenesses of men? For these things, are the objects
of reverence of you wise men. But how do you dare to mock us, who say that Christ has
appeared as man, seeing that you, bringing the soul from heaven, assert that it has strayed
75. But concerning the Cross, which would you say to be the better, to bear it, when a plot is brought about by wicked men, nor to be in fear of death brought about under any form whatever1125; or to prate about the wanderings of Osiris and Isis, the plots of Typhon, the flight of Cronos, his eating his children and the slaughter of his father. For this is your wisdom. But how, if you mock the Cross, do you not marvel at the resurrection? For the same men who told us of the latter wrote the former. Or why when you make mention of the Cross are you silent about the dead who were raised, the blind who received their sight, the paralytics who were healed, the lepers who were cleansed, the walking upon the sea, and the rest of the signs and wonders, which shew that Christ is no longer a man but God? To me you seem to do yourselves much injustice and not to have carefully read our Scriptures. But read and see that the deeds of Christ prove Him to be God come upon earth for the salvation of men.
76. But do you tell us your religious beliefs. What can you say of senseless creatures except
senselessness and ferocity? But if, as I hear, you wish to say that these things are spoken of
by you as legends, and you allegorize the rape of the maiden Persephone of the earth; the
77. But when they were at a loss, turning hither and thither, Antony smiled and said—again through an interpreter—‘Sight itself carries the conviction of these things. But as you prefer to lean upon demonstrative arguments, and as you, having this art, wish us also not to worship God, until after such proof, do you tell first how things in general and specially the recognition of God are accurately known. Is it through demonstrative argument or the working of faith? And which is better, faith which comes through the inworking (of God) or demonstration by arguments?’ And when they answered that faith which comes through the inworking was better and was accurate knowledge, Antony said, ‘You have answered well, for faith arises from disposition of soul, but dialectic from the skill of its inventors. Wherefore to those who have the inworking through faith, demonstrative argument is needless, or even superfluous. For what we know through faith this you attempt to prove through words, and often you are not even able to express what we understand. So the inworking through faith is better and stronger than your professional arguments.’
78. ‘We Christians therefore hold the mystery not in the wisdom of Greek arguments, but in the power of faith richly supplied to us by God through Jesus Christ. And to show that this statement is true, behold now, without having learned letters, we believe in God, knowing through His works His providence over all things. And to show that our faith is effective, so now we are supported by faith in Christ, but you by professional logomachies. The portents of the idols among you are being done away, but our faith is extending everywhere. You by your arguments and quibbles have converted none from Christianity to Paganism. We, teaching the faith on Christ, expose your superstition, since all recognise that Christ is God and the Son of God. You by your eloquence do not hinder the teaching of Christ. But we by the mention of Christ crucified put all demons to flight, whom you fear as if they were gods. Where the sign of the Cross is1126, magic is weak and witchcraft has no strength.
79. ‘Tell us therefore where your oracles are now? Where are the charms of the Egyptians?
Where the delusions of the magicians? When did all these things cease and grow weak except
when the Cross of Christ arose? Is It then a fit subject for mockery, and not rather the things
80. ‘And these signs are sufficient to prove that the faith of Christ alone is the true religion. But see! you still do not believe and are seeking for arguments. We however make our proof “not in the persuasive words of Greek wisdom1128” as our teacher has it, but we persuade by the faith which manifestly precedes argumentative proof. Behold there are here some vexed with demons;’—now there were certain who had come to him very disquieted by demons, and bringing them into the midst he said,—‘Do you cleanse them either by arguments and by whatever art or magic you choose, calling upon your idols, or if you are unable, put away your strife with us and you shall see the power of the Cross of Christ.’ And having said this he called upon Christ, and signed the sufferers two or three times with the sign of the Cross. And immediately the men stood up whole, and in their right mind, and forthwith gave thanks unto the Lord. And the philosophers, as they are called, wondered, and were astonished exceedingly at the understanding of the man and at the sign which had been wrought. But Antony said, ‘Why marvel ye at this? We are not the doers of these things, but it is Christ who worketh them by means of those who believe on Him. Believe, therefore, also yourselves, and you shall see that with us there is no trick of words, but faith through love which is wrought in us towards Christ; which if you yourselves should obtain you will no longer seek demonstrative arguments, but will consider faith in Christ sufficient.’ These are the words of Antony. And they marvelling at this also, saluted him and departed, confessing the benefit they had received from him1129.
81. And the fame of Antony came even unto kings. For Constantine Augustus, and his sons Constantius and Constans the Augusti wrote letters to him, as to a father, and begged an answer from him. But he made nothing very much of the letters, nor did he rejoice at the messages, but was the same as he had been before the Emperors wrote to him. But when they brought him the letters he called the monks and said, ‘Do not be astonished if an emperor writes to us, for he is a man; but rather wonder that God wrote the Law for men and has spoken to us1130 through His own Son.’ And so he was unwilling to receive the letters, saying that he did not know how to write an answer to such things. But being urged by the monks because the emperors were Christians, and lest they should take offence on the ground that they had been spurned, he consented that they should be read, and wrote an answer approving them because they worshipped Christ, and giving them counsel on things pertaining to salvation: ‘not to think much of the present, but rather to remember the judgment that is coming, and to know that Christ alone was the true and Eternal King.’ He begged them to be merciful and to give heed to justice and the poor. And they having received the answer rejoiced. Thus he was dear to all, and all desired to consider him as a father.
82. Being known to be so great a man, therefore, and having thus given answers to those
who visited him, he returned again to the inner mountain, and maintained his wonted discipline.
And often when people came to him, as he was sitting or walking, as it is written in
Daniel1131, he became dumb, and after a season he resumed the thread of what he had been
saying before to the brethren who were with him. And his companions perceived that he
was seeing a vision. For often when he was on the mountains he saw what was happening
in Egypt, and told it to Serapion the bishop1132, who was indoors with him, and who saw
that Antony was wrapped in a vision. Once as he was sitting and working, he fell, as it were,
into a trance, and groaned much at what he saw. Then after a time, having turned to the
bystanders with groans and trembling, he prayed, and falling on his knees remained so a
long time. And having arisen the old man wept. His companions, therefore, trembling and
terrified, desired to learn from him what it was. And they troubled him much, until he was
forced to speak. And with many groans he spake as follows: ‘O, my children, it were better
to die before what has appeared in the vision come to pass.’ And when again they asked
him, having burst into tears, he said, ‘Wrath is about to seize the Church, and it is on the
point of being given up to men who are like senseless beasts. For I saw the table of the Lord’s
House, and mules standing around it on all sides in a ring, and kicking the things therein,
just like a herd kicks when it leaps in confusion. And you saw,’ said he, ‘how I groaned, for
I heard a voice saying, “My altar shall be defiled.”’ These things the old man saw, and after
two years the present1133 inroad of the Arians and the plunder of the churches took place,
ius fled to the desert and was in the company of the monks. This conclusion is in independent agreement with (1) the fact, decisive by itself, that Antony is still alive in 345, when Nestorius became Prefect of Egypt (§86, note 3), i.e. six years after the troubles of 339; (2) the evidence that Antony was still living about 353 a.d. (Epist. Ammon. de Pachom. et Theod. 20, 21, in Act. SS. Mai. tom. iii. Appendix 70 C E, Tillemont vii. 123), and (3) the statement of Jerome (Chron.) that Antony died in 356. Against it Weingarten urges the prophecy of restored peace to the Church (infr.) as pointing to a time after the overthrow of Arianism. This is of little weight, for the prophecy expresses only what must have been the hope and belief of all. The prologue, which Tillemont (viii. 227) thinks must have been written in a time of peace at Alexandria, is not sufficiently explicit on the point to weigh against the plain sense of the present passage.
83. Such are the words of Antony, and we ought not to doubt whether such marvels were wrought by the hand of a man. For it is the promise of the Saviour, when He saith, ‘If ye have faith as a grain of mustard seed, ye shall say to this mountain, remove hence and it shall remove; and nothing shall be impossible unto you1135.’ And again, ‘Verily, verily, I say unto you, if ye shall ask the father in My name He will give it you. Ask and ye shall receive1136.’ And He himself it is who saith to His disciples and to all who believe on Him, ‘Heal the sick, cast out demons; freely ye have received, freely give1137.’
84. Antony, at any rate, healed not by commanding, but by prayer and speaking the name of Christ. So that it was clear to all that it was not he himself who worked, but the Lord who showed mercy by his means and healed the sufferers. But Antony’s part was only prayer and discipline, for the sake of which he stayed in the mountain, rejoicing in the contemplation of divine things, but grieving when troubled by much people, and dragged to the outer mountain. For all judges used to ask him to come down, because it was impossible for them to enter on account of their following of litigants. But nevertheless they asked him to come that they might but see him. When therefore he avoided it and refused to go to them, they remained firm, and sent to him all the more the prisoners under charge of soldiers, that on account of these he might come down. Being forced by necessity, and seeing them lamenting, he came into the outer mountain, and again his labour was not unprofitable. For his coming was advantageous and serviceable to many; and he was of profit to the judges, counselling them to prefer justice to all things; to fear God, and to know, ‘that with what judgment they judged, they should be judged1138.’ But he loved more than all things his sojourn in the mountain.
85. At another time, suffering the same compulsion at the hands of them who had need, and after many entreaties from the commander of the soldiers, he came down, and when he was come he spoke to them shortly of the things which make for salvation, and concerning those who wanted him, and was hastening away. But when the duke, as he is called, entreated him to stay, he replied that he could not linger among them, and persuaded him by a pretty simile, saying, ‘Fishes, if they remain long on dry land, die. And so monks lose their strength if they loiter among you and spend their time with you. Wherefore as fish must hurry to the sea, so must we hasten to the mountain. Lest haply if we delay we forget the things within us.’ And the general having heard this and many other things from him, was amazed and said, ‘Of a truth this man is the servant of God. For, unless he were beloved of God, whence could an ignorant man have such great understanding?’
86. And a certain general, Balacius by name, persecuted us Christians bitterly on account of his regard for the Arians—that name of ill-omen. And as his ruthlessness was so great that he beat virgins, and stripped and scourged monks, Antony at this time wrote a letter as follows, and sent it to him. ‘I see wrath coming upon thee, wherefore cease to persecute the Christians, lest haply wrath catch hold of thee, for even now it is on the point of coming upon thee1139.’ But Balacius laughed and threw the letter on the ground, and spit on it, and insulted the bearers, bidding them tell this to Antony: ‘Since thou takest thought for the monks, soon I will come after thee also.’ And five days had not passed before wrath came upon him. For Balacius and Nestorius, the Prefect of Egypt1140, went forth to the first haltingplace from Alexandria, which is called Chæreu, and both were on horseback, and the horses belonged to Balacius, and were the quietest of all his stable. But they had not gone far towards the place when the horses began to frisk with one another as they are wont to do; and suddenly the quieter, on which Nestorius sat1141, with a bite dismounted Balacius, and attacked him, and tore his thigh so badly with its teeth that he was borne straight back to the city, and in three days died. And all wondered because what Antony had foretold had been so speedily fulfilled.
87. Thus, therefore, he warned the cruel. But the rest who came to him he so instructed that they straightway forgot their lawsuits, and felicitated those who were in retirement from the world. And he championed those who were wronged in such a way that you would imagine that he, and not the others, was the sufferer. Further, he was able to be of such use to all, that many soldiers and men who had great possessions laid aside the burdens of life, and became monks for the rest of their days. And it was as if a physician had been given by God to Egypt. For who in grief met Antony and did not return rejoicing? Who came mourning for his dead and did not forthwith put off his sorrow? Who came in anger and was not converted to friendship? What poor and low-spirited man met him who, hearing him and looking upon him, did not despise wealth and console himself in his poverty? What monk, having being neglectful, came to him and became not all the stronger? What young man having come to the mountain and seen Antony, did not forthwith deny himself pleasure and love temperance? Who when tempted by a demon, came to him and did not find rest? And who came troubled with doubts and did not get quietness of mind?
88. For this was the wonderful thing in Antony’s discipline, that, as I said before, having the gift of discerning spirits, he recognised their movements, and was not ignorant whither any one of them turned his energy and made his attack. And not only was he not deceived by them himself, but cheering those who were troubled with doubts, he taught them how to defeat their plans, telling them of the weakness and craft of those who possessed them. Thus each one, as though prepared by him for battle, came down from the mountain, braving the designs of the devil and his demons. How many maidens who had suitors, having but seen Antony from afar, remained maidens for Christ’s sake. And people came also from foreign parts to him, and like all others, having got some benefit, returned, as though set forward by a father. And certainly when he died, all as having been bereft of a father, consoled themselves solely by their remembrances of him, preserving at the same time his counsel and advice.
89. It is worth while that I should relate, and that you, as you wish it, should hear what his death was like. For this end of his is worthy of imitation. According to his custom he visited the monks in the outer mountain, and having learned from Providence that his own end was at hand, he said to the brethren, ‘This is my last visit to you which I shall make. And I shall be surprised if we see each other again in this life. At length the time of my departure is at hand, for I am near a hundred and five years old.’ And when they heard it they wept, and embraced, and kissed the old man. But he, as though sailing from a foreign city to his own, spoke joyously, and exhorted them ‘Not to grow idle in their labours, nor to become faint in their training, but to live as though dying daily. And as he had said before, zealously to guard the soul from foul thoughts, eagerly to imitate the Saints, and to have nought to do with the Meletian schismatics, for you know their wicked and profane character. Nor have any fellowship with the Arians, for their impiety is clear to all. Nor be disturbed if you see the judges protect them, for it shall cease, and their pomp is mortal and of short duration. Wherefore keep yourselves all the more untainted by them, and observe the traditions of the fathers, and chiefly the holy faith in our Lord Jesus Christ, which you have learned from the Scripture, and of which you have often been put in mind by me.’
90. But when the brethren were urging him to abide with them and there to die, he suffered it not for many other reasons, as he showed by keeping silence, and especially for this:—The Egyptians are wont to honour with funeral rites, and to wrap in linen cloths at death the bodies of good men, and especially of the holy martyrs; and not to bury them underground, but to place them on couches, and to keep them in their houses, thinking in this to honour the departed. And Antony often urged the bishops to give commandment to the people on this matter. In like manner he taught the laity and reproved the women, saying, ‘that this thing was neither lawful nor holy at all. For the bodies of the patriarchs and prophets are until now preserved in tombs, and the very body of the Lord was laid in a tomb, and a stone was laid upon it, and hid it until He rose on the third day1142.’ And thus saying, he showed that he who did not bury the bodies of the dead after death transgressed the law, even though they were sacred. For what is greater or more sacred than the body of the Lord? Many therefore having heard, henceforth buried the dead underground, and gave thanks to the Lord that they had been taught rightly.
91. But he, knowing the custom, and fearing that his body would be treated this way, hastened, and having bidden farewell to the monks in the outer mountain entered the inner mountain, where he was accustomed to abide. And after a few months he fell sick. Having summoned those who were there—they were two in number who had remained in the mountain fifteen years, practising the discipline and attending on Antony on account of his age—he said to them, ‘I, as it is written1143, go the way of the fathers, for I perceive that I am called by the Lord. And do you be watchful and destroy not your long discipline, but as though now making a beginning, zealously preserve your determination. For ye know the treachery of the demons, how fierce they are, but how little power they have. Wherefore fear them not, but rather ever breathe Christ, and trust Him. Live as though dying daily. Give heed to yourselves, and remember the admonition you have heard from me. Have no fellowship with the schismatics, nor any dealings at all with the heretical Arians. For you know how I shunned them on account of their hostility to Christ, and the strange doctrines of their heresy. Therefore be the more earnest always to be followers first of God and then of the Saints; that after death they also may receive you as well-known friends into the eternal habitations. Ponder over these things and think of them, and if you have any care for me and are mindful of me as of a father, suffer no one to take my body into Egypt, lest haply they place me in the houses1144, for to avoid this I entered into the mountain and came here. Moreover you know how I always put to rebuke those who had this custom, and exhorted them to cease from it. Bury my body, therefore, and hide it underground yourselves, and let my words be observed by you that no one may know the place1145 but you alone. For at the resurrection of the dead I shall receive it incorruptible from the Saviour. And divide my garments. To Athanasius the bishop give one sheepskin and the garment whereon I am laid, which he himself gave me new, but which with me has grown old. To Serapion the bishop give the other sheepskin, and keep the hair garment yourselves1146. For the rest fare ye well, my children, for Antony is departing, and is with you no more.’
92. Having said this, when they had kissed him, he lifted up his feet, and as though he saw friends coming to him and was glad because of them—for as he lay his countenance appeared joyful—he died and was gathered to the fathers. And they afterward, according to his commandment, wrapped him up and buried him, hiding his body underground. And no one knows to this day where it was buried, save those two only. But each of those who received the sheepskin of the blessed Antony and the garment worn by him guards it as a precious treasure. For even to look on them is as it were to behold Antony; and he who is clothed in them seems with joy to bear his admonitions.
93. This is the end of Antony’s life in the body and the above was the beginning of the discipline. Even if this account is small compared with his merit, still from this reflect how great Antony, the man of God, was. Who from his youth to so great an age preserved a uniform zeal for the discipline, and neither through old age was subdued by the desire of costly food, nor through the infirmity of his body changed the fashion of his clothing, nor washed even his feet with water, and yet remained entirely free from harm. For his eyes were undimmed and quite sound and he saw clearly; of his teeth he had not lost one, but they had become worn to the gums through the great age of the old man. He remained strong both in hands and feet; and while all men were using various foods, and washings and divers garments, he appeared more cheerful and of greater strength. And the fact that his fame has been blazoned everywhere; that all regard him with wonder, and that those who have never seen him long for him, is clear proof of his virtue and God’s love of his soul. For not from writings, nor from worldly wisdom, nor through any art, was Antony renowned, but solely from his piety towards God. That this was the gift of God no one will deny. For from whence into Spain and into Gaul, how into Rome and Africa, was the man heard of who abode hidden in a mountain, unless it was God who maketh His own known everywhere, who also promised this to Antony at the beginning? For even if they work secretly, even if they wish to remain in obscurity, yet the Lord shows them as lamps to lighten all, that those who hear may thus know that the precepts of God are able to make men prosper and thus be zealous in the path of virtue.
94. Read these words, therefore, to the rest of the brethren that they may learn what the life of monks ought to be; and may believe that our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ glorifies those who glorify Him: and leads those who serve Him unto the end, not only to the kingdom of heaven, but here also—even though they hide themselves and are desirous of withdrawing from the world—makes them illustrious and well known everywhere on account of their virtue and the help they render others. And if need be, read this among the heathen, that even in this way they may learn that our Lord Jesus Christ is not only God and the Son of God, but also that the Christians who truly serve Him and religiously believe on Him, prove, not only that the demons, whom the Greeks themselves think to be gods, are no gods, but also tread them under foot and put them to flight, as deceivers and corrupters of mankind, through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom be glory for ever and ever. Amen.
Written A.D. 356.
This letter was addressed by St. Athanasius to the bishops of his Province after his expulsion by Syrianus (Feb. 8, 356), and when the nomination of George the contractor to the Alexandrian See was already known (§7). But no details of the persecution of the orthodox in Egypt had reached Athanasius when he wrote, in fact he mentions it as only beginning (§5). This points to about the Easter of 356; see Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (1). The tract thus opens the series of anti-Arian works composed during the ‘third exile.’ It has indeed been inferred (by Baronius and others) from §22 that the letter was written thirty-six years after the Nicene Synod, i.e. in 361. But it was certainly written before the arrival of George, and in the passage referred to it is the first condemnation of Arius by Alexander, and not the Council of Nicæa, that is placed thirty-six years ago. The primary purpose of the letter is to warn the bishops against a formulary which was on the point of being circulated for their acceptance on pain of banishment (§5). The creed in question cannot now be identified,—but it was very possibly the Sirmian Creed of 351 (de Synod. 27), not formally Arian, but evading the Nicene test (§10). He begins, accordingly, after a general warning (1–4) against being imposed upon by mere words, and a statement (5) of the tactics of his opponents, by urging the bishops to hold to the faith of Nicæa, in contrast to the shifting professions of its opponents (6–8), and to be satisfied with nothing short of an explicit repudiation of Arianism (9–11). In the Second Part of the Letter he turns to doctrine. He states (12) the original Arian position, and confronts it (13) with passages from Scripture. He challenges the Arians (14) to state any clear belief as to the nature of the Word, which shall reconcile their premises with the language of Holy Writ (15, 16). He explains Prov. viii. 22 of the Incarnation, and taxes the Arians with denying this truth, like the heathen (17). He next taxes them with dissimulation, especially Arius in his profession to Constantine (18); he describes the death of Arius, and presses the charge of complicity with a man already judged by God (19). He urges the bishops (20, 21) to steadfastness and confessorship, reprobates the coalition of Meletians (22) and Arians, and finally expresses the conviction (23) that the Emperor Constantius will put an end to these outrages when informed of the true facts of the case.
The last section is an anticipation of the Apol. ad Constantium, which Athanasius was probably preparing at the same time. Not till two years later does he cast aside all hope of the Emperor and launch out in the bitter invective of the ‘Arian History’ (see Apol. pro Fuga 26, note 7).
The place where this Encyclical was written is quite uncertain, but it was most probably in the Libyan desert, or in Cyrenaica (Prolegg. ubi supr. note 10). His language (infr. §5, note 7) would naturally be such as not to give, through so public a document, a clue to his pursuers.
It may be added that in many mss., and in the editions previous to 1698, this tract was counted as the first of the ‘five’ (or in some cases ‘six’) Orationes contra Arianos. For a discussion of this error, see Montfaucon’s Monita to this tract and to the four Orationes.
All things whatsoever our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, as Luke wrote, ‘both hath done
and taught1147,’ He effected after having appeared for our salvation; for He came, as John
saith, ‘not to condemn the world, but that the world through Him might be saved1148.’ And
among the rest we have especially to admire this instance of His goodness, that He was not
silent concerning those who should fight against us, but plainly told us beforehand, that,
when those things should come to pass, we might straightway be found with minds established
by His teaching. For He said, ‘There shall arise false prophets and false Christs, and
shall shew great signs and wonders; insomuch that, if it were possible, the very elect shall
be deceived. Behold, I have told you before1149.’ Manifold indeed and beyond human conception
are the instructions and gifts of grace which He has laid up in us; as the pattern of
heavenly conversation, power against demons, the adoption of sons, and that exceeding
great and singular grace, the knowledge of the Father and of the Word Himself, and the gift
of the Holy Ghost. But the mind of man is prone to evil exceedingly; moreover, our adversary
the devil, envying us the possession of such great blessings, goeth about seeking to snatch
away the seed of the word which is sown within us. Wherefore as if by His prophetic warnings
He would seal up His instructions in our hearts as His own peculiar treasure, the Lord said,
‘Take heed that no man deceive you: for many shall come in My name, saying, I am he; and
the time draweth near; and they shall deceive many: go ye not therefore after them1150.’
This is a great gift which the Word has bestowed upon us, that we should not be deceived
by appearances, but that, howsoever these things are concealed, we should all the more
distinguish them by the grace of the Spirit. For whereas the inventor of wickedness and
great spirit of evil, the devil, is utterly hateful, and as soon as he shews himself is rejected1151
of all men,—as a serpent, as a dragon, as a lion seeking whom he may seize upon and devour,—
therefore he conceals and covers what he really is, and craftily personates that Name
which all men desire, so that deceiving by a false appearance, he may thenceforth fix fast in
Thus he deceived Eve, not speaking his own, but artfully adopting the words of God, and perverting their meaning. Thus he suggested evil to the wife of Job, persuading her to feign affection for her husband, while he taught her to blaspheme God. Thus does the crafty spirit mock men by false displays, deluding and drawing each into his own pit of wickedness. When of old he deceived the first man Adam, thinking that through him he should have all men subject unto him, he exulted with great boldness and said, ‘My hand hath found as a nest the riches of the people; and as one gathereth eggs that are left, have I gathered all the earth; and there is none that shall escape me or speak against me1152.’ But when the Lord came upon earth, and the enemy made trial of His human Economy, being unable to deceive the flesh which He had taken upon Him, from that time forth he, who promised himself the occupation of the whole world, is for His sake mocked even by children: that proud one is mocked as a sparrow1153. For now the infant child lays his hand upon the hole of the asp, and laughs at him that deceived Eve1154; and all that rightly believe in the Lord tread under foot him that said, ‘I will ascend above the heights of the clouds: I will be like the Most High1155.’ Thus he suffers and is dishonoured; and although he still ventures with shameless confidence to disguise himself, yet now, wretched spirit, he is detected the rather by them that bear the Sign on their foreheads1156; yea, more, he is rejected of them, and is humbled, and put to shame. For even if, now that he is a creeping serpent, he shall transform himself into an angel of light, yet his deception will not profit him; for we have been taught that ‘though an angel from heaven preach unto us any other gospel than that we have received, he is anathema1157.’
3. And although, again, he conceal his natural falsehood, and pretend to speak truth
with his lips; yet are we ‘not ignorant of his devices1158,’ but are able to answer him in the
For whence do Marcion and Manichæus receive the Gospel while they reject the Law?
For the New Testament arose out of the Old, and bears witness to the Old; if then they reject
this, how can they receive what proceeds from it? Thus Paul was an Apostle of the Gospel,
5. Attempt of Arians to substitute a Creed for the Nicene.
I heard during my sojourn in these parts1180 (and they were true and orthodox brethren
that informed me), that certain professors of Arian opinions had met together, and drawn
a confession of faith to their own liking, and that they intend to send word to you, that you
must either subscribe to what pleases them, or rather to what the devil has inspired them
with, or in case of refusal must suffer banishment. They are indeed already beginning to
molest the Bishops of these parts; and thereby are plainly manifesting their disposition. For
inasmuch as they frame this document only for the purpose of inflicting banishment or
other punishments, what does such conduct prove them to be, but enemies of the Christians,
and friends of the devil and his angels? and especially since they spread abroad what they
like contrary to the mind of that gracious Prince, our most religious Emperor Constantius1181.
And this they do with great craftiness, and, as appears to me, chiefly with two ends in view;
first, that by obtaining your subscriptions, they may seem to remove the evil repute that
rests upon the name of Arius, and may escape notice themselves as if not professing his
6. Accordingly they disturb and disorder everything, and yet not even thus are they
satisfied with their own proceedings. For every year, as if they were going to draw up a
contract, they meet together and pretend to write about the faith, whereby they expose
themselves the more to ridicule and disgrace, because their expositions are rejected, not by
others, but by themselves. For had they had any confidence in their previous statements,
they would not have desired to draw up others; nor again, leaving these last, would they
now have set down the one in question, which no doubt true to their custom they will again
alter, after a very short interval, and as soon as they shall find a pretence for their customary
plotting against certain persons. For when they have a design against any, then it is that they
make a great show of writing about the faith; that, as Pilate washed his hands, so they by
writing may destroy those who rightly believe in Christ, hoping that, as making definitions
about the faith, they may appear, as I have repeatedly said, to be free from the charge of false
doctrine. But they will not be able to hide themselves, nor to escape; for they continually
become their own accusers even while they defend themselves. Justly so, since instead of
answering those who bring proof against them, they do but persuade themselves to believe
whatever they wish. And when is an acquittal obtained, upon the criminal becoming his
Who, then, that has any real regard for truth, will be willing to suffer these men any
longer? who will not justly reject their writing? who will not denounce their audacity, that
being but few1186 in number, they would have their decisions to prevail over everything,
and as desiring the supremacy of their own meetings, held in corners and suspicious in their
circumstances, would forcibly cancel the decrees of an uncorrupt, pure, and Ecumenic
Council? Men who have been promoted by Eusebius and his fellows for advocating this
Antichristian heresy, venture to define articles of faith, and while they ought to be brought
to judgment as criminals, like Caiaphas, they take upon themselves to judge. They compose
a Thalia, and would have it received as a standard of faith, while they are not yet themselves
determined what they believe. Who does not know that Secundus1187 of Pentapolis, who
was several times degraded long ago, was received by them for the sake of the Arian madness;
and that George1188, now of Laodicea, and Leontius the Eunuch, and before him Stephanus,
and Theodorus of Heraclea1189, were promoted by them? Ursacius and Valens also, who
from the first were instructed by Arius as young men1190, though they had been formerly
degraded from the Priesthood, afterwards got the title of Bishops on account of their impiety;
as did also Acacius, Patrophilus1191, and Narcissus, who have been most forward in all
manner of impiety. These were degraded in the great Synod of Sardica; Eustathius also now
of Sebastea, Demophilus and Germinius1192, Eudoxius, and Basil, who are supporters of
Such are the machinations of these men against the truth: but their designs are manifest
to all the world, though they attempt in ten thousand ways, like eels, to elude the grasp, and
to escape detection as enemies of Christ. Wherefore I beseech you, let no one among you
be deceived, no one seduced by them; rather, considering that a sort of judaical impiety is
invading the Christian faith, be ye all zealous for the Lord; hold fast, every one, the faith we
have received from the Fathers, which they who assembled at Nicæa recorded in writing,
and endure not those who endeavour to innovate thereon. And however they may write
phrases out of the Scripture, endure not their writings; however they may speak the language
of the orthodox, yet attend not to what they say; for they speak not with an upright mind,
but putting on such language like sheeps’ clothing, in their hearts they think with Arius,
after the manner of the devil, who is the author of all heresies. For he too made use of the
words of Scripture, but was put to silence by our Saviour. For if he had indeed meant them
as he used them, he would not have fallen from heaven; but now having fallen through his
pride, he artfully dissembles in his speech, and oftentimes maliciously endeavours to lead
men astray by the subtleties and sophistries of the Gentiles. Had these expositions of theirs
proceeded from the orthodox, from such as the great Confessor Hosius, and Maximinus1197
But when they proceed from those who are hired to advocate the cause of heresy, and
since, according to the divine proverb, ‘The words of the wicked are to lie in wait,’ and ‘The
mouth of the wicked poureth out evil things,’ and ‘The counsels of the wicked are deceit1203:’
it becomes us to watch and be sober, brethren, as the Lord has said, lest any deception arise
from subtlety of speech and craftiness; lest any one come and pretend to say, ‘I preach Christ,’
and after a little while he be found to be Antichrist. These indeed are Antichrists, whosoever
come to you in the cause of the Arian madness. For what defect is there among you, that
any one need to come to you from without? Or, of what do the Churches of Egypt and Libya
and Alexandria stand so much in need, that these men should make a purchase1204 of the
Episcopate instead of wood and goods, and intrude into Churches which do not belong to
them? Who is not aware, who does not perceive clearly, that they do all this in order to
support their impiety? Wherefore although they should make themselves dumb, or although
they should bind on their garments larger borders than the Pharisees, and pour themselves
forth in long speeches, and practise the tones of their voice1205, they ought not to be believed;
for it is not the mode of speaking, but the intentions of the heart and a godly conversation
that recommend the faithful Christian. And thus the Sadducees and Herodians, although
they have the law in their mouths, were put to rebuke by our Saviour, who said unto them,
‘Ye do err, not knowing the Scriptures, nor the power of God1206:’ and all men witnessed
Consider, whether this be not so. If, when there is no reason for their doing so, they write confessions of faith, it is a superfluous, and perhaps also a mischievous proceeding, because, when there is no enquiry, they offer occasion for controversy of words, and unsettle the simple hearts of the brethren, disseminating among them such notions as have never entered into their minds. And if they are attempting to write a defence of themselves in regard to the Arian heresy, they ought first to have removed the seeds of those evils which have sprung up, and to have proscribed those who produced them, and then in the room of former statements to set forth others which are sound; or else let them openly vindicate the opinions of Arius, that they may no longer covertly but openly shew themselves enemies of Christ, and that all men may fly from them as from the face of a serpent. But now they keep back those opinions, and for a pretence write on other matters; just as if a surgeon, when summoned to attend a person wounded and suffering, should upon coming in to him say not a word concerning his wounds, but proceed to discourse about his sound limbs. Such an one would be chargeable with utter stupidity, for saying nothing on the matter for which he came, but discoursing on those other points in which he was not needed. Yet just in the same manner these men omit those matters which concern their heresy, and take upon themselves to write on other subjects; whereas if they had any regard for the Faith, or any love for Christ, they ought first to have removed out of the way those blasphemous expressions uttered against Him, and then in the room of them to speak and to write the sound words. But this they neither do themselves, nor permit those that desire to do so, whether it be from ignorance, or through craft and artifice.
If they do this from ignorance they must be charged with rashness, because they affirm positively concerning things that they know not; but if they dissemble knowingly, their condemnation is the greater, because while they overlook nothing in consulting for their own interests, in writing about faith in our Lord they make a mockery, and do anything rather than speak the truth; they keep back those particulars respecting which their heresy is accused, and merely bring forward the language of the Scriptures. Now this is a manifest theft of the truth, and a practice full of all iniquity; and so I am sure your piety will readily perceive it to be from the following illustrations. No person being accused of adultery defends himself as innocent of theft; nor would any one in prosecuting a charge of murder suffer the accused parties to defend themselves by saying, ‘We have not committed perjury, but have preserved the deposit which was entrusted to us.’ This would be mere child’s play, instead of a refutation of the charge and a demonstration of the truth. For what has murder to do with a deposit, or adultery with theft? The vices are indeed related to each other as proceeding from the same heart; yet in respect to the refutation of an alleged offence, they have no connection with each other. Accordingly as it is written in the Book of Joshua1209 the son of Nun, when Achan was charged with theft, he did not excuse himself with the plea of his zeal in the wars; but being convicted of the offence was stoned by all the people. And when Saul was charged with negligence and a breach of the law, he did not benefit his cause by alleging his conduct on other matters1210. For a defence on one count will not operate to obtain an acquittal on another count; but if all things should be done according to law and justice, a man must defend himself in those particulars wherein he is accused, and must either disprove the past, or else confess it with the promise that he will desist, and do so no more. But if he is guilty of the crime, and will not confess, but in order to conceal the truth speaks on other points instead of the one in question, he shews plainly that he has acted amiss, nay, and is conscious of his delinquency. But what need of many words, seeing that these persons are themselves accusers of the Arian heresy? For since they have not the boldness to speak out, but conceal their blasphemous expressions, it is plain that they know that this heresy is separate and alien from the truth. But since they themselves conceal it and are afraid to speak, it is necessary for me to strip off the veil from their impiety, and to expose the heresy to public view, knowing as I do the statements which Arius and his fellows formerly made, and how they were cast out of the Church, and degraded from the Clergy. But here first I ask for pardon1211 of the foul words which I am about to produce, since I use them, not because I thus think, but in order to convict the heretics.
Now the Bishop Alexander of blessed memory cast Arius out of the Church for holding
and maintaining the following opinions: ‘God was not always a Father: The Son was not
always: But whereas all things were made out of nothing, the Son of God also was made out
of nothing: And since all things are creatures, He also is a creature and a thing made: And
since all things once were not, but were afterwards made, there was a time when the Word
of God Himself was not; and He was not before He was begotten, but He had a beginning
of existence: For He has then originated when God has chosen to produce Him: For He also
is one among the rest of His works. And since He is by nature changeable, and only continues
good because He chooses by His own free will, He is capable of being changed, as are all
other things, whenever He wishes. And therefore God, as foreknowing that He would be
good, gave Him by anticipation that glory which He would have obtained afterwards by His
virtue; and He is now become good by His works which God foreknew.’ Accordingly they
say, that Christ is not truly God, but that He is called God on account of His participation
in God’s nature, as are all other creatures. And they add, that He is not that Word which is
by nature in the Father, and is proper to His Essence, nor is He His proper wisdom by which
He made this world; but that there is another Word1212 which is properly in the Father, and
another Wisdom which is properly in the Father, by which Wisdom also He made this
Word; and that the Lord Himself is called the Word (Reason) conceptually in regard of
things endued with reason, and is called Wisdom conceptually in regard of things endued
with wisdom. Nay, they say that as all things are in essence separate and alien from the
Father, so He also is in all respects separate and alien from the essence of the Father, and
properly belongs to things made and created, and is one of them; for He is a creature, and
a thing made, and a work. Again, they say1213 that God did not create us for His sake, but
Him for our sakes. For they say, ‘God was alone, and the Word was not with Him, but afterwards
when He would produce us, then He made Him; and from the time He was made,
He called Him the Word, and the Son, and the Wisdom, in order that He might create us
by Him. And as all things subsisted by the will of God, and did not exist before; so He also
was made by the will of God, and did not exist before. For the Word is not the proper and
natural Offspring of the Father, but has Himself originated by grace: for God who existed
made by His will the Son who did not exist, by which will also He made all things, and
produced, and created, and willed them to come into being.’ Moreover they say also, that
Christ is not the natural and true power of God; but as the locust and the cankerworm are
For maintaining these and the like opinions Arius was declared a heretic; for myself,
while I have merely been writing them down, I have been cleansing myself by thinking of
the contrary doctrines, and by holding fast the sense of the true faith. For the Bishops who
all assembled from all parts at the Council of Nicæa, began to hold their ears at these statements,
and all with one voice condemned this heresy on account of them, and anathematized
it, declaring it to be alien and estranged from the faith of the Church. It was no compulsion
which led the judges to this decision, but they all deliberately vindicated the truth1215: and
they did so justly and rightly. For infidelity is coming in through these men, or rather a
Judaism counter to the Scriptures, which has close upon it Gentile superstition, so that he
who holds these opinions can no longer be even called a Christian, for they are all contrary
to the Scriptures. John, for instance, saith, ‘In the beginning was the Word1216;’ but these
men say, ‘He was not, before He was begotten.’ And again he wrote, ‘And we are in Him
that is true, even in His Son Jesus Christ; this is the true God, and eternal life1217;’ but these
men, as if in contradiction to this, allege that Christ is not the true God, but that He is only
called God, as are other creatures, in regard of His participation in the divine nature. And
the Apostle blames the Gentiles, because they worship the creatures, saying, ‘They served
the creature more than’ God ‘the Creator1218.’ But if these men say that the Lord is a creature,
and worship Him as a creature, how do they differ from the Gentiles? If they hold this
opinion, is not this passage also against them; and does not the blessed Paul write as blaming
them? The Lord also says, ‘I and My Father are One:’ and ‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen
But if He be styled the Word and the Wisdom by a fiction on our account, what He
really is they cannot tell1224. For if the Scriptures affirm that the Lord is both these, and yet
these men will not allow Him to be so, it is plain that in their godless opposition to the
Scriptures they would deny His existence altogether. The faithful are able to conclude this
truth both from the voice of the Father Himself, and from the Angels that worshipped Him,
and from the Saints that have written concerning Him; but these men, as they have not a
pure mind, and cannot bear to hear the words of divine men who teach of God, may be able
to learn something even from the devils who resemble them, for they spoke of Him, not as
if there were many besides, but, as knowing Him alone, they said, ‘Thou art the Holy One
of God,’ and ‘the Son of God1225.’ He also who suggested to them this heresy, while tempting
Him, in the mount, said not, ‘If Thou also be a Son of God,’ as though there were others
besides Him, but, ‘If Thou be the1226 Son of God,’ as being the only one. But as the Gentiles,
having fallen from the notion of one God, have sunk into polytheism, so these wonderful
men, not believing that the Word of the Father is one, have come to adopt the idea of many
How is it that the Lord has said, ‘I am in the Father, and the Father in Me1227,’ if there
be another in the Father, by whom the Lord Himself also was made? And how is it that John,
passing over that other, relates of this One, saying, ‘All things were made by Him; and
without Him was not any thing made1228?’ If all things that were made by the will of God
were made by Him, how can He be Himself one of the things that were made? And when
the Apostle says, ‘For whom are all things, and by whom are all things1229,’ how can these
men say, that we were not made for Him, but He for us? If it be so, He ought to have said,
‘For whom the Word was made;’ but He saith not so, but, ‘For whom are all things, and by
whom are all things,’ thus proving these men to be heretical and false. But further, as they
have had the boldness to say that there is another Word in God, and since they cannot bring
any clear proof of this from the Scriptures, let them but shew one work of His, or one work
of the Father that was done without this Word; so that they may seem to have some ground
at least for their own idea. The works of the true Word are manifest to all, so as for Him to
be contemplated by analogy from them. For as, when we see the creation, we conceive of
God as the Creator of it; so when we see that nothing is without order therein, but that all
things move and continue with order and providence, we infer a Word of God who is over
all and governs all. This too the holy Scriptures testify, declaring that He is the Word of
God, and that ‘all things were made by Him, and without Him was not any thing made1230.’
But of that other Word, of whom they speak, there is neither word nor work that they have
It appears then that so far as these doctrines are concerned, these wonderful men have
now joined themselves to the Manichees. For these also confess the existence of a good God,
so far as the mere name goes, but they are unable to point out any of His works either visible
or invisible. But inasmuch as they deny Him who is truly and indeed God, the Maker of
heaven and earth, and of all things invisible, they are mere inventors of fables. And this appears
to me to be the case with these evil-minded men. They see the works of the true Word
who alone is in the Father, and yet they deny Him, and make to themselves another Word1232,
whose existence they are unable to prove either by His Works or by the testimony of others.
Unless it be that they have adopted a fabulous notion of God, that He is a composite being
like man, speaking and then changing His words, and as a man exercising understanding
and wisdom; not perceiving to what absurdities they are reduced by such an opinion. For
if God has a succession of words1233, they certainly must consider Him as a man. And if
those words proceed from Him and then vanish away, they are guilty of a greater impiety,
because they resolve into nothing what proceeds from the self-existent God. If they conceive
that God doth at all beget, it were surely better and more religious to say that He is the begetter
of One Word, who is the fulness of His Godhead, in whom are hidden the treasures
of all knowledge1234, and that He is co-existent with His Father, and that all things were
made by Him; rather than to suppose God to be the Father of many words which are nowhere
to be found, or to represent Him who is simple in His nature as compounded of many1235,
and as being subject to human passions and variable. Next whereas the Apostle says, ‘Christ
the power of God and the wisdom of God1236,’ these men reckon Him but as one among
many powers; nay, worse than this, they compare Him, transgressors as they are, with the
cankerworm and other irrational creatures which are sent by Him for the punishment of
men. Next, whereas the Lord says, ‘No one knoweth the Father, save the Son1237;’ and again,
‘Not that any man hath seen the Father save He which is of the Father1238;’ are not these
But it is written1241, say they, ‘The Lord created me in the beginning of His ways for
His works.’ O untaught and insensate that ye are! He is called also in the Scriptures, ‘servant1242,’
and ‘son of a handmaid,’ and ‘lamb,’ and ‘sheep,’ and it is said that He suffered
toil, and thirst, and was beaten, and has suffered pain. But there is plainly a reasonable
ground and cause1243, why such representations as these are given of Him in the Scriptures;
and it is because He became man and the Son of man, and took upon Him the form of a
servant, which is the human flesh: for ‘the Word,’ says John, ‘was made flesh1244.’ And since
He became man, no one ought to be offended at such expressions; for it is proper to man
to be created, and born, and formed, to suffer toil and pain, to die and to rise again from
the dead. And as, being Word and Wisdom of the Father, He has all the attributes of the
Father, His eternity, and His unchangeableness, and the being like Him in all respects and
in all things1245, and is neither before nor after, but co-existent with the Father, and is the
very form1246 of the Godhead, and is the Creator, and is not created: (for since He is in essence
like1247 the Father, He cannot be a creature, but must be the Creator, as Himself hath
‘But,’ say they, ‘we are strong, and are able to defend our heresy by our many devices.’
They would have a better answer to give, if they were able to defend it, not by artifice nor
by Gentile sophisms, but by the simplicity of their faith. If however they have confidence
in it, and know it to be in accordance with the doctrines of the Church, let them openly express
their sentiments; for no man when he hath lighted a candle putteth it under the
bushel1251, but on the candlestick, and so it gives light to all that come in. If therefore they
are able to defend it, let them record in writing the opinions above imputed to them, and
expose their heresy bare to the view of all men, as they would a candle, and let them openly
accuse the Bishop Alexander, of blessed memory, as having unjustly ejected1252 Arius for
professing these opinions; and let them blame the Council of Nicæa for putting forth a
written confession of the true faith in place of their impiety. But they will not do this, I am
sure, for they are not so ignorant of the evil nature of those notions which they have invented
and are ambitious of sowing abroad; but they know well enough, that although they may at
first lead astray the simple by vain deceit, yet their imaginations will soon be extinguished,
Death, it is true, is the common end of all men, and we ought not to insult the dead,
though he be an enemy, for it is uncertain whether the same event may not happen to
ourselves before evening. But the end of Arius was not after an ordinary manner, and
therefore it deserves to be related. Eusebius and his fellows threatening to bring him into
the Church, Alexander, the Bishop of Constantinople, resisted them; but Arius trusted to
the violence and menace of Eusebius. It was the Sabbath, and he expected to join communion
on the following day. There was therefore a great struggle between them; the others threatening,
Alexander praying. But the Lord being judge of the case, decided against the unjust
party: for the sun had not set, when the necessities of nature compelled him to that place,
where he fell down, and was forthwith deprived of communion with the Church and of his
life together. The blessed Constantine hearing of this at once, was struck with wonder to
find him thus convicted of perjury. And indeed it was then evident to all that the threats of
Eusebius and his fellows had proved of no avail and the hope of Arius had become vain. It
was shewn too that the Arian madness was rejected from communion by our Saviour both
here and in the Church of the first-born in heaven. Now who will not wonder to see the
unrighteous ambition of these men, whom the Lord has condemned;—to see them vindic-
Now while such is their conduct, how can they claim credit for what they write? Had
the opinions they have put in writing been orthodox, they would have expunged from their
list of books the Thalia of Arius, and have rejected the scions of the heresy, viz. those disciples
of Arius, and the partners of his impiety and his punishment. But since they do not renounce
these, it is manifest to all that their sentiments are not orthodox, though they write them
over ten thousand times1259. Wherefore it becomes us to watch, lest some deception be
conveyed under the clothing of their phrases, and they lead away certain from the true faith.
And if they venture to advance the opinions of Arius, when they see themselves proceeding
in a prosperous course, nothing remains for us but to use great boldness of speech, remembering
the predictions of the Apostle, which he wrote to forewarn us of such like heresies,
and which it becomes us to repeat. For we know that, as it is written, ‘in the latter times
some shall depart from the sound faith, giving heed to seducing spirits, and doctrines of
devils, that turn from the truth1260;’ and, ‘as many as will live godly in Christ shall suffer
persecution. But evil men and seducers shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and being
deceived.’ But none of these things shall prevail over us, nor ‘separate us from the love of
Wherefore I exhort you, keeping in your hands the confession which was framed by
the Fathers at Nicæa, and defending it with great zeal and confidence in the Lord, be ensamples
to the brethren everywhere, and shew them that a struggle is now before us in
support of the Truth against heresy, and that the wiles of the enemy are various. For the
proof of a martyr lies1266 not only in refusing to burn incense to idols; but to refuse to deny
the Faith is also an illustrious testimony of a good conscience. And not only those who
turned aside unto idols were condemned as aliens, but those also who betrayed the Truth.
Thus Judas was degraded from the Apostolical office, not because he sacrificed to idols, but
because he proved a traitor; and Hymenæus and Alexander fell away not by betaking
themselves to the service of idols, but because they ‘made shipwreck concerning the faith1267.’
On the other hand, the Patriarch Abraham received the crown, not because he suffered
death, but because he was faithful unto God; and the other Saints, of whom Paul speaks1268,
Gideon, Barak, Samson, Jephtha, David and Samuel, and the rest, were not made perfect by
the shedding of their blood, but by faith they were justified; and to this day they are the objects
of our admiration, as being ready even to suffer death for piety towards the Lord. And if
For you perceive how, though they were formerly at variance with one another, they
have now, like Herod and Pontius, agreed together in order to blaspheme our Lord Jesus
Christ. And for this they truly deserve the hatred of every man, because they were at enmity
with one another on private grounds, but have now become friends and join hands, in their
hostility to the Truth and their impiety towards God. Nay, they are content to do or suffer
anything, however contrary to their principles, for the satisfaction of securing their several
aims; the Meletians for the sake of pre-eminence and the mad love of money, and the Arian
madmen for their own impiety. And thus by this coalition they are able to assist one another
in their malicious designs, while the Meletians put on the impiety of the Arians, and the
Arians from their own wickedness concur in their baseness, so that by thus mingling together
their respective crimes, like the cup of Babylon1270, they may carry on their plots against
the orthodox worshippers of our Lord Jesus Christ. The wickedness and falsehood of the
Meletians were indeed even before this evident unto all men; so too the impiety and godless
heresy of the Arians have long been known everywhere and to all; for the period of their
existence has not been a short one. The former became schismatics five and fifty years ago,
and it is thirty-six years since the latter were pronounced heretics1271, and they were rejected
from the Church by the judgment of the whole Ecumenic Council. But by their present
proceedings they have proved at length, even to those who seem openly to favour them, that
Let them however thus dream and imagine vain things. We know that when our gracious
Emperor shall hear of it, he will put a stop to their wickedness, and they will not continue
long, but according to the words of Scripture, ‘the hearts of the impious shall quickly fail
them1273.’ But let us, as it is written, ‘put on the words of holy Scripture1274,’ and resist them
as apostates who would set up fanaticism in the house of the Lord. And let us not fear the
death of the body, nor let us emulate their ways; but let the word of Truth be preferred before
all things. We also, as you all know, were formerly required1275 by Eusebius and his fellows
either to put on their impiety, or to expect their hostility; but we would not engage ourselves
with them, but chose rather to be persecuted by them, than to imitate the conduct of Judas.
And assuredly they have done what they threatened; for after the manner of Jezebel, they
engaged the treacherous Meletians to assist them, knowing how the latter resisted the blessed
martyr Peter, and after him the great Achillas, and then Alexander, of blessed memory, in
order that, as being practised in such matters, the Meletians might pretend against us also
whatever might be suggested to them, while Eusebius and his fellows gave them an opening
for persecuting and for seeking to kill me. For this is what they thirst after; and they continue
to this day to desire to shed my blood. But of these things I have no care; for I know and am
persuaded that they who endure shall receive a reward from our Saviour; and that ye also,
if ye endure as the Fathers did, and shew yourselves examples to the people, and overthrow
these strange and alien devices of impious men, shall be able to glory, and say, We have
‘kept the Faith1276;’ and ye shall receive the ‘crown of life,’ which God ‘hath promised to
This address to the Emperor in defence against certain serious charges (see below) was
completed about the time of the intrusion of George, who arrived at Alexandria on Feb. 24,
357. The main, or apologetic, part of the letter was probably composed before George’s actual
arrival, in fact at about the same date as the encyclical letter which immediately precedes;
§§27 and following (see 27, note 2) forming an added expostulation upon hearing of the
general expulsion of Catholic Bishops, and of the outrages1280 at Alexandria. It is quite uncertain
whether it ever reached the emperor; whether it did so or not, his attitude toward
Athanasius was in no way affected by it. It had probably been begun with the idea of its being
actually delivered in the presence of Constantius (see §§3, 6, 8, 16 ‘I see you smile,’ 22), but,
although by a rhetorical fiction the form of an oral defence is kept up to the end, the concluding
sections (27, 32 init.) shew that any such idea had been renounced before the Apology
was completed. The first 26 sections are directed to the refutation of four personal charges,
quite different from those of the earlier period, rebutted in the Apology against the Arians.
They were (1) that Athanasius had poisoned the mind of Constans against his brother (2–5).
To this Ath. replies that he had never spoken to the deceased Augustus except in the presence
of witnesses, and that the history of his own movements when in the West entirely precluded
any such possibility. The third and fourth sections thus incidentally supply important details
for the life of Athanasius. (2) That he had written letters to the ‘tyrant’ Magnentius (6–13),
a charge absurd in itself, and only to be borne out by forgery, but also amply disproved by
his known affection toward Constans, the victim of the ‘tyrant.’ (3) That he had (14–18)
used the new church in the ‘Cæsareum,’ before it was completed or dedicated, for the Easter
festival of 355 (Tillem. viii. 149). This Athanasius admits, but pleads necessity and precedent,
adding that no disrespect was intended toward the donor, nor any anticipation of its formal
consecration. (4) That he had disobeyed an imperial order to leave Alexandria and go to
Italy (19–26, see esp. 19, n. 4, and Fest. Ind. xxvi. Constantius is at Milan July 21,
353—Gwatkin p. 292). This charge involves the whole history of the attempts to dislodge
Athanasius from Alexandria, which culminated in the events of 356. He replies to the charge,
that the summons in question had come in the form of an invitation in reply to an alleged
letter of his own asking leave to go to Italy, a letter which, as his amanuenses would testify,
he had never written. Of the later visit (355, Fest. Ind. xxvii.) of Diogenes, he merely says
that Diogenes brought neither letter nor orders. Syrianus, he seems to allow, had verbally
ordered him to Italy (Constantius was again at Milan,—Gwatkin ubi supra) but without
written authority. As against these supposed orders, Ath. had a letter from the emperor
1. Knowing that you have been a Christian for many years1282, most religious Augustus, and that you are godly by descent, I cheerfully undertake to answer for myself at this time;—for I will use the language of the blessed Paul, and make him my advocate before you, considering that he was a preacher of the truth, and that you are an attentive hearer of his words.
With respect to those ecclesiastical matters, which have been made the ground of a conspiracy against me, it is sufficient to refer your Piety to the testimony of the many Bishops who have written in my behalf1283; enough too is the recantation of Ursacius and Valens1284 to prove to all men, that none of the charges which they set up against me had any truth in them. For what evidence can others produce so strong, as what they declared in writing? ‘We lied, we invented these things; all the accusations against Athanasius are full of falsehood.’ To this clear proof may be added, if you will vouchsafe to hear it, this circumstance that the accusers brought no evidence against Macarius the presbyter while we were present; but in our absence1285, when they were by themselves, they managed the matter as they pleased. Now, the Divine Law first of all, and next our own Laws1286, have expressly declared, that such proceedings are of no force whatsoever. From these things your piety, as a lover of God and of the truth, will, I am sure, perceive that we are free from all suspicion, and will pronounce our opponents to be false accusers.
2. The first charge, of setting Constans against Constantius.
But as to the slanderous charge which has been preferred against me before your Grace, respecting correspondence with the most pious Augustus, your brother Constans1287, of blessed and everlasting memory (for my enemies report this of me, and have ventured to assert it in writing), the former events1288 are sufficient to prove this also to be untrue. Had it been alleged by another set of persons, the matter would indeed have been a fit subject of enquiry, but it would have required strong evidence, and open proof in presence of both parties: but when the same persons who invented the former charge, are the authors also of this, is it not reasonable to conclude from the issue of the one, the falsehood of the other? For this cause they again conferred together in private, thinking to be able to deceive your Piety before I was aware. But in this they failed: you would not listen to them as they desired, but patiently gave me an opportunity to make my defence. And, in that you were not immediately moved to demand vengeance, you acted only as was righteous in a Prince, whose duty it is to wait for the defence of the injured party. Which if you will vouchsafe to hear, I am confident that in this matter also you will condemn those reckless men, who have no fear of that God, who has commanded us not to speak falsely before the king1289.
3. He never saw Constans alone.
But in truth I am ashamed even to have to defend myself against charges such as these,
which I do not suppose that even the accuser himself would venture to make mention of in
my presence. For he knows full well that he speaks untruly, and that I was never so mad, so
reft of my senses, as even to be open to the suspicion of having conceived any such thing.
So that had I been questioned by any other on this subject, I would not even have answered,
lest, while I was making my defence, my hearers should for a time have suspended their
judgment concerning me. But to your Piety I answer with a loud and clear voice, and
stretching forth my hand, as I have learned from the Apostle, ‘I call God for a record upon
my soul1290,’ and as it is written in the histories of the Kings (let me be allowed to say the
same), ‘The Lord is witness, and His Anointed is witness1291,’ I have never spoken evil of
your Piety before your brother Constans, the most religious Augustus of blessed memory.
I did not exasperate him against you, as these have falsely accused me. But whenever in my
interviews with him he has mentioned your Grace (and he did mention you at the time that
Thalassus1292 came to Pitybion, and I was staying at Aquileia), the Lord is witness, how I
spoke of your Piety in terms which I would that God would reveal unto your soul, that you
might condemn the falsehood of these my calumniators. Bear with me, most gracious Augustus,
and freely grant me your indulgence while I speak of this matter. Your most Christian
brother was not a man of so light a temper, nor was I a person of such a character, that
we should communicate together on a subject like this, or that I should slander a brother
to a brother, or speak evil of an emperor before an emperor. I am not so mad, Sire, nor have
I forgotten that divine utterance which says, ‘Curse not the king, no, not in thy thought;
and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber: for a bird of the air shall carry the voice, and that
which hath wings shall tell the matter1293.’ If then those things, which are spoken in secret
against you that are kings, are not hidden, it is not incredible that I should have spoken
against you in the presence of a king, and of so many bystanders? For I never saw your
brother by myself, nor did he ever converse with me in private, but I was always introduced
in company with the Bishop of the city where I happened to be, and with others that chanced
to be there. We entered the presence together, and together we retired. Fortunatian1294,
Bishop of Aquileia, can testify this, the father Hosius is able to say the same, as also are
Crispinus, Bishop of Padua, Lucillus of a Verona, Dionysius of Lëis, and Vincentius of
4. The movements of Athanasius refute this charge. This certainly is sufficient for proof, yet suffer me nevertheless to lay before you an account of my travels, which will further lead you to condemn the unfounded calumnies of my opponents. When I left Alexandria1297, I did not go to your brother’s head-quarters, or to any other persons, but only to Rome; and having laid my case before the Church (for this was my only concern), I spent my time in the public worship. I did not write to your brother, except when Eusebius and his fellows had written to him to accuse me, and I was compelled while yet at Alexandria to defend myself; and again when I sent to him volumes1298 containing the holy Scriptures, which he had ordered me to prepare for him. It behoves me, while I defend my conduct, to tell the truth to your Piety. When however three years had passed away, he wrote to me in the fourth year1299, commanding me to meet him (he was then at Milan); and upon enquiring the cause (for I was ignorant of it, the Lord is my witness), I learnt that certain Bishops1300 had gone up and requested him to write to your Piety, desiring that a Council might be called. Believe me, Sire, this is the truth of the matter; I lie not. Accordingly I went down to Milan, and met with great kindness from him; for he condescended to see me, and to say that he had despatched letters to you, requesting that a Council might be called. And while I remained in that city, he sent for me again into Gaul (for the father Hosius was going thither), that we might travel from thence to Sardica. And after the Council, he wrote to me while I continued at Naissus1301, and I went up, and abode afterwards at Aquileia; where the letters of your Piety found me. And again, being invited thence by your departed brother, I returned into Gaul, and so came at length to your Piety.
5. No possible time or place for the alleged offence.
Now what place and time does my accuser specify, at which I made use of these expressions according to his slanderous imputation? In whose presence was I so mad as to give utterance to the words which he has falsely charged me with speaking? Who is there ready to support the charge, and to testify to the fact? What his own eyes have seen that ought he to speak1302, as holy Scripture enjoins. But no; he will find no witnesses of that which never took place. But I take your Piety to witness, together with the Truth, that I lie not. I request you, for I know you to be a person of excellent memory, to call to mind the conversation I had with you, when you condescended to see me, first at Viminacium1303, a second time at Cæsarea in Cappadocia, and a third1304 time at Antioch. Did I speak evil before you even of Eusebius and his fellows who had persecuted me? Did I cast imputations upon any of those that have done me wrong? If then I imputed nothing to any of those against whom I had a right to speak, how could I be so possessed with madness as to slander an Emperor before an Emperor, and to set a brother at variance with a brother? I beseech you, either cause me to appear before you that the thing may be proved, or else condemn these calumnies, and follow the example of David, who says, ‘Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I destroy1305.’ As much as in them lies, they have slain me; for ‘the mouth that belieth, slayeth the soul1306.’ But your long-suffering has prevailed against them, and given me confidence to defend myself, that they may suffer condemnation, as contentious and slanderous persons. Concerning your most religious brother, of blessed memory, this may suffice: for you will be able, according to the wisdom which God has given you, to gather much from the little I have said, and to recognise the fictitious charge.
6. The second charge, of corresponding with Magnentius. With regard to the second calumny, that I have written letters to the tyrant1307 (his name I am unwilling to pronounce), I beseech you investigate and try the matter, in whatever way you please, and by whomsoever you may approve of. The extravagance of the charge so confounds me, that I am in utter uncertainty how to act. Believe me, most religious Prince, many times did I weigh the matter in my mind, but was unable to believe that any one could be so mad as to utter such a falsehood. But when this charge was published abroad by the Arians, as well as the former, and they boasted that they had delivered to you a copy of the letter, I was the more amazed, and I used to pass sleepless nights contending against the charge, as if in the presence of my accusers; and suddenly breaking forth into a loud cry, I would immediately fall to my prayers, desiring with groans and tears that I might obtain a favourable hearing from you. And now that by the grace of the Lord, I have obtained such a hearing, I am again at a loss how I shall begin my defence; for as often as I make an attempt to speak, I am prevented by my horror at the deed. In the case of your departed brother, the slanderers had indeed a plausible pretence for what they alleged; because I had been admitted to see him, and he had condescended to write to your brotherly affection concerning me; and he had often sent for me to come to him, and had honoured me when I came. But for the traitor Magnentius, ‘the Lord is witness, and His Anointed is witness1308,’ I know him not, nor was ever acquainted with him. What correspondence then could there be between persons so entirely unacquainted with each other? What reason was there to induce me to write to such a man? How could I have commenced my letter, had I written to him? Could I have said, ‘You have done well to murder the man who honoured me, whose kindness I shall never forget?’ Or, ‘I approve of your conduct in destroying our Christian friends, and most faithful brethren?’ or, ‘I approve of your proceedings in butchering those who so kindly entertained me at Rome; for instance, your departed Aunt Eutropia1309, whose disposition answered to her name, that worthy man, Abuterius, the most faithful Spirantius, and many other excellent persons?’
7. This charge utterly incredible and absurd. Is it not mere madness in my accuser even to suspect me of such a thing? What, I ask again, could induce me to place confidence in this man? What trait did I perceive in his character on which I could rely? He had murdered his own master; he had proved faithless to his friends; he had violated his oath; he had blasphemed God, by consulting poisoners and sorcerers1310 contrary to his Law. And with what conscience could I send greeting to such a man, whose madness and cruelty had afflicted not me only, but all the world around me? To be sure, I was very greatly indebted to him for his conduct, that when your departed brother had filled our churches with sacred offerings, he murdered him. For the wretch was not moved by the sight of these his gifts, nor did he stand in awe of the divine grace which had been given to him in baptism: but like an accursed and devilish spirit, he raged against him, till your blessed brother suffered martyrdom at his hands; while he, henceforth a criminal like Cain, was driven from place to place, ‘groaning and trembling1311,’ to the end that he might follow the example of Judas in his death, by becoming his own executioner, and so bring upon himself a double weight of punishment in the judgment to come.
8. Disproof of It.
With such a man the slanderer thought that I had been on terms of friendship, or rather he did not think so, but like an enemy invented an incredible fiction: for he knows full well that he has lied. I would that, whoever he is, he were present here, that I might put the question to him on the word of Truth itself (for whatever we speak as in the presence of God, we Christians consider as an oath1312); I say, that I might ask him this question, which of us rejoiced most in the well-being of the departed Constans? who prayed for him most earnestly? The facts of the foregoing charge prove this; indeed it is plain to every one how the case stands. But although he himself knows full well, that no one who was so disposed towards the departed Constans, and who truly loved him, could be a friend to his enemy, I fear that being possessed with other feelings towards him than I was, he has falsely attributed to me those sentiments of hatred which were entertained by himself.
9. Athanasius could not write to one who did not even know him.
For myself, I am so surprised at the enormity of the thing, that I am quite uncertain what I ought to say in my defence. I can only declare, that I condemn myself to die ten thousand deaths, if even the least suspicion attaches to me in this matter. And to you, Sire, as a lover of the truth, I confidently make my appeal. I beseech you, as I said before, investigate this affair, and especially with the testimony of those who were once sent by him as ambassadors to you. These are the Bishops Sarvatius1313 and Maximus and the rest, with Clementius and Valens. Enquire of them, I beseech you, whether they brought letters to me. If they did, this would give me occasion to write to him. But if he did not write to me, if he did not even know me, how could I write to one with whom I had no acquaintance? Ask them whether, when I saw Clementius and his fellows, and spoke of your brother of blessed memory, I did not, in the language of Scripture, wet my garments with tears1314, when I remembered his kindness of disposition and his Christian spirit. Learn of them how anxious I was, on hearing of the cruelty of the beast, and finding that Valens and his company had come by way of Libya, lest he should attempt a passage also, and like a robber murder those who held in love and memory the departed Prince, among whom I account myself second to none.
10. His loyalty towards Constantius and his brother.
How with this apprehension of such a design on their part, was there not an additional probability of my praying for your Grace? Should I feel affection for his murderer, and entertain dislike towards you his brother who avenged his death? Should I remember his crime, and forget that kindness of yours which you vouchsafed to assure me by letter1315 should remain the same towards me after your brother’s death of happy memory, as it had been during his lifetime? How could I have borne to look upon the murderer? Must I not have thought that the blessed Prince beheld me, when I prayed for your safety? For brothers are by nature mirrors of each other. Wherefore as seeing you in him, I never should have slandered you before him; and as seeing him in you, never should I have written to his enemy, instead of praying for your safety. Of this my witnesses are, first of all, the Lord who has heard and has given to you entire the kingdom of your forefathers: and next those persons who were present at the time, Felicissimus, who was Duke of Egypt, Rufinus, and Stephanus, the former of whom was Receiver-general, the latter, Master there; Count Asterius, and Palladius Master of the palace, Antiochus and Evagrius Official Agents1316. I had only to say, ‘Let us pray for the safety of the most religious Emperor, Constantius Augustus,’ and all the people immediately cried out with one voice, ‘O Christ send help to Constantius;’ and they continued praying thus for some time1317.
11. Challenge to the accusers as to the alleged letter.
Now I have already called upon God, and His Word, the Only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, to witness for me, that I have never written to that man, nor received letters from him. And as to my accuser, give me leave to ask him a few short questions concerning this charge also. How did he come to the knowledge of this matter? Will he say that he has got copies of the letter? for this is what the Arians laboured to prove. Now in the first place, even if he can shew writing resembling mine, the thing is not yet certain; for there are forgers, who have often imitated the hand1318 even of you who are Emperors. And the resemblance will not prove the genuineness of the letter, unless my customary amanuensis shall testify in its favour. I would then again ask my accusers, Who provided you with these copies? and whence were they obtained? I had my writers1319, and he his servants, who received his letters from the bearers, and gave them into his hand. My assistants are forthcoming; vouchsafe to summon the others (for they are most probably still living), and enquire concerning these letters. Search into the matter, as though Truth were the partner of your throne. She is the defence of Kings, and especially of Christian Kings; with her you will reign most securely, for holy Scripture says, ‘Mercy and truth preserve the king, and they will encircle his throne in righteousness1320.’ And the wise Zorobabel gained a victory over the others by setting forth the power of Truth, and all the people cried out, ‘Great is the truth, and mighty above all things1321.’
12. Truth the defence of Thrones.
Had I been accused before any other, I should have appealed to your Piety; as once the Apostle appealed unto Cæsar, and put an end to the designs of his enemies against him. But since they have had the boldness to lay their charge before you, to whom shall I appeal from you? to the Father of Him who says, ‘I am the Truth1322,’ that He may incline your heart into clemency:—
O Lord Almighty, and King of eternity, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who by Thy Word hast given this Kingdom to Thy servant Constantius; do Thou shine into his heart, that he, knowing the falsehood that is set against me, may both favourably receive this my defence; and may make known unto all men, that his ears are firmly set to hearken unto the Truth, according as it is written, ‘Righteous lips alone are acceptable unto the King1323.’ For Thou hast caused it to be said by Solomon, that thus the throne of the kingdom shall be established.
Wherefore at least enquire into this matter, and let the accusers understand that your desire is to learn the truth; and see, whether they will not shew their falsehood by their very looks; for the countenance is a test of the conscience as it is written, ‘A merry heart maketh a cheerful countenance, but by sorrow of the heart the spirit is broken1324.’ Thus they who had conspired against Joseph1325 were convicted by their own consciences; and the craft of Laban towards Jacob was shewn in his countenance1326. And thus you see the suspicious alarm of these persons, for they fly and hide themselves; but on our part frankness in making our defence. And the question between us is not one regarding worldly wealth, but concerning the honour of the Church. He that has been struck by a stone, applies to a physician; but sharper than a stone are the strokes of calumny; for as Solomon has said, ‘A false witness is a maul, and a sword, and a sharp arrow1327,’ and its wounds Truth alone is able to cure; and if Truth be set at nought, they grow worse and worse.
13. This charge rests on forgery.
It is this that has thrown the Churches everywhere into such confusion; for pretences have been devised, and Bishops of great authority, and of advanced age1328, have been banished for holding communion with me. And if matters had stopped here, our prospect would be favourable through your gracious interposition. But that the evil may not extend itself, let Truth prevail before you; and leave not every Church under suspicion, as though Christian men, nay even Bishops, could be guilty of plotting and writing in this manner. Or if you are unwilling to investigate the matter, it is but right that we who offer our defence, should be believed, rather than our calumniators. They, like enemies, are occupied in wickedness; we, as earnestly contending for our cause, present to you our proofs. And truly I wonder how it comes to pass, that while we address you with fear and reverence, they are possessed of such an impudent spirit, that they dare even to lie before the Emperor. But I pray you, for the Truth’s sake, and as it is written1329, ‘search diligently’ in my presence, on what grounds they affirm these things, and whence these letters were obtained. But neither will any of my servants be proved guilty, nor will any of his people be able to tell whence they came; for they are forgeries. And perhaps one had better not enquire further. They do not wish it, lest the writer of the letters should be certain of detection. For the calumniators alone, and none besides, know who he is.
14. The third charge, of using an undedicated Church.
But forasmuch as they have informed against me in the matter of the great Church1330, that a communion was holden there before it was completed, I will answer to your Piety on this charge also; for the parties who are hostile towards me constrain me to do so. I confess this did so happen; for, as in what I have hitherto said, I have spoken no lie, I will not now deny this. But the facts are far otherwise than they have represented them. Suffer me to declare to you, most religious Augustus, that we kept no day of dedication (it would certainly have been unlawful to do so, before receiving orders from you), nor were we led to act as we did through premeditation. No Bishop or other Clergyman was invited to join in our proceedings; for much was yet wanting to complete the building. Nay the congregation was not held on a previous notice, which might give them a reason for informing against us. Every one knows how it happened; hear me, however, with your accustomed equity and patience. It was the feast of Easter1331, and the multitude assembled together was exceeding great, such as Christian kings would desire to see in all their cities. Now when the Churches were found to be too few to contain them, there was no little stir among the people, who desired that they might be allowed to meet together in the great Church, where they could all offer up their prayers for your safety. And this they did; for although I exhorted them to wait awhile, and to hold service in the other Churches, with whatever inconvenience to themselves, they would not listen to me; but were ready to go out of the city, and meet in desert places in the open air, thinking it better to endure the fatigue of the journey, than to keep the feast in such a state of discomfort.
15. Want of room the cause, precedent the justification.
Believe me, Sire, and let Truth be my witness in this also, when I declare that in the congregations held during the season of Lent, in consequence of the narrow limits of the places, and the vast multitude of people assembled, a great number of children, not a few of the younger and very many of the older women, besides several young men, suffered so much from the pressure of the crowd, that they were obliged to be carried home; though by the Providence of God, no one is dead. All however murmured, and demanded the use of the great Church. And if the pressure was so great during the days which preceded the feast, what would have been the case during the feast itself? Of course matters would have been far worse. It did not therefore become me to change the people’s joy into grief, their cheerfulness into sorrow, and to make the festival a season of lamentation.
And that the more, because I had a precedent in the conduct of our Fathers. For the blessed Alexander, when the other places were too small, and he was engaged in the erection of what was then considered a very large one, the Church of Theonas1332, held his congregations there on account of the number of the people, while at the same time he proceeded with the building. I have seen the same thing done at Treveri and at Aquileia, in both which places, while the building was proceeding, they assembled there during the feasts, on account of the number of the people and they never found any one to accuse them in this manner. Nay, your brother of blessed memory was present, when a communion was held under these circumstances at Aquileia. I also followed this course. There was no dedication, but only a service of prayer. You, at least I am sure, as a lover of God will approve of the people’s zeal, and will pardon me for being unwilling to hinder the prayers of so great a multitude.
16. Better to pray together than separately.
But here again I would ask my accuser, where was it right that the people should pray? in the deserts, or in a place which was in course of building for the purpose of prayer? Where was it becoming and pious that the people should answer, Amen1333? in the deserts, or in what was already called the Lord’s house? Where would you, most religious Prince, have wished your people to stretch forth their hands, and to pray for you? Where Greeks, as they passed by, might stop and listen, or in a place named after yourself, which all men have long called the Lord’s house, even since the foundations of it were laid? I am sure that you prefer your own place; for you smile, and that tells me so. ‘But,’ says the accuser, ‘it ought to have been in the Churches. They were all, as I said before, too small and confined to admit the multitude. Then again, in which way was it most becoming that their prayers should be made? Should they meet together in parts and separate companies, with danger from the crowded state of the congregation? or, when there was now a place that would contain them all, should they assemble in it, and speak as with one and the same voice in perfect harmony? This was the better course, for this shewed the unanimity of the multitude: in this way God will readily hear prayer. For if, according to the promise of our Saviour Himself1334, where two shall agree together as touching anything that they shall ask, it shall be done for them, how shall it be when so great an assembly of people with one voice utter their Amen to God? Who indeed was there that did not marvel at the sight? Who but pronounced you happy when they saw so great a multitude met together in one place? How did the people themselves rejoice to see each other, having been accustomed heretofore to assemble in separate places! The circumstance was a source of pleasure to all; of vexation to the calumniator alone.
17. Better to pray in a building than in the desert.
Now then, I would also meet the other and only remaining objection of my accuser. He says, the building was not completed, and prayer ought not to have been made there. But the Lord said, ‘But thou, when thou prayest, enter into thy closet, and shut the door1335.’ What then will the accuser answer? or rather what will all prudent and true Christians say? Let your Majesty ask the opinion of such: for it is written of the other, ‘The foolish person will speak foolishness1336;’ but of these, ‘Ask counsel of all that are wise1337.’ When the Churches were too small, and the people so numerous as they were, and desirous to go forth into the deserts, what ought I to have done? The desert has no doors, and all who choose may pass through it, but the Lord’s house is enclosed with walls and doors, and marks the difference between the pious and the profane. Will not every wise person then, as well as your Piety, Sire, give the preference to the latter place? For they know that here prayer is lawfully offered, while a suspicion of irregularity attaches to it there. Unless indeed no place proper for it existed, and the worshippers dwelt only in the desert, as was the case with Israel; although after the tabernacle was built, they also had thenceforth a place set apart for prayer. O Christ, Lord and true King of kings, Only-begotten Son of God, Word and Wisdom of the Father, I am accused because the people prayed Thy gracious favour, and through Thee besought Thy Father, who is God over all, to save Thy servant, the most religious Constantius. But thanks be to Thy goodness, that it is for this that I am blamed, and for the keeping of Thy laws. Heavier had been the blame, and more true had been the charge, had we passed by the place which the Emperor was building, and gone forth into the desert to pray. How would the accuser then have vented his folly! With what apparent reason would he have said, ‘He despised the place which you are building; he does not approve of your undertaking; he passed it by in derision; he pointed to the desert to supply the want of room; he prevented the people when they wished to offer up their prayers.’ This is what he wished to say, and sought an occasion of saying it; and finding none he is vexed, and so forthwith invents a charge against me. Had he been able to say this, he would have confounded me with shame; as now he injures me, copying the accuser’s ways, and watching for an occasion against those that pray. Thus has he perverted to a wicked purpose his knowledge of Daniel’s1338 history. But he has been deceived; for he ignorantly imagined, that Babylonian practices were in fashion with you, and knew not that you are a friend of the blessed Daniel, and worship the same God, and do not forbid, but wish all men to pray, knowing that the prayer of all is, that you may continue to reign in perpetual peace and safety.
18. Prayers first do not interfere with dedication afterwards.
This is what I have to complain of on the part of my accuser. But may you, most religious Augustus, live through the course of many years to come, and celebrate the dedication of the Church. Surely the prayers which have been offered for your safety by all men, are no hindrance to this celebration. Let these unlearned persons cease such misrepresentations, but let them learn from the example of the Fathers; and let them read the Scriptures. Or rather let them learn of you, who are so well instructed in such histories, how that Joshua the son of Josedek the priest, and his brethren, and Zorobabel the wise, the son of Salathiel, and Ezra the priest and scribe of the law, when the temple was in course of building after the captivity, the feast of tabernacles being at hand (which was a great feast and time of assembly and prayer in Israel), gathered1339 the people together with one accord in the great court within the first gate, which is toward the East, and prepared the altar to God, and there offered their gifts, and kept the feast. And so afterwards they brought hither their sacrifices, on the sabbaths and the new moons, and the people offered up their prayers. And yet the Scripture says expressly, that when these things were done, the temple of God was not yet built; but rather while they thus prayed, the building of the house was advancing. So that neither were their prayers deferred in expectation of the dedication, nor was the dedication prevented by the assemblies held for the sake of prayer. But the people thus continued to pray; and when the house was entirely finished, they celebrated the dedication, and brought their gifts for that purpose, and all kept the feast for the completion of the work. And thus also have the blessed Alexander, and the other Fathers done. They continued to assemble their people, and when they had completed the work they gave thanks unto the Lord, and celebrated the dedication. This also it befits you to do, O Prince, most careful in your inquiries. The place is ready, having been already sanctified by the prayers which have been offered in it, and requires only the presence of your Piety. This only is wanting to its perfect beauty. Do you then supply this deficiency, and there make your prayers unto the Lord, for whom you have built this house. That you may do so is the prayer of all men.
19. Fourth charge, of having disobeyed an Imperial order.
And now, if it please you, let us consider the remaining accusation, and permit me to
answer it likewise. They have dared to charge me with resisting your commands, and refusing
to leave my Church. Truly I wonder they are not weary of uttering their calumnies; I however
am not yet weary of answering them, I rather rejoice to do so; for the more abundant my
defence is, the more entirely must they be condemned. I did not resist the commands of
your Piety, God forbid; I am not a man that would resist even the Quæstor1340 of the city,
much less so great a Prince. On this matter I need not many words, for the whole city will
bear witness for me. Nevertheless, permit me again to relate the circumstances from the
beginning; for when you hear them, I am sure you will be astonished at the presumption of
my enemies. Montanus, the officer of the Palace1341, came and brought me a letter, which
purported to be an answer to one from me, requesting that I might go into Italy, for the
purpose of obtaining a supply of the deficiencies which I thought existed in the condition
of our Churches. Now I desire to thank your Piety, which condescended to assent to my
request, on the supposition that I had written to you, and has made provision1342 for me
to undertake the journey, and to accomplish it without trouble. But here again I am astonished
at those who have spoken falsehood in your ears, that they were not afraid, seeing that
lying belongs to the Devil, and that liars are alien from Him who says, ‘I am the Truth1343.’
For I never wrote to you, nor will my accuser be able to find any such letter; and though I
ought to have written every day, if I might thereby behold your gracious countenance, yet
it would neither have been pious to desert the Churches, nor right to be troublesome to
your Piety, especially since you are willing to grant our requests in behalf of the Church,
although we are not present to make them. Now may it please you to order me to read what
Montanus commanded me to do. This is as follows1344.
20. History of his disobeying it.
Now I ask again, whence have my accusers obtained this letter also? I would learn of them who it was that put it into their hands? Do you cause them to answer. By this you may perceive that they have forged this, as they spread abroad also the former letter, which they published against me, with reference to the ill-named Magnentius. And being convicted in this instance also, on what pretence next will they bring me to make my defence? Their only concern is, to throw everything into disorder and confusion; and for this end I perceive they exercise their zeal. Perhaps they think that by frequent repetition of their charges, they will at last exasperate you against me. But you ought to turn away from such persons, and to hate them; for such as themselves are, such also they imagine those to be who listen to them; and they think that their calumnies will prevail even before you. The accusation of Doeg1345 prevailed of old against the priests of God: but it was the unrighteous Saul, who hearkened unto him. And Jezebel was able to injure the most religious Naboth1346 by her false accusations; but then it was the wicked and apostate Ahab who hearkened unto her. But the most holy David, whose example it becomes you to follow, as all pray that you may, favours not such men, but was wont to turn away from them and avoid them, as raging dogs. He says, ‘Whoso privily slandereth his neighbour, him will I destroy1347.’ For he kept the commandment which says, ‘Thou shalt not receive a false report1348.’ And false are the reports of these men in your sight. You, like Solomon, have required of the Lord (and you ought to believe yourself to have obtained your desire), that it would seem good unto Him to remove far from you vain and lying words1349.
21. Forasmuch then as the letter owed its origin to a false story, and contained no order that I should come to you, I concluded that it was not the wish of your Piety that I should come. For in that you gave me no absolute command, but merely wrote as in answer to a letter from me, requesting that I might be permitted to set in order the things which seemed to be wanting, it was manifest to me (although no one told me this) that the letter which I had received did not express the sentiments of your Clemency. All knew, and I also stated in writing, as Montanus is aware, that I did not refuse to come, but only that I thought it unbecoming to take advantage of the supposition that I had written to you to request this favour, fearing also lest the false accusers should find in this a pretence for saying that I made myself troublesome to your Piety. Nevertheless, I made preparations, as Montanus also knows, in order that, should you condescend to write to me, I might immediately leave home, and readily answer your commands; for I was not so mad as to resist such an order from you. When then in fact your Piety did not write to me, how could I resist a command which I never received? or how can they say that I refused to obey, when no orders were given me? Is not this again the mere fabrication of enemies, pretending that which never took place? I fear that even now, while I am engaged in this defence of myself, they may allege against me that I am doing that which I have never obtained your permission to do. So easily is my conduct made matter of accusation by them, and so ready are they to vent their calumnies in despite of that Scripture, which says, ‘Love not to slander another, lest thou be cut off1350.’
22. Arrivals of Diogenes and of Syrianus.
After a period of six and twenty months, when Montanus had gone away, there came Diogenes the Notary1351; but he brought me no letter, nor did we see each other, nor did he charge me with any commands as from you. Moreover when the General Syrianus entered Alexandria1352, seeing that certain reports were spread abroad by the Arians, who declared that matters would now be as they wished, I enquired whether he had brought any letters on the subject of these statements of theirs. I confess that I asked for letters containing your commands. And when he said that he had brought none, I requested that Syrianus himself, or Maximus the Prefect of Egypt, would write to me concerning this matter. Which request I made, because your Grace has written to me, desiring that I would not suffer myself to be alarmed by any one, nor attend to those who wished to frighten me, but that I would continue to reside in the Churches without fear. It was Palladius, the Master of the Palace, and Asterius, formerly Duke of Armenia, who brought me this letter. Permit me to read a copy of it. It is as follows:
23. A copy1353 of the letter as follows:
Constantius Victor Augustus to Athanasius1354. It is not unknown to your Prudence, how constantly I prayed that success might attend my late brother Constans in all his undertakings, and your wisdom will easily judge how greatly I was afflicted, when I learnt that he had been cut off by the treachery of villains. Now forasmuch as certain persons are endeavouring at this time to alarm you, by setting before your eyes that lamentable tragedy, I have thought good to address to your Reverence this present letter, to exhort you, that, as becomes a Bishop, you would teach the people to conform to the established1355 religion, and, according to your custom, give yourself up to prayer together with them. For this is agreeable to our wishes; and our desire is, that you should at every season be a Bishop in your own place.
And in another hand:—May divine Providence preserve you, beloved Father, many years.
24. Why Athanasius did not obey the Imperial Order.
On the subject of this letter, my opponents conferred with the magistrates. And was it not reasonable that I, having received it, should demand their letters, and refuse to give heed to mere pretences? And were they not acting in direct contradiction to the tenor of your instructions to me, while they failed to shew me the commands of your Piety? I therefore, seeing they produced no letters from you, considered it improbable that a mere verbal communication should be made to them, especially as the letter of your Grace had charged me not to give ear to such persons. I acted rightly then, most religious Augustus, that as I had returned to my country under the authority of your letters, so I should only leave it by your command; and might not render myself liable hereafter to a charge of having deserted the Church, but as receiving your order might have a reason for my retiring. This was demanded for me by all my people, who went to Syrianus together with the Presbyters, and the greatest part, to say the least, of the city with them. Maximus, the Prefect of Egypt, was also there: and their request was that either he would send me a declaration of your wishes in writing, or would forbear to disturb the Churches, while the people themselves were sending a deputation to you respecting the matter. When they persisted in their demand, Syrianus at last perceived the reasonableness of it, and consented, protesting by your safety (Hilary was present and witnessed this) that he would put an end to the disturbance, and refer the case to your Piety. The guards of the Duke, as well as those of the Prefect of Egypt, know that this is true; the Prytanis1356 of the city also remembers the words; so that you will perceive that neither I, nor any one else, resisted your commands.
25. The irruption of Syrianus.
All demanded that the letters of your Piety should be exhibited. For although the bare word of a King is of equal weight and authority with his written command, especially if he who reports it, boldly affirms in writing that it has been given him; yet when they neither openly declared that they had received any command, nor, as they were requested to do, gave me assurance of it in writing, but acted altogether as by their own authority; I confess, I say it boldly, I was suspicious of them. For there were many Arians about them, who were their companions at table, and their counsellors; and while they attempted nothing openly, they were preparing to assail me by stratagem and treachery. Nor did they act at all as under the authority of a royal command, but, as their conduct betrayed, at the solicitation of enemies. This made me demand more urgently that they should produce letters from you, seeing that all their undertakings and designs were of a suspicious nature; and because it was unseemly that after I had entered the Church, under the authority of so many letters from you, I should retire from it without such a sanction. When however Syrianus gave his promise, all the people assembled together in the Churches with feelings of joyfulness and security. But three and twenty days after1357, he burst into the Church with his soldiers, while we were engaged in our usual services, as those who entered in there witnessed; for it was a vigil, preparatory to a communion on the morrow. And such things were done that night as the Arians desired and had beforehand denounced against us. For the General brought them with him; and they were the instigators and advisers of the attack. This is no incredible story of mine, most religious Augustus; for it was not done in secret, but was noised abroad everywhere. When therefore I saw the assault begun, I first exhorted the people to retire, and then withdrew myself after them, God hiding and guiding me, as those who were with me at the time witness. Since then, I have remained by myself, though I have all confidence to answer for my conduct, in the first place before God, and also before your Piety, for that I did not flee and desert my people, but can point to the attack of the General upon us, as a proof of persecution. His proceedings have caused the greatest astonishment among all men; for either he ought not to have made a promise, or not to have broken it after he had made it.
26. How Athanasius acted when this took place.
Now why did they form this plot against me, and treacherously lay an ambush to take me, when it was in their power to enforce the order by a written declaration? The command of an Emperor is wont to give great boldness to those entrusted with it; but their desire to act secretly made the suspicion stronger that they had received no command. And did I require anything so very absurd? Let your Majesty’s candour decide. Will not every one say, that such a demand was reasonable for a Bishop to make? You know, for you have read the Scriptures, how great an offence it is for a Bishop to desert his Church, and to neglect the flocks of God. For the absence of the Shepherd gives the wolves an opportunity to attack the sheep. And this was what the Arians and all the other heretics desired, that during my absence they might find an opportunity to entrap the people into impiety. If then I had fled, what defence could I have made before the true Bishops? or rather before Him Who has committed to me His flock? He it is Who judges the whole earth, the true King of all, our Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God. Would not every one have rightly charged me with neglect of my people? Would not your Piety have blamed me, and have justly asked, ‘After you had returned under the authority of our letters, why did you withdraw without such authority, and desert your people?’ Would not the people themselves at the day of judgment have reasonably imputed to me this neglect of them, and have said, ‘He that had the oversight of us fled, and we were neglected, there being no one to put us in mind of our duty?’ When they said this, what could I have answered? Such a complaint was made by Ezekiel against the Pastors of old1358; and the blessed Apostle Paul, knowing this, has charged every one of us through his disciple, saying, ‘Neglect not the gift that is in thee, which was given thee, with the laying on of the hands of the presbytery1359.’ Fearing this, I wished not to flee, but to receive your commands, if indeed such was the will of your Piety. But I never obtained what I so reasonably requested, and now I am falsely accused before you; for I resisted no commands of your Piety; nor will I now attempt to return to Alexandria, until your Grace shall desire it. This I say beforehand, lest the slanderers should again make this a pretence for accusing me.
27. Athanasius leaves Alexandria to go to Constantius, but is stopped by the news of the banishment of the Bishops.
Observing these things, I did not give sentence against myself, but hastened to come to your Piety, with this my defence, knowing your goodness, and remembering your faithful promises, and being confident that, as it is written in the divine Proverbs, ‘Just speeches are acceptable to a gracious king1360.’ But when I had already entered upon my journey, and had passed through the desert1361, a report suddenly reached me1362, which at first I thought to be incredible, but which afterwards proved to be true. It was rumoured everywhere that Liberius, Bishop of Rome, the great Hosius of Spain, Paulinus of Gaul, Dionysius and Eusebius of Italy, Lucifer of Sardinia, and certain other Bishops and Presbyters and Deacons, had been banished1363 because they refused to subscribe to my condemnation. These had been banished: and Vincentius of Capua, Fortunatian of Aquileia, Heremius of Thessalonica, and all the Bishops of the West, were treated with no ordinary force, nay were suffering extreme violence and grievous injuries, until they could be induced to promise that they would not communicate with me. While I was astonished and perplexed at these tidings, behold another report1364 overtook me, respecting them of Egypt and Libya, that nearly ninety Bishops had been under persecution, and that their Churches were given up to the professors of Arianism; that sixteen had been banished, and of the rest, some had fled, and others were constrained to dissemble. For the persecution was said to be so violent in those parts, that at Alexandria, while the brethren were praying during Easter and on the Lord’s days in a desert place near the cemetery, the General came upon them with a force of soldiery, more than three thousand in number, with arms, drawn swords, and spears; whereupon outrages, such as might be expected to follow so unprovoked an attack, were committed against women and children, who were doing nothing more than praying to God. It would perhaps be unseasonable to give an account of them now, lest the mere mention of such enormities should move us all to tears. But such was their cruelty, that virgins were stripped, and even the bodies of those who died from the blows they received were not immediately given up for burial, but were cast out to the dogs, until their relatives, with great risk to themselves, came secretly and stole them away, and much effort was necessary, that no one might know it.
28. The news of the intrusion of George.
The rest of their proceedings will perhaps be thought incredible, and will fill all men with astonishment, by reason of their extreme atrocity. It is necessary however to speak of them, in order that your Christian zeal and piety may perceive that their slanders and calumnies against us are framed for no other end, than that they may drive us out of the Churches, and introduce their own impiety in our place. For when the lawful Bishops, men of advanced age, had some of them been banished, and others forced to fly, heathens and catechumens, those who hold the first places in the senate and men who are notorious for their wealth, were straightway commissioned by the Arians to preach the holy faith instead of Christians1365. And enquiry was no longer made, as the Apostle enjoined, ‘if any be blameless1366:’ but according to the practice of the impious Jeroboam, he who could give most money was named Bishop; and it made no difference to them, even if the man happened to be a heathen, so long as he furnished them with money. Those who had been Bishops from the time of Alexander, monks and ascetics, were banished: and men practised only in calumny corrupted, as far as in them lay, the Apostolic rule, and polluted the Churches. Truly their false accusations against us have gained them much, that they should be able to commit iniquity, and to do such things as these in your time; so that the words of Scripture may be applied to them, ‘Woe unto those through whom My name is blasphemed among the Gentiles1367.’
29. Athanasius has heard of his own proscription.
Such were the rumours that were noised abroad; and although everything was thus turned upside down, I still did not relinquish my earnest desire of coming to your Piety, but was again setting forward on my journey. And I did so the more eagerly, being confident that these proceedings were contrary to your wishes, and that if your Grace should be informed of what was done, you would prevent it for the time to come. For I could not think that a righteous king could wish Bishops to be banished, and virgins to be stripped, or the Churches to be in any way disturbed. While I thus reasoned and hastened on my journey, behold a third report reached me, to the effect that letters had been written to the Princes of Auxumis, desiring that Frumentius1368, Bishop of Auxumis, should be brought from thence, and that search should be made for me even as far as the country of the Barbarians, that I might be handed over to the Commentaries1369 (as they are called) of the Prefects, and that all the laity and clergy should be compelled to communicate with the Arian heresy, and that such as would not comply with this order should be put to death. To shew that these were not merely idle rumours, but that they were confirmed by facts, since your Grace has given me leave, I produce the letter. My enemies were constantly reading it, and threatening each one with death.
30. A copy of the letter of Constantius against Athanasius.
Victor Constantius Maximus Augustus to the Alexandrians.
Your city, preserving its national character, and remembering the virtue of its founders,
has habitually shewn itself obedient unto us, as it does at this day; and we on our part should
consider ourselves greatly wanting in our duty, did not our good will eclipse even that of
Alexander himself. For as it belongs to a temperate mind, to behave itself orderly in all respects,
so it is the part of royalty, on account of virtue, permit me to say, such as yours, to
embrace you above all others; you, who rose up as the first teachers of wisdom who were
the first to acknowledge1370 God; who moreover have chosen for yourselves the most consummate
masters; and have cordially acquiesced in our opinion, justly abominating that
impostor and cheat, and dutifully uniting yourselves to those venerable men who are beyond
all admiration. And yet, who is ignorant, even among those who live in the ends of the earth,
what violent party spirit was displayed in the late proceedings? with which we know not
anything that has ever happened, worthy to be compared. The majority of the citizens had
their eyes blinded, and a man who had come forth from the lowest dens of infamy obtained
authority among them, entrapping into falsehood, as under cover of darkness, those who
were desirous to know the truth;—one who never provided for them any fruitful and edifying
discourse, but corrupted their minds with unprofitable subtleties. His flatterers shouted and
applauded him; they were astonished at his powers, and they still probably murmur secretly;
while the majority of the more simple sort took their cue from them. And thus all went with
the stream, as if a flood had broken in, while everything was entirely neglected. One of the
multitude was in power;—how can I describe him more truly than by saying, that he was
superior in nothing to the meanest of the people, and that the only kindness which he shewed
to the city was, that he did not thrust her citizens down into the pit. This noble-minded and
illustrious person did not wait for judgment to proceed against him, but sentenced himself
to banishment, as he deserved. So that now it is for the interest of the Barbarians to remove
him out of the way, lest he lead some of them into impiety, for he will make his complaint,
like distressed characters in a play, to those who first fall in with him. To him however we
will now bid a long farewell. For yourselves there are few with whom I can compare you: I
am bound rather to honour you separately above all others, for the great virtue and wisdom
which your actions, that are celebrated almost through the whole world, proclaim you to
possess. Go on in this sober course. I would gladly have repeated to me a description of your
conduct in such terms of praise as it deserves; O you who have eclipsed your predecessors
in the race of glory, and will be a noble example both to those who are now alive, and to all
who shall come after, and alone have chosen for yourselves the most perfect of beings as
guide for your conduct, both in word and deed, and hesitated not a moment, but manfully
31. Letter of Constantius to the Ethiopians against Frumentius.
The following is the letter which was written to the Princes of Auxumis respecting Frumentius, Bishop of that place.
Constantius Victor Maximus Augustus, to Æzanes and Sazanes.
It is altogether a matter of the greatest care and concern to us, to extend the knowledge of the supreme God1373; and I think that the whole race of mankind claims from us equal regard in this respect, in order that they may pass their lives in hope, being brought to a proper knowledge of God, and having no differences with each other in their enquiries concerning justice and truth. Wherefore considering that you are deserving of the same provident care as the Romans, and desiring to shew equal regard for your welfare, we command that the same doctrine be professed in your Churches as in theirs. Send therefore speedily into Egypt the Bishop Frumentius to the most venerable Bishop George, and the rest who are there, who have especial authority to appoint to these offices, and to decide questions concerning them. For of course you know and remember (unless you alone pretend to be ignorant of that which all men are well aware of) that this Frumentius was advanced to his present rank by Athanasius, a man who is guilty of ten thousand crimes; for he has not been able fairly to clear himself of any of the charges brought against him, but was at once deprived of his see, and now wanders about destitute of any fixed abode, and passes from one country to another, as if by this means he could escape his own wickedness. Now if Frumentius shall readily obey our commands, and shall submit to an enquiry into all the circumstances of his appointment, he will shew plainly to all men, that he is in no respect opposed to the laws of the Church and the established1374 faith. And being brought to trial, when he shall have given proof of his general good conduct, and submitted an account of his life to those who are to judge of these things, he shall receive his appointment from them, if it shall indeed appear that he has any right to be a Bishop. But if he shall delay and avoid the trial, it will surely be very evident, that he has been induced by the persuasions of the wicked Athanasius, thus to indulge impiety against God, choosing to follow the course of him whose wickedness has been made manifest. And our fear is lest he should pass over into Auxumis and corrupt your people, by setting before them accursed and impious statements, and not only unsettle and disturb the Churches, and blaspheme the supreme God, but also thereby cause utter overthrow and destruction to the several nations whom he visits.
But I am sure that Frumentius will return home, perfectly acquainted with all matters that concern the Church, having derived much instruction, which will be of great and general utility, from the conversation of the most venerable George, and such other of the Bishops, as are excellently qualified to communicate such knowledge. May God continually preserve you, most honoured brethren.
32. He defends his Flight.
Hearing, nay almost seeing, these things, through the mournful representations of the
messengers, I confess I turned back again into the desert, justly concluding, as your Piety
will perceive, that if I was sought after, that I might be sent as soon as I was discovered to
the Prefects1375, I should be prevented from ever coming to your Grace; and that if those
who would not subscribe against me, suffered so severely as they did, and the laity who refused
to communicate with the Arians were ordered for death, there was no doubt at all but
that ten thousand new modes of destruction would be devised by the calumniators against
me; and that after my death, they would employ against whomsoever they wished to injure,
whatever means they chose, venting their lies against us the more boldly, for that then there
would no longer be any one left who could expose them. I fled, not because I feared your
Piety (for I know your long-suffering and goodness), but because from what had taken place,
I perceived the spirit of my enemies, and considered that they would make use of all possible
means to accomplish my destruction, from fear that they would be brought to answer for
what they had done contrary to the intentions of your Excellency. For observe, your Grace
commanded that the Bishops should be expelled only out of the cities and the province. But
these worthy persons presumed to exceed your commands, and banished aged men and
Bishops venerable for their years into desert and unfrequented and frightful places, beyond
the boundaries of three provinces1376. Some of them were sent off from Libya to the great
Oasis; others from the Thebais to Ammoniaca in Libya1377. Neither was it from fear of death
that I fled; let none of them condemn me as guilty of cowardice; but because it is the injunction
of our Saviour1378 that we should flee when we are persecuted, and hide ourselves when
we are sought after, and not expose ourselves to certain dangers, nor by appearing before
our persecutors inflame still more their rage against us. For to give one’s self up to one’s
enemies to be murdered, is the same thing as to murder one’s self; but to flee, as our Saviour
has enjoined, is to know our time, and to manifest a real concern for our persecutors, lest
if they proceed to the shedding of blood, they become guilty of the transgression of the law,
33. Conduct of the Arians towards the consecrated Virgins.
The Son of God, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, having become man for our sakes, and having destroyed death, and delivered our race from the bondage of corruption1380, in addition to all His other benefits bestowed this also upon us, that we should possess upon earth, in the state of virginity1381, a picture of the holiness of Angels. Accordingly such as have attained this virtue, the Catholic Church has been accustomed to call the brides of Christ. And the heathen who see them express their admiration of them as the temples of the Word. For indeed this holy and heavenly profession is nowhere1382 established, but only among us Christians, and it is a very strong argument that with us is to be found the genuine and true religion. Your most religious father Constantine Augustus, of blessed memory, honoured the Virgins above all the rest, and your Piety in several letters has given them the titles of the honourable and holy women. But now these worthy Arians who have slandered me, and by whom conspiracies have been formed against most of the Bishops, having obtained the consent and cooperation of the magistrates, first stripped them, and then caused them to be suspended upon what are called the Hermetaries1383, and scourged them on the ribs so severely three several times, that not even real malefactors have ever suffered the like. Pilate, to gratify the Jews of old, pierced one of our Saviour’s sides with a spear. These men have exceeded the madness of Pilate, for they have scourged not one but both His sides; for the limbs of the Virgins are in an especial manner the Saviour’s own. All men shudder at hearing the bare recital of deeds like these. These men alone not only did not fear to strip and to scourge those undefiled limbs, which the Virgins had dedicated solely to our Saviour Christ; but, what is worse than all, when they were reproached by every one for such extreme cruelty, instead of manifesting any shame, they pretended that it was commanded by your Piety. So utterly presumptuous are they and full of wicked thoughts and purposes. Such a deed as this was never heard of in past persecutions1384: or supposing that it ever occurred before, yet surely it was not befitting either that Virginity should suffer such outrage and dishonour, in the time of your Majesty, a Christian, or that these men should impute to your Piety their own cruelty. Such wickedness belongs only to heretics, to blaspheme the Son of God, and to do violence to His holy Virgins.
34. He expostulates with Constantius.
Now when such enormities as these were again perpetrated by the Arians, I surely was not wrong in complying with the direction of Holy Scripture, which says, ‘Hide thyself for a little moment, until the wrath of the Lord be overpast1385.’ This was another reason for my withdrawing myself, Augustus, most beloved of God; and I refused not, either to depart into the desert, or, if need were, to be let down from a wall in a basket1386. I endured everything, I even dwelt among wild beasts, that your favour might return to me, waiting for an opportunity to offer to you this my defence, confident as I am that they will be condemned, and your goodness manifested unto me. O, Augustus, blessed and most beloved of God, what would you have had me to do? to come to you while my calumniators were inflamed with rage against me, and were seeking to kill me; or, as it is written, to hide myself a little, that in the mean time they might be condemned as heretics, and your goodness might be manifested unto me? or would you have had me, Sire, to appear before your magistrates, in order that though you had written merely in the way of threatening, they not understanding your intention, but being exasperated against me by the Arians, might kill me on the authority of your letters, and on that ground ascribe the murder to you? It would neither have been becoming in me to surrender, and give myself up that my blood might be shed, nor in you, as a Christian King, to have the murder of Christians, and those too Bishops, imputed unto you.
35. It was therefore better for me to hide myself, and to wait for this opportunity. Yes, I am sure that from your knowledge of the sacred Scriptures you will assent and approve of my conduct in this respect. For you will perceive that, now those who exasperated you against us have been silenced, your righteous clemency is apparent, and it is proved to all men that you never persecuted the Christians at all, but that it was they who made the Churches desolate, that they might sow the seeds of their own impiety everywhere; on account of which I also, had I not fled, should long ago have suffered from their treachery. For it is very evident that they who scrupled not to utter such calumnies against me, before the great Augustus, and who so violently assailed Bishops and Virgins, sought also to compass my death. But thanks be to the Lord who has given you the kingdom. All men are confirmed in their opinion of your goodness, and of their wickedness, from which I fled at the first, that I might now make this appeal unto you, and that you might find some one towards whom you may shew kindness. I beseech you, therefore, forasmuch as it written, ‘A soft answer turneth away wrath,’ and ‘righteous thoughts are acceptable unto the King1387;’ receive this my defence, and restore all the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy to their countries and their Churches; so that the wickedness of my accusers may be made manifest, and that you, both now and in the day of judgment, may have boldness to say to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the King of all, ‘“None of Thine have I lost1388,” but these are they who designed the ruin of all, while I was grieved for those who perished, and for the Virgins who were scourged, and for all other things that were committed against the Christians; and I brought back them that were banished, and restored them to their own Churches.’
The date of this Defence of his Flight must be placed early enough to fall within the lifetime, or very close to the death (§1. n. 1), of Leontius of Antioch, and late enough to satisfy the references (§6) to the events at the end of May 357 (see notes there), and to the lapse of Hosius, the exact date of which again depends upon that of the Sirmian Council of 357, which, if held the presence of Constantius, must have fallen as late as August (Gwatk. Stud. 157, n. 3). Athanasius not only refers to the lapse of Hosius, but by the quotation he makes from Gal. ii. 5, appears to know of its merely temporary nature (see D.C.B. iii. 173). How early, then, does the first-named condition compel us to place the ‘Defence?’ Upon the news of the death of Leontius reaching Italy (Soz. iv. 12), Eudoxius obtained the leave of Constantius (who was in Italy, April 28 to July 3, 357, and again, Nov. 10 to Dec. 10, Gwatk. p. 292), to repair to Antioch. There he got himself elected bishop, assembled a council (Acacius and other Homoeans), and wrote a synodal letter, expelling from the Antiochene Church those who dissented. Some of the latter repaired to Ancyra with a letter from the semi-Arian George of Laodicea; at Ancyra, Basil assembled a small council (before Easter, April 12, 358, see D.C.B. i. 281, Epiph. Hær. 73), which wrote to the Emperor protesting against the proceedings of Eudoxius. To gain room for these events, at the very least five months, and probably more, must be allowed to elapse between the death of Leontius and April 12, 358. Leontius must therefore have died in the summer (Gwatk. p. 153, note), or at the very latest in October, 357. We cannot, therefore, place the Apology much after this date, for the reference to Hosius shews—in addition to many other indications— how quickly Athanasius in his hiding-place was informed of current events.
The Apology was drawn forth by the charge of cowardice circulated against him by the
Arianising party, especially by the three bishops named in §1. After a preamble upon the
motives of his accusers (1, 2), he shews that his own case is but part of a general system
(3–5) of expatriation directed against orthodox bishops. He then refers to the circumstance
of the attack upon himself, and dwells at length upon the tyranny of George (6, 7) and the
banishment of Egyptian and Libyan bishops. This brings him to the argument (8–22) which
gives its name to the tract. After pressing the point that if flight be evil, those who persecute
are the responsible cause (8, 9), and hinting at the real motive of their mortification at his
escape (10), he defends his flight by the example first (10, 11) of the Scripture Saints, secondly
of the Lord Himself (12–15). From the latter, he returns to the conduct of the Saints, who,
unlike the Lord (16), were unaware of their appointed time, yet fled or not (17) as circumstances
and the direction of the Spirit required them to do. The Saints if they fled were not
moved to do so by cowardice, else how could their flight so frequently have been the occasion
of divine communications (18–20), and how could such good (21, 22) have resulted from
The Apology is a locus classicus on the duty of Christians under persecution. Athanasius was not the first great bishop who felt called upon to defend his conduct in retreating ‘until the tyranny be overpast’ (see Cyprian, Ep. 20. August. Ep. 228). His principles are laid down with regard to the common welfare. Rashness must be avoided, with its tendency to a reaction (17, end), and its presumption in forestalling the time appointed by Providence for our death. But neither must that time be evaded. When our end must come, we must face it quietly. Accordingly (22) it is a duty to escape when we can, and to hide when sought for rather than to follow the exceptional (ib.) action of certain martyrs in courting death.
It is uncertain to whom the ‘Defence’ was addressed: it was perhaps a ‘memorandum’ to be circulated wherever opportunity offered. The tract has always been justly admired for its lucidity, force, and dignity. It is quoted largely by Socrates (ii. 28, iii. 8) and by Theodoret (H. E. ii. 15).
1. Athanasius charged with cowardice for escaping.
I hear that Leontius1389, now at Antioch, and Narcissus1390 of the city of Nero, and George1391, now at Laodicea, and the Arians who are with them, are spreading abroad many slanderous reports concerning me, charging me with cowardice, because forsooth, when I myself was sought by them, I did not surrender myself into their hands. Now as to their imputations and calumnies, although there are many things that I could write, which even they are unable to deny, and which all who have heard of their proceedings know to be true, yet I shall not be prevailed upon to make any reply to them, except only to remind them of the words of our Lord, and of the declaration of the Apostle, that ‘a lie is of the Devil,’ and that, ‘revilers shall not inherit the kingdom of God1392.’ For it is sufficient thereby to prove, that neither their thoughts nor their words are according to the Gospel, but that after their own pleasure, whatsoever themselves desire, that they think to be good. 1389 Leontius died in the summer of 357, probably before Ath. wrote.
2. Insincerity of this charge.
But forasmuch as they pretend to charge me with cowardice, it is necessary that I should write somewhat concerning this, whereby it shall be proved that they are men of wicked minds, who have not read the sacred Scriptures: or if they have read them, that they do not believe the divine inspiration of the oracles they contain. For had they believed this, they would not dare to act contrary to them, nor imitate the malice of the Jews who slew the Lord. For God having given them a commandment, ‘Honour thy father and thy mother,’ and, ‘He that curseth father or mother, let him die the death1393;’ that people established a contrary law, changing the honour into dishonour, and alienating to other uses the money which was due from the children to their parents. And though they had read what David did, they acted in contradiction to his example, and accused the guiltless for plucking the ears of corn, and rubbing them in their hands on the Sabbath day1394. Not that they cared either for the laws, or for the Sabbath, for they were guilty of greater transgressions of the law on that day: but being wicked-minded, they grudged the disciples the way of salvation, and desired that their own private notions should have the sole pre-eminence. They however have received the reward of their iniquity, having ceased to be an holy nation, and being counted henceforth as the rulers of Sodom, and as the people of Gomorrah1395. And these men likewise, not less than they, seem to me to have received their punishment already in their ignorance of their own folly. For they understand not what they say, but think that they know things of which they are ignorant; while the only knowledge that is in them is to do evil, and to frame devices more and more wicked day by day. Thus they reproach us with our present flight, not for the sake of virtue, as wishing us to shew manliness by coming forward (how is it possible that such a wish can be entertained by enemies in behalf of those who run not with them in the same career of madness?); but being full of malice, they pretend this, and buzz1396 all around that such is the case, thinking, foolish as indeed they are, that through fear of their revilings, we shall yet be induced to give ourselves up to them. For this is what they desire: to accomplish this they have recourse to all kinds of schemes: they pretend themselves to be friends, while they search as enemies, to the end that they may glut themselves with our blood, and put us also out of the way, because we have always opposed and do still oppose their impiety, and confute and brand their heresy.
3. Outrages of the Arians against the Bishops.
For whom have they ever persecuted and taken, that they have not insulted and injured as they pleased? Whom have they ever sought after and found, that they have not handled in such a manner, that either he has died a miserable death, or has been ill-treated in every way? Whatever the magistrates appear to do, it is their work; and the others are merely the tools of their will and wickedness. In consequence, where is there a place that has not some memorial of their malice? Who has ever opposed them, without their conspiring against him, inventing pretexts for his ruin after the manner of Jezebel? Where is there a Church that is not at this moment lamenting the success of their plots against her Bishops? Antioch is mourning for the orthodox Confessor Eustathius1397; Balaneæ for the most admirable Euphration1398; Paltus and Antaradus for Kymatius1399 and Carterius; Adrianople for that lover of Christ, Eutropius, and his successor Lucius, who was often loaded with chains by their means, and so perished; Ancyra mourns for Marcellus, Berrhoea1400 for Cyrus1401, Gaza for Asclepas. Of all these, after inflicting many outrages, they by their intrigues procured the banishment; but for Theodulus and Olympius, Bishops of Thrace, and for us and our Presbyters, they caused diligent search to be made, to the intent that if we were discovered we should suffer capital punishment: and probably we should have so perished, had we not fled at that very time contrary to their intentions. For letters to that effect were delivered to the Proconsul Donatus against Olympius and his fellows, and to Philagrius against me. And having raised a persecution against Paul, Bishop of Constantinople, as soon as they found him, they caused him to be openly strangled1402 at a place called Cucusus in Cappadocia, employing as their executioner for the purpose Philip, who was Prefect. He was a patron of their heresy, and the tool of their wicked designs.
4. Proceedings after the Council of Milan.
Are they then satisfied with all this, and content to be quiet for the future? By no means; they have not given over yet, but like the horseleach1403 in the Proverbs, they revel more and more in their wickedness, and fix themselves upon the larger dioceses. Who can adequately describe the enormities they have already perpetrated? who is able to recount all the deeds that they have done? Even very lately, while the Churches were at peace, and the people worshipping in their congregations, Liberius, Bishop of Rome, Paulinus1404, Metropolitan of Gaul, Dionysius1405, Metropolitan of Italy, Lucifer1406, Metropolitan of the Sardinian islands, and Eusebius1407 of Italy, all of them good Bishops and preachers of the truth, were seized and banished1408, on no pretence whatever, except that they would not unite themselves to the Arian heresy, nor subscribe to the false accusations and calumnies which they had invented against me.
5. In praise of Hosius.
Of the great Hosius1409, who answers to his name, that confessor of a happy old age, it is superfluous for me to speak, for I suppose it is known unto all men that they caused him also to be banished; for he is not an obscure person, but of all men the most illustrious, and more than this. When was there a Council held, in which he did not take the lead1410, and by right counsel convince every one? Where is there a Church that does not possess some glorious monuments of his patronage? Who has ever come to him in sorrow, and has not gone away rejoicing? What needy person ever asked his aid, and did not obtain what he desired? And yet even on this man they made their assault, because knowing the calumnies which they invent in behalf of their iniquity, he would not subscribe to their designs against us. And if afterwards, upon the repeated stripes above measure that were inflicted upon him, and the conspiracies that were formed against his kinsfolk, he yielded1411 to them for a time1412, as being old and infirm in body, yet at least their wickedness is shewn even in this circumstance; so zealously did they endeavour by all means to prove that they were not truly Christians.
6. Outrages of George upon the Alexandrians.
After this they again fastened themselves upon Alexandria, seeking anew to put us to death: and their proceedings were now worse than before. For on a sudden the Church was surrounded by soldiers, and sounds of war took the place of prayers. Then George1413 of Cappadocia who was sent by them, having arrived during the season of Lent1414, brought an increase of evils which they had taught him. For after Easter week, Virgins were thrown into prison; Bishops were led away in chains by soldiers; houses of orphans and widows were plundered, and their loaves taken away; attacks were made upon houses, and Christians thrust forth in the night, and their dwellings sealed up: brothers of clergymen were in danger of their lives on account of their brethren. These outrages were sufficiently dreadful, but more dreadful than these followed. For on the week that succeeded the Holy Pentecost [May 11], when the people after their fast had gone out to the cemetery to pray, because that all refused communion with George, that abandoned person, on learning this, stirred up against them the commander Sebastian, a Manichee; who straightway with a multitude of soldiers with arms, drawn swords, bows, and spears, proceeded to attack the people, though it was the Lord’s day1415: and finding a few praying (for the greater part had already retired on account of the lateness of the hour), he committed such outrages as became a disciple of these men. Having lighted a pile, he placed certain virgins near the fire, and endeavoured to force them to say that they were of the Arian faith: and when he saw that they were getting the mastery, and cared not for the fire, he immediately stripped them naked, and beat them in the face in such a manner, that for some time they could hardly be recognised.
7. Outrages of George.
And having seized upon forty men, he beat them after a new fashion. Cutting some sticks fresh from the palm tree, with the thorns still upon them1416, he scourged them on the back so severely, that some of them were for a long time under surgical treatment on account of the thorns which had broken off in their flesh, and others unable to bear up under their sufferings died. All those whom they had taken, and the virgin, they sent away together into banishment to the great Oasis. And the bodies of those who had perished they would not at first suffer to be given up to their friends, but concealed them in any way they pleased, and cast them out without burial1417, in order that they might not appear to have any knowledge of these cruel proceedings. But herein their deluded minds greatly misled them. For the relatives of the dead, both rejoicing at the confession, and grieving for the bodies of their friends, published abroad so much the more this proof of their impiety and cruelty. Moreover they immediately banished out of Egypt and Libya the following Bishops1418, Ammonius, Muïus1419, Gaïus, Philo1420, Hermes, Plenius, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agathus, Anagamphus, Marcus, Ammonius, another Marcus, Dracontius1421, Adelphius1422, Athenodorus, and the Presbyters, Hierax1423, and Dioscorus; whom they drove forth under such cruel treatment, that some of them died on the way, and others in the place of their banishment. They caused also more than thirty Bishops to take to flight; for their desire was, after the example of Ahab, if it were possible, utterly to root out the truth. Such are the enormities of which these impious men have been guilty.
8. If it is wrong to flee, it is worse to persecute.
But although1424 they have done all this, yet they are not ashamed of the evils they have already contrived against me, but proceed now to accuse me, because I have been able to escape their murderous hands. Nay, they bitterly bewail themselves, that they have not effectually put me out of the way; and so they pretend to reproach me with cowardice, not perceiving that by thus murmuring against me, they rather turn the blame upon themselves. For if it be a bad thing to flee, it is much worse to persecute; for the one party hides himself to escape death, the other persecutes with a desire to kill; and it is written in the Scriptures that we ought to flee; but he that seeks to destroy transgresses the law, nay, and is himself the occasion of the other’s flight. If then they reproach me with my flight, let them be more ashamed of their own persecution1425. Let them cease to conspire, and they who flee will forthwith cease to do so. But they, instead of giving over their wickedness, are employing every means to obtain possession of my person, not perceiving that the flight of those who are persecuted is a strong argument against those who persecute. For no man flees from the gentle and the humane, but from the cruel and the evil-minded. ‘Every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt1426,’ fled from Saul, and took refuge with David. But this is the reason why these men desire to cut off those who are in concealment, that there may be no evidence forthcoming of their wickedness. But herein their minds seem to be blinded with their usual error. For the more the flight of their enemies becomes known, so much the more notorious will be the destruction or the banishment which their treachery has brought upon them1427; so that whether they kill them outright, their death will be the more loudly noised abroad against them, or whether they drive them into banishment, they will but be sending forth everywhere monuments of their own iniquity.
9. The accusation shews the mind of the accusers.
Now if they had been of sound mind, they would have seen that they were in this strait, and that they were falling foul of their own arguments. But since they have lost all judgment, they are still led on to persecute, and seek to destroy, and yet perceive not their own impiety. It may be they even venture to accuse Providence itself (for nothing is beyond the reach of their presumption), that it does not deliver up to them those whom they desire; certain as it is, according to the saying of our Saviour, that not even a sparrow can fall into the snare without our Father which is in heaven1428. But when these accursed ones obtain possession of any one, they immediately forget not only all other, but even themselves; and raising their brow in very haughtiness, they neither acknowledge times and seasons, nor respect human nature in those whom they injure. Like the tyrant of Babylon1429, they attack more furiously; they shew pity to none, but mercilessly ‘upon the ancient,’ as it is written, ‘they very heavily lay the yoke,’ and ‘they add to the grief of them that are wounded1430.’ Had they not acted in this manner; had they not driven into banishment those who spoke in my defence against their calumnies, their representations might have appeared to some persons sufficiently plausible. But since they have conspired against so many other Bishops of high character, and have spared neither the great confessor Hosius, nor the Bishop of Rome, nor so many others from the Spains and the Gauls, and Egypt, and Libya, and the other countries, but have committed such cruel outrages against all who have in any way opposed them in my behalf; is it not plain that their designs have been directed rather against me than against any other, and that their desire is miserably to destroy me as they have done others? To accomplish this they vigilantly watch for an opportunity, and think themselves injured, when they see those safe, whom they wished not to live.
10. Their real grievance is not that Athanasius is a coward, but that he is free.
Who then does not perceive their craftiness? Is it not very evident to every one that they do not reproach me with cowardice from regard to virtue, but that being athirst for blood, they employ these their base devices as nets, thinking thereby to catch those whom they seek to destroy? That such is their character is shewn by their actions, which have convicted them of possessing dispositions more savage than wild beasts, and more cruel than Babylonians. But although the proof against them is sufficiently clear from all this, yet since they still dissemble with soft words after the manner of their ‘father the devil1431,’ and pretend to charge me with cowardice, while they are themselves more cowardly than hares; let us consider what is written in the Sacred Scriptures respecting such cases as this. For thus they will be shewn to fight against the Scriptures no less than against me, while they detract from the virtues of the Saints.
For if they reproach men for hiding themselves from those who seek to destroy them, and accuse those who flee from their persecutors, what will they do when they see Jacob fleeing from his brother Esau, and Moses withdrawing into Midian for fear of Pharaoh? What excuse will they make for David, after all this idle talk, for fleeing from his house on account of Saul, when he sent to kill him, and for hiding himself in the cave, and for changing his appearance, until he withdrew from Abimelech1432, and escaped his designs against him? What will they say, they who are ready to say anything, when they see the great Elijah, after calling upon God and raising the dead, hiding himself for fear of Ahab, and fleeing from the threats of Jezebel? At which time also the sons of the prophets, when they were sought after, hid themselves with the assistance of Obadiah, and lay concealed in caves1433.
11. Examples of Scripture Saints in defence of flight.
Perhaps they have not read these histories; as being out of date; yet have they no recol lection of what is written in the Gospel? For the disciples also withdrew and hid themselves for fear of the Jews; and Paul, when he was sought after by the governor at Damascus, was let down from the wall in a basket, and so escaped his hands. As the Scripture then relates these things of the Saints, what excuse will they be able to invent for their wickedness? To reproach them with cowardice would be an act of madness, and to accuse them of acting contrary to the will of God, would be to shew themselves entirely ignorant of the Scriptures. For there was a command under the law1434 that cities of refuge should be appointed, in order that they who were sought after to be put to death, might at least have some means of saving themselves. And when He Who spake unto Moses, the Word of the Father, appeared in the end of the world, He also gave this commandment, saying, ‘But when they persecute you in this city, flee ye into another:’ and shortly after He says, ‘When ye therefore shall see the abomination of desolation, spoken of by Daniel the prophet, stand in the holy place (whoso readeth, let him understand); then let them which be in Judæa flee into the mountains: let him which is on the housetop not come down to take any thing out of his house: neither let him which is in the field return back to take his clothes1435.’ Knowing these things, the Saints regulated their conduct accordingly. For what our Lord has now commanded, the same also He spoke by His Saints before His coming in the flesh: and this is the rule which is given unto men to lead them to perfection—what God commands, that to do.
12. The Lord an example of timely flight.
Wherefore also the Word Himself, being made man for our sakes, condescended to hide Himself when He was sought after, as we do: and also when He was persecuted, to flee and avoid the designs of His enemies. For it became Him, as by hunger and thirst and suffering, so also by hiding Himself and fleeing, to shew that He had taken our flesh, and was made man. Thus at the very first, as soon as He became man, when He was a little child, He Himself by His Angel commanded Joseph, ‘Arise, and take the young Child and His Mother, and flee into Egypt; for Herod will seek the young Child’s life1436.’ And when Herod was dead, we find Him withdrawing to Nazareth by reason of Archelaus his son. And when afterwards He was shewing Himself to be God, and made whole the withered hand, the Pharisees went out, and held a council against Him, how they might destroy Him; but when Jesus knew it, He withdrew Himself from thence1437. So also when He raised Lazarus from the dead, ‘from that day forth,’ says the Scripture, ‘they took counsel for to put Him to death. Jesus therefore walked no more openly among the Jews; but went thence into the country near to the wilderness1438.’ Again, when our Saviour said, ‘Before Abraham was, I am,’ ‘the Jews took up stones to cast at Him; but Jesus hid Himself, and went out of the temple1439.’ And ‘going through the midst of them, He went His way,’ and ‘so passed by1440.’
13. Example of Our Lord.
When they see these things, or rather even hear of them, for see they do not, will they not desire, as it is written, to become ‘fuel of fire1441,’ because their counsels and their words are contrary to what the Lord both did and taught? Also when John was martyred, and his disciples buried his body, ‘when Jesus heard of it, He departed thence by ship into a desert place apart1442.’ Thus the Lord acted, and thus He taught. Would that these men were even now ashamed of their conduct, and confined their rashness to man, nor proceeded to such extreme madness as even to charge our Saviour with cowardice! for it is against Him that they now utter their blasphemies. But no one will endure such madness; nay it will be seen that they do not understand the Gospels. The cause must be a reasonable and just one, which the Evangelists represent as weighing with our Saviour to withdraw and to flee; and we ought therefore to assign the same for the conduct of all the Saints. (For whatever is written concerning our Saviour in His human nature, ought to be considered as applying to the whole race of mankind1443; because He took our body, and exhibited in Himself human infirmity.) Now of this cause John has written thus, ‘They sought to take Him: but no man laid hands on Him, because His hour was not yet come1444.’ And before it came, He Himself said to His Mother, ‘Mine hour is not yet come1445:’ and to them who were called His brethren, ‘My time is not yet come1446.’ And again, when His time was come, He said to the disciples, ‘Sleep on now, and take your rest: for behold, the hour is at hand, and the Son of man is betrayed into the hands of sinners1447.’
14. An hour and a time for all men.
Now in so far as He was God and the Word of the Father, He had no time; for He is Himself the Creator of times1448. But being made man, He shews by speaking in this manner that there is a time allotted to every man; and that not by chance, as some of the Gentiles imagine in their fables, but a time which He, the Creator, has appointed to every one according to the will of the Father. This is written in the Scriptures, and is manifest to all men. For although it be hidden and unknown to all, what period of time is allotted to each, and how it is allotted; yet every one knows this, that as there is a time for spring and for summer, and for autumn and for winter, so, as it is written1449, there is a time to die, and a time to live. And so the time of the generation which lived in the days of Noah was cut short, and their years were contracted, because the time of all things was at hand. But to Hezekiah were added fifteen years. And as God promises to them that serve Him truly, ‘I will fulfil the number of thy days1450,’ Abraham dies ‘full of days,’ and David besought God, saying, ‘Take me not away in the midst of my days1451.’ And Eliphaz, one of the friends of Job, being assured of this truth, said, ‘Thou shalt come to thy grave like ripe corn, gathered in due time, and like as a shock of corn cometh in in his season1452.’ And Solomon confirming his words, says, ‘The souls of the unrighteous are taken away untimely1453.’ And therefore he exhorts in the book of Ecclesiastes, saying, ‘Be not overmuch wicked, neither be thou hard: why shouldest thou die before thy time1454?’
15. The Lord’s hour and time.
Now as these things are written in the Scriptures, the case is clear, that the saints know that a certain time is measured to every man, but that no one knows the end of that time is plainly intimated by the words of David, ‘Declare unto me the shortness of my days1455.’ What he did not know, that he desired to be informed of. Accordingly the rich man also, while he thought that he had yet a long time to live, heard the words, ‘Thou fool, this night they are requiring thy soul: then whose shall those things be which thou hast provided1456?’ And the Preacher speaks confidently in the Holy Spirit, and says, ‘Man also knoweth not his time1457.’ Wherefore the Patriarch Isaac said to his son Esau, ‘Behold, I am old, and I know not the day of my death1458.’ Our Lord therefore, although as God, and the Word of the Father, He both knew the time measured out by Him to all, and was conscious of the time for suffering, which He Himself had appointed also to His own body; yet since He was made man for our sakes, He hid Himself when He was sought after before that time came, as we do; when He was persecuted, He fled; and avoiding the designs of His enemies He passed by, and ‘so went through the midst of them1459.’ But when He had brought on that time which He Himself had appointed, at which He desired to suffer in the body for all men, He announces it to the Father, saying, ‘Father, the hour is come; glorify Thy Son1460.’ And then He no longer hid Himself from those who sought Him, but stood willing to be taken by them; for the Scripture says, He said to them that came unto Him, ‘Whom seek ye1461?’ and when they answered, ‘Jesus of Nazareth,’ He saith unto them, ‘I am He whom ye seek.’ And this He did even more than once; and so they straightway led Him away to Pilate. He neither suffered Himself to be taken before the time came, nor did He hide Himself when it was come; but gave Himself up to them that conspired against Him, that He might shew to all men that the life and death of man depend upon the divine sentence; and that without our Father which is in heaven, neither a hair of man’s head can become white or black, nor a sparrow ever fall into the snare1462.
6. The Lord’s example followed by the Saints.
Our Lord therefore, as I said before, thus offered Himself for all; and the Saints having received this example from their Saviour (for all of them before His coming, nay always, were under His teaching), in their conflicts with their persecutors acted lawfully in flying, and hiding themselves when they were sought after. And being ignorant, as men, of the end of the time which Providence had appointed unto them, they were unwilling at once to deliver themselves up into the power of those who conspired against them. But knowing on the other hand what is written, that ‘the portions’ of man ‘are in God’s hand1463,’ and that ‘the Lord killeth1464,’ and the Lord ‘maketh alive,’ they the rather endured unto the end, ‘wandering about1465,’ as the Apostle has said, ‘in sheepskins, and goatskins, being destitute, tormented, wandering in deserts,’ and hiding themselves ‘in dens and caves of the earth;’ until either the appointed time of death arrived, or God who had appointed their time spake unto them, and stayed the designs of their enemies, or else delivered up the persecuted to their persecutors, according as it seemed to Him to be good. This we may well learn respecting all men from David: for when Joab instigated him to slay Saul, he said, ‘As the Lord liveth, the Lord shall smite him; or his day shall come to die; or he shall descend into battle, and be delivered to the enemies; the Lord forbid that I should stretch forth my hand against the Lord’s anointed1466.’
17. A time to flee and a time to stay.
And if ever in their flight they came unto those that sought after them, they did not do so without reason: but when the Spirit spoke unto them, then as righteous men they went and met their enemies; by which they also shewed their obedience and zeal towards God. Such was the conduct of Elijah, when, being commanded by the Spirit, he shewed himself unto Ahab1467; and of Micaiah the prophet when he came to the same Ahab; and of the prophet who cried against the altar in Samaria, and rebuked Rehoboam1468; and of Paul when he appealed unto Cæsar. It was not certainly through cowardice that they fled: God forbid. The flight to which they submitted was rather a conflict and war against death. For with wise caution they guarded against these two things; either that they should offer themselves up without reason (for this would have been to kill themselves, and to become guilty of death, and to transgress the saying of the Lord, ‘What God hath joined let not man put asunder1469’), or that they should willingly subject themselves to the reproach of negligence, as if they were unmoved by the tribulations which they met with in their flight, and which brought with them sufferings greater and more terrible than death. For he that dies, ceases to suffer; but he that flies, while he expects daily the assaults of his enemies, esteems death lighter. They therefore whose course was consummated in their flight did not perish dishonourably, but attained as well as others the glory of martyrdom. Therefore it is that Job was accounted a man of mighty fortitude, because he endured to live under so many and such severe sufferings, of which he would have had no sense, had he come to his end. Wherefore the blessed Fathers thus regulated their conduct also; they shewed no cowardice in fleeing from the persecutor, but rather manifested their fortitude of soul in shutting themselves up in close and dark places, and living a hard life. Yet did they not desire to avoid the time of death when it arrived; for their concern was neither to shrink from it when it came, nor to forestall the sentence determined by Providence, nor to resist His dispensation, for which they knew themselves to be preserved; lest by acting hastily, they should become to themselves the cause of terror: for thus it is written, ‘He that is hasty, with his lips, shall bring terror upon himself1470.’
18. The Saints who fled were no cowards.
Of a truth no one can possibly doubt that they were well furnished with the virtue of fortitude. For the Patriarch Jacob who had before fled from Esau, feared not death when it came, but at that very time blessed the Patriarchs, each according to his deserts. And the great Moses, who previously had hid himself from Pharaoh, and had withdrawn into Midian for fear of him, when he received the commandment, ‘Return into Egypt1471,’ feared not to do so. And again, when he was bidden to go up into the mountain Abarim1472 and die, he delayed not through cowardice, but even joyfully proceeded thither. And David, who had before fled from Saul, feared not to risk his life in war in defence of his people; but having the choice of death or of flight set before him, when he might have fled and lived, he wisely preferred death. And the great Elijah, who had at a former time hid himself from Jezebel, shewed no cowardice when he was commanded by the Spirit to meet Ahab, and to reprove Ahaziah. And Peter, who had hid himself for fear of the Jews, and the Apostle Paul who was let down in a basket, and fled, when they were told, ‘Ye must bear witness at Rome1473,’ deferred not the journey; yea, rather, they departed rejoicing1474; the one as hastening to meet his friends, received his death with exultation; and the other shrunk not from the time when it came, but gloried in it, saying, ‘For I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand1475.’
19. The Saints courageous in their flight, and divinely favoured.
These things both prove that their previous flight was not the effect of cowardice; and testify that their after conduct also was of no ordinary character: and they loudly proclaim that they possessed in a high degree the virtue of fortitude. For neither did they withdraw themselves on account of a slothful timidity, on the contrary, they were at such times under the practice of a severer discipline than at others; nor were they condemned for their flight, or charged with cowardice, by such as are now so fond of criminating others. Nay they were blessed through that declaration of our Lord, ‘Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteousness sake.1476’ Nor yet were these their sufferings without profit to themselves; for having tried them as ‘gold in the furnace,’ as Wisdom has said, God found them worthy of Himself1477. And then they shone the more ‘like sparks,’ being saved from them that persecuted them, and delivered from the designs of their enemies, and preserved to the end that they might teach the people; so that their flight and escape from the rage of them that sought after them, was according to the dispensation of the Lord. And so they became dear in the sight of God, and had the most glorious testimony to their fortitude.
20. Same Subject Continued.
Thus, for example, the Patriarch Jacob was favoured in his flight with many, even divine
visions, and remaining quiet himself, he had the Lord on his side, rebuking Laban, and
hindering the designs of Esau; and afterwards he became the Father of Judah, of whom
sprang the Lord according to the flesh; and he dispensed the blessings to the Patriarchs.
And when Moses the beloved of God was in exile, then it was that he saw that great sight,
and being preserved from his persecutors, was sent as a prophet into Egypt, and being made
the minister of those mighty wonders and of the Law, he led that great people in the wilderness.
And David when he was persecuted wrote the Psalm, ‘My heart uttered a good
word1478;’ and, ‘Our God shall come even visibly, and shall not keep silence1479.’ And again
he speaks more confidently, saying, ‘Mine eye hath seen his desire upon mine enemies1480;’
and again, ‘In God have I put my trust; I will not be afraid what man can do unto me1481.’
And when he fled and escaped from the face of Saul ‘to the cave,’ he said, ‘He hath sent from
heaven and hath saved me. He hath given them to reproach that would tread me under their
feet. God hath sent His mercy and truth, and hath delivered my soul from the midst of
lions1482.’ Thus he too was saved according to the dispensation of God, and afterwards became
king, and received the promise, that from his seed our Lord should issue. And the
great Elijah, when he withdrew to mount Carmel, called upon God, and destroyed at once
more than four hundred prophets of Baal; and when there were sent to take him two captains
of fifty with their hundred men, he said, ‘Let fire come down from heaven1483,’ and thus
rebuked them. And he too was preserved, so that he anointed Elisha in his own stead, and
became a pattern of discipline for the sons of the prophets. And the blessed Paul, after
writing these words, ‘what persecutions I endured; but out of them all the Lord delivered
me, and will deliver1484;’ could speak more confidently and say, ‘But in all these things we
are more than conquerors, for nothing shall separate us from the love of Christ1485.’ For
then it was that he was caught up to the third heaven, and admitted into paradise, where he
heard ‘unspeakable words, which it is not lawful for a man to utter1486.’ And for this end
21. The Saints fled for our sakes.
The flight of the saints therefore was neither blameable nor unprofitable. If they had
not avoided their persecutors, how would it have come to pass that the Lord should spring
from the seed of David? Or who would have preached the glad tidings of the word of truth?
It was for this that the persecutors sought after the saints, that there might be no one to
teach, as the Jews charged the Apostles; but for this cause they endured all things, that the
Gospel might be preached. Behold, therefore, in that they were thus engaged in conflict with
their enemies, they passed not the time of their flight unprofitably, nor while they were
persecuted, did they forget the welfare of others: but as being ministers of the good word,
they grudged not to communicate it to all men; so that even while they fled, they preached
the Gospel, and gave warning of the wickedness of those who conspired against them, and
confirmed the faithful by their exhortations. Thus the blessed Paul, having found it so by
experience, declared beforehand, ‘As many as will live godly in Christ, shall suffer persecution1488.’
And so he straightway prepared them that fled for the trial, saying, ‘Let us run
with patience the race that is set before us1489;’ for although there be continual tribulations,
‘yet tribulation worketh patience, and patience experience, and experience hope, and hope
maketh not ashamed1490.’ And the Prophet Isaiah when such-like affliction was expected,
exhorted and cried aloud, ‘Come, my people, enter thou into thy chambers, and shut thy
doors; hide thyself as it were for a little moment, until the indignation be overpast1491.’ And
so also the Preacher, who knew the conspiracies against the righteous, and said, ‘If thou
seest the oppression of the poor, and violent perverting of judgment and justice in a province,
marvel not at the matter: for He that is higher than the highest regardeth, and there be
higher than they: moreover there is the profit of the earth1492.’ He had his own father David
for an example, who had himself experienced the sufferings of persecution, and who supports
them that suffer by the words, ‘Be of good courage, and He shall strengthen your heart, all
ye that put your trust in the Lord1493;’ for them that so endure, not man, but the Lord
Himself (he says), ‘shall help them, and deliver them, because they put their trust in Him:’
for I also ‘waited patiently for the Lord, and He inclined unto me, and heard my calling; He
brought me up also out of the lowest pit, and out of the mire and clay1494.’ Thus is shewn
22. Same subject concluded.
Thus the Saints, as I said before, were abundantly preserved in their flight by the Providence of God, as physicians for the sake of them that had need. And to all men generally, even to us, is this law given, to flee when persecuted, and to hide when sought after, and not rashly tempt the Lord, but wait, as I said above, until the appointed time of death arrive, or the Judge determine something concerning them, according as it shall seem to Him to be good: that men should be ready, that, when the time calls, or when they are taken, they may contend for the truth even unto death. This rule the blessed Martyrs observed in their several persecutions. When persecuted they fled, while concealing themselves they shewed fortitude, and when discovered they submitted to martyrdom. And if some of them came and presented themselves to their persecutors1495, they did not do so without reason; for immediately in that case they were martyred, and thus made it evident to all that their zeal, and this offering up of themselves to their enemies, were from the Spirit.
23. Persecution is from the Devil.
Seeing therefore that such are the commands of our Saviour, and that such is the conduct of the Saints, let these persons, to whom one cannot give a name suitable to their character,— let them, I say, tell us, from whom they learnt to persecute? They cannot say, from the Saints1496. No, but from the Devil (that is the only answer which is left to them);—from him who says, ‘I will persue, I will overtake1497.’ Our Lord commanded to flee, and the saints fled: but persecution is a device of the Devil, and one which he desires to exercise against all. Let them say then, to which we ought to submit ourselves; to the words of the Lord, or to their fabrications? Whose conduct ought we to imitate, that of the Saints, or that of those whose example these men have adopted? But since it is likely they cannot determine this question (for, as Esaias said, their minds and their consciences are blinded, and they think ‘bitter to be sweet,’ and ‘light darkness1498’) let some one come forth from among us Christians, and put them to rebuke, and cry with a loud voice, ‘It is better to trust in the Lord, than to attend to the foolish sayings of these men; for the “words” of the Lord have “eternal life1499,” but the things which these utter are full of iniquity and blood.’
24. Irruption of Syrianus.
This were sufficient to put a stop to the madness of these impious men, and to prove that their desire is for nothing else, but only through a love of contention to utter revilings and insults. But forasmuch as having once dared to fight against Christ, they have now become officious, let them enquire and learn into the manner of my withdrawal from their own friends. For the Arians were mixed with the soldiers in order to exasperate them against me, and, as they were unacquainted with my person, to point me out to them. And although they are destitute of all feelings of compassion, yet when they hear the circumstances they will surely be quiet for very shame. It was now night1500, and some of the people were keeping a vigil preparatory to a communion on the morrow, when the General Syrianus suddenly came upon us with more than five thousand soldiers, having arms and drawn swords, bows, spears, and clubs, as I have related above. With these he surrounded the Church, stationing his soldiers near at hand, in order that no one might be able to leave the Church and pass by them. Now I considered that it would be unreasonable in me to desert the people during such a disturbance, and not to endanger myself in their behalf; therefore I sat down upon my throne, and desired the Deacon to read a Psalm, and the people to answer, ‘For His mercy endureth for ever1501,’ and then all to withdraw and depart home. But the General having now made a forcible entry, and the soldiers having surrounded the sanctuary for the purpose of apprehending us, the Clergy and those of the laity, who were still there, cried out, and demanded that we too should withdraw. But I refused, declaring that I would not do so, until they had retired one and all. Accordingly I stood up, and having bidden prayer, I then made my request of them, that all should depart before me, saying that it was better that my safety should be endangered, than that any of them should receive hurt. So when the greater part had gone forth, and the rest were following, the monks who were there with us and certain of the Clergy came up and dragged us away. And thus (Truth is my witness), while some of the soldiers stood about the sanctuary, and others were going round the Church, we passed through, under the Lord’s guidance, and with His protection withdrew without observation, greatly glorifying God that we had not betrayed the people, but had first sent them away, and then had been able to save ourselves, and to escape the hands of them which sought after us.
25. Athanasius’s wonderful escape.
Now when Providence had delivered us in such an extraordinary manner, who can justly lay any blame upon me, because we did not give ourselves up into the hands of them that sought after us, nor return and present ourselves before them? This would have been plainly to shew ingratitude to the Lord, and to act against His commandment, and in contradiction to the practice of the Saints. He who censures me in this matter must presume also to blame the great Apostle Peter, because though he was shut up and guarded by soldiers, he followed the angel that summoned him, and when he had gone forth from the prison and escaped in safety, he did not return and surrender himself, although he heard what Herod had done. Let the Arian in his madness censure the Apostle Paul, because when he was let down from the wall and had escaped in safety, he did not change his mind, and return and give himself up; or Moses, because he returned not out of Midian into Egypt, that he might be taken of them that sought after him; or David, because when he was concealed in the cave, he did not discover himself to Saul. As also the sons of the prophets remained in their caves, and did not surrender themselves to Ahab. This would have been to act contrary to the commandment, since the Scripture says, ‘Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God1502.’
26. He acted according to the example of the Saints. Character of his accusers.
Being careful to avoid such an offence, and instructed by these examples, I so ordered my conduct; and I do not undervalue the favour and the help which have been shewn me of the Lord, howsoever these in their madness may gnash their teeth1503 against us. For since the manner of our retreat was such as we have described, I do not think that any blame whatever can attach to it in the minds of those who are possessed of a sound judgment: seeing that according to holy Scripture, this pattern has been left us by the Saints for our instruction. But there is no atrocity, it would seem, which these men neglect to practise, nor will they leave anything undone which may shew their own wickedness and cruelty. And indeed their lives are only in accordance with their spirit and the follies of their doctrines; for there are no sins that one could charge them with, how heinous soever, that they do not commit without shame. Leontius1504 for instance being censured for his intimacy with a certain young woman, named Eustolium, and prohibited from living with her, mutilated himself for her sake, in order that he might be able to associate with her freely. He did not however clear himself from suspicion, but rather on this account he was degraded from his rank as Presbyter. [Although the heretic Constantius by violence caused him to be named a Bishop1505.] Narcissus1506, besides being charged with many other transgressions, was degraded three times by different Councils; and now he is among them, most wicked man. And George1507, who was a Presbyter, was deposed for his wickedness, and although he had nominated himself a Bishop, he was nevertheless a second time deposed in the great Council of Sardica. And besides all this, his dissolute life was notorious, for he is condemned even by his own friends, as making the end of existence, and its happiness, to consist in the commission of the most disgraceful crimes.
27. Conclusion.
Thus each surpasses the other in his own peculiar vices. But there is a common blot that attaches to them all, in that through their heresy they are enemies of Christ, and are no longer called Christians1508, but Arians. They ought indeed to accuse each other of the sins they are guilty of, for they are contrary to the faith of Christ; but they rather conceal them for their own sakes. And it is no wonder, that being possessed of such a spirit, and implicated in such vices, they persecute and seek after those who follow not the same impious heresy as themselves; that they delight to destroy them, and are grieved if they fail of obtaining their desires, and think themselves injured, as I said before, when they see those alive whom they wish to perish. May they continue to be injured in such sort, that they may lose the power of inflicting injuries, and that those whom they persecute may give thanks unto the Lord, and say in the words of the twenty-sixth Psalm, ‘The Lord is my light and my salvation; whom then shall I fear? The Lord is the strength of my life; of whom then shall I be afraid? When the wicked, even mine enemies and my foes, came upon me to eat up my flesh, they stumbled and fell1509;’ and again the thirtieth Psalm, ‘Thou hast saved my soul from adversities; thou hast not shut me up into the hands of mine enemies; thou hast set my foot in a large room1510’ in Christ Jesus our Lord, through whom to the Father in the Holy Spirit be glory and power for ever and ever. Amen.
(Written 358.)
This History takes up the narrative from the admission of Arius to communion at the ‘dedication’ synod of Jerusalem (adjourned Council of Tyre) in 335, as described in Apol. c. Ar. 84. It has been commonly assumed from its abrupt beginning (the ταῦτα, referring to an antecedent narrative) that the History has lost its earlier chapters, which contained the story of Arianism ab ovo. Montfaucon suggests in fact that the copyists omitted the first chapters on account of their identity in substance with the great Apology. But this seems to require reconsideration. If the alleged missing chapters were different1511 in form from the second part of the Apology, they would not have been omitted: for such repetitions of the same matter in other words are very frequent in the works of Athanasius: but if they were identical in form, they are not lost, and the conclusion is that the History was written with the express intention of continuing the Apology. The customary inference from the abrupt commencement of the History may be dismissed with a non sequitur. Such a commencement was natural under the circumstances: we may compare the case of Xenophon, whose ‘Hellenica’ begin with the words Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον…, the reference being to the end of the history of Thucydides. The view here maintained is clinched by the fact that Athanasius at this very time reissued his Apology against the Arians with an appendix (§§89, 90) on the lapse of Hosius and Liberius1512.
The History of the Arians, then, is a complete work, and written to continue the narrative
of the second part of the Apology. Being in fact a manifesto against Constantius, it naturally
takes up the tale just before his entry upon the scene as the patron of Arianism. The substantially
Athanasian authorship of the History cannot be questioned. The writer occasionally,
like many others ancient and modern, speaks of himself in the third person (references §21,
note 5, see also Orat. i. 3); but in other places he clearly identifies himself with Athanasius.
The only passage which appears to distinguish the writer from Athanasius (§52, see note),
may be due to the bishop’s habitual (Apol. Const. 11) employment of an amanuensis, but
more probably the text is corrupt; in any case the passage cannot weigh against the clear
sense of §21. The immediate Athanasian authorship of the piece has been questioned partly
on the ground of its alleged incompleteness, partly on that of several slight discrepancies
with other writings. On this twofold ground it is inferred that the Arian History has passed
through some obscure process of re-editing (Gwatkin, Studies, p. 99, §14 ‘dependent on the
The date of the History is at first sight a difficulty. The fall of Liberius is dealt with in Part V., which must therefore have been written not earlier than 358 (the exact chronology of the lapse of Liberius is not certain), while yet in §4 Leontius, who died in the summer or autumn of 357, is still bishop of Antioch. We must therefore suppose that the History was begun at about the time when the Apologia de Fuga was finished (cf. the bitter conclusion of that tract) and completed when the lapse of Liberius was known in Egypt. A more accurate determination of date is not permitted by our materials.
The tract before us is in effect a fierce anonymous pamphlet against Constantius. Even
apart from the references in the letters to the Monks and to Serapion (see below), the work
bears clear marks of having been intended for secret circulation (for the practice, see Fialon,
pp. 193–199). ‘Instead of the “pious” Emperor who was so well versed in Scripture, whose
presence would gladden a dedication festival, whose well-known humanity forbade the
supposition that he could have perpetrated a deliberate injustice, we find a Costyllius (or
“Connikin”) whose misdeeds could only be palliated by the imbecility which rendered him
the slave of his own servant—inhuman towards his nearest of kin,—false and crafty, a
Pharaoh, a Saul, an Ahab, a Belshazzar, more cruel than Pilate or Maximian, ignorant of
the Gospels, a patron of heresy, a precursor of Antichrist, an enemy of Christ, as if himself,
Antichrist, and—the words must be written—self-abandoned to the future doom of fire’
(Bright, Introd. p. lxxviii., and see §§9, 30, 32, 34, 40, 45, 46, 51, 53, 67–70, 74, 80). There
are certainly many passages which one could wish that Athanasius had not written,—one,
not necessary to specify, in which he fully condescends to the coarse brutality of the age,
mingling it unpardonably with holy things. But Athanasius was human, and exasperated
by inhuman vindictiveness and perfidy. If in the passages referred to he falls below himself,
and speaks in the spirit of his generation, there are not wanting passages equal in nobility
to anything he ever wrote. Once more to quote Dr. Bright: ‘The beautiful description of the
Archbishop’s return from his second exile, and of its moral and religious effect upon Alexandrian
Church society (25), the repeated protests against the principle of persecution as
alien to the mind of the Church of Christ (29, 33, 67), the tender allusion to sympathy for
the poor as instinctive in human nature (63), the vivid picture—doubtless somewhat coloured
The letter to Serapion on the death of Arius, and the letter to Monks, which in mss. and printed editions are prefixed to this treatise, will be found in the collection of letters below (No. 54 and 52). They have been removed from their time-honoured place in accordance with the general arrangement of this volume, though not without hesitation, and apart from any intention to dogmatise on the relation they bear to the present tract.
The ‘Arian History’ has commonly been called the ‘Hist. Arianorum ad Monachos,’ or even the ‘Epistola ad Monachos;’ even at the present day it is sometimes cited simply as ‘ad Monachos.’ The History has derived this title from the fact, that in the Codices and editions, the Letter and History are frequently joined together without any sign of division. At the same time the correctness of this collocation is not entirely free from doubt.
Serapion (Letter 54 §1) had written to Athanasius asking for three things,—a history of
recent events relating to himself, an exposé of the Arian heresy, and an exact account of the
death of Arius. The latter Athanasius furnishes in the letter just referred to. For the two
former, he refers Serapion to a document he had written for the monks (ἅπερ ἔγραψα τοῖς
μοναχοῖς), and which he now sends to Serapion. He begs Serapion at the end of his letter
not on any account to part with the letters he has received, nor to copy them (he gave, he
adds, the same directions to the monks, cf. Letter 52. 3), but to send them back with such
corrections and additions as he might think desirable. He refers him to his letter to the
monks for an explanation of the circumstances which render this precaution necessary. The
monks (ib. 1) had apparently made the same request as Serapion afterwards made. It has
been conjectured that the four ‘Orations’ against Arianism, or the first three, are the treatise
While admitting, therefore, the naturalness of the traditional arrangement, we may fairly treat the two as distinct, and permit the Arian History to launch the reader without preamble in medias res.
As the tract is long, and various in its subject-matter, the following scheme of contents may be found useful. It will be noted that chronological order is observed in Parts I.–IV, i.e. till 355, when the existing persecution of Constantius, the main theme of the History (Letter 52, §1), is reached. The history of this persecution is dealt with (Parts V.–VII.) with much more fulness, and is grouped round subjects each of which covers more or less the same period. Part VIII. deals with the more recent events in Egypt.
Part I. Proceedings of the Arians from the Council of Tyre till the return of the Exiles (335–337).
§§1–3. General character of their proceedings.
§§4–7. Persecution of the orthodox bishops.
§8. Restoration of the exiles after Constantine’s death.
Part II. Second Exile of Athanasius, till the Council of Sardica (337–343).
§9. Renewed intrigues against Athanasius.
§10. Gregory intruded by Constantius as bishop.
§11. Athanasius at Rome. Negotiations for a Council there.
§§12–14. Violent proceedings of Gregory. Case of Duke Balacius.
Part III. From Sardica till the Death of Constans (343–350).
§15. The meeting of the Synod. Dismay of the Arianising bishops.
§16. Their flight from the Synod.
§17. Proceedings of the Synod.
§§18, 19. Continued persecution after it.
§20. The infamous plot of Stephen against the Sardican legates at Antioch.
§§21, 22. Constantius changes his mind and recalls Athanasius with a solemn oath to defend him for the future.
§§23, 24. Letters of Constantius at this time.
§25. Return of Athanasius (346).
§26. Recantation of Valens and Ursacius.
§27. Peace and joy of the Church.
Part IV. From the Death of Constans to the Council of Milan (351–355).
§28. Renewed intrigues of the Arianising party.
§§29, 30. Valens, Ursacius, and the Emperor return to Arianism.
§§31, 32. Constantius again persecutes the Church.
§33. Wickedness of persecution. Western bishops banished by Constantius at Milan.
§34. How they diffused the truth wherever they went.
Part V. Liberius (355–358).
§35–37. Firmness of Liberius and rage of Constantius.
§38. Concerning the eunuchs at the Court.
§39, 40. Liberius rebukes the Emperor and is cruelly exiled.
§41. After two years of exile, Liberius gives way under force.
Part VI. Hosius (355–358).
§42. Intrigues against Hosius.
§43. Vain attempts of Constantius to gain him over.
§44. Letter of Hosius remonstrating with the Emperor.
§§45, 46. Lapse of Hosius, his fidelity to Athanasius, recantation, and death.
§47. Monstrosity of the above proceedings.
Part VII. The attacks upon Athanasius (351–356).
§47. Athanasius isolated by the exile of other bishops.
§48. Attacks upon Athanasius himself (353–356).
§§49, (50), 51. Hypocrisy of the Emperor’s pretended regard for his Father and Brother.
§§52, 53. Impropriety of Imperial intervention in Church affairs.
§54. The Churches at Alexandria given to the Arians.
§55. Violence of Cataphronius, Prefect of Egypt.
§§56, 57. Sack of the great church: divine judgments.
§58. Scenes of persecution.
§§59, 60. Savagery of Duke Sebastian. Martyrdom of Eutychius (356).
§§61–63. Cruel treatment of the poor, and of the clergy.
Part VIII. Further details of the Persecution in Egypt (357).
§64. The Arian persecution more cruel than that of Maximian.
§65. Martyrdom of Secundus of Barka.
§§66, 67. Persecution the disgrace of the new heresy. §68, 69. Constantius worse than Ahab, U+0026c., and inhuman toward his own family.
§70. His fickleness, lack of character, and tyranny.
§71. Novelty of this persecution on the part of pretended Christians.
§72. Cruel exile of bishops and torture of monks and lay people.
§73. Venal appointments to fill the vacancies thus created.
§74. The predicted signs of Antichrist applied to Constantius.
§75. Arrival of George at Alexandria.
§76, 77. Further marks of Antichrist in the tyranny of Constantius over the Church.
§78, 79. The Meletians the allies of Arianism in Egypt.
§80. Duty of separating from heretics.
§81. Appendix to §48. Second protest of the Church of Alexandria against the proceedings of Syrianus (356).
And not long after they put in execution the designs for the sake of which they had had recourse to these artifices; for they no sooner had formed their plans, but they immediately admitted Arius and his fellows to communion. They set aside the repeated condemnations which had been passed upon them, and again pretended the imperial authority1514 in their behalf. And they were not ashamed to say in their letters, ‘since Athanasius suffered, all jealousy1515 has ceased, and let us henceforward receive Arius and his fellows;’ adding, in order to frighten their hearers, ‘because the Emperor has commanded it.’ Moreover, they were not ashamed to add, ‘for these men profess orthodox opinions;’ not fearing that which is written, ‘Woe unto them that call bitter sweet, that put darkness for light1516;’ for they are ready to undertake anything in support of their heresy. Now is it not hereby plainly proved to all men, that we both suffered heretofore, and that you now persecute us, not under the authority of an Ecclesiastical sentence1517, but on the ground of the Emperor’s threats, and on account of our piety towards Christ? As also they conspired in like manner against other Bishops, fabricating charges against them also; some of whom fell asleep in the place of their exile, having attained the glory of Christian confession; and others are still banished from their country, and contend still more and more manfully against their heresy, saying, ‘Nothing shall separate us from the love of Christ1518?’
2. Arians sacrifice morality and integrity to party.
And hence also you may discern its character, and be able to condemn it more confidently.
The man who is their friend and their associate in impiety, although he is open to ten
thousand charges for other enormities which he has committed; although the evidence and
proof against him are most clear; he is approved of by them, and straightway becomes the
friend of the Emperor, obtaining an introduction by his impiety; and making very many
pretences, he acquires confidence before the magistrates to do whatever he desires. But he
3. Recklessness of their proceedings.
In this manner the impious are now proceeding, as heretofore, against the orthodox;
giving proof of their malice and impiety amongst all men everywhere. For granting that
they have accused Athanasius; yet what have the other Bishops done? On what grounds can
they charge them? Has there been found in their case too the dead body of an Arsenius? Is
there a Presbyter Macarius, or has a cup been broken amongst them? Is there a Meletian to
play the hypocrite? No: but as their proceedings against the other Bishops shew the charges
which they have brought against Athanasius, in all probability, to be false; so their attacks
upon Athanasius make it plain, that their accusations of the other Bishops are unfounded
likewise. This heresy has come forth upon the earth like some great monster, which not
only injures the innocent with its words, as with teeth1520; but it has also hired external
power to assist it in its designs. And strange it is that, as I said before, no accusation is
brought against any of them; or if any be accused, he is not brought to trial; or if a shew of
enquiry be made, he is acquitted against evidence, while the convicting party is plotted
against, rather than the culprit put to shame. Thus the whole party of them is full of idleness;
and their spies, for Bishops1521 they are not, are the vilest of them all. And if any one among
them desire to become a Bishop, he is not told, ‘a Bishop must be blameless1522;’ but only,
4. Arians persecute Eustathius and others.
There was one Eustathius1523, Bishop of Antioch, a Confessor, and sound in the Faith. This man, because he was very zealous for the truth, and hated the Arian heresy, and would not receive those who adopted its tenets, is falsely accused before the Emperor Constantine, and a charge invented against him, that he had insulted his mother1524. And immediately he is driven into banishment, and a great number of Presbyters and Deacons with him. And immediately after the banishment of the Bishop, those whom he would not admit into the clerical order on account of their impiety were not only received into the Church by them, but were even appointed the greater part of them to be Bishops, in order that they might have accomplices in their impiety. Among these was Leontius the eunuch1525, now of Antioch, and his predecessor Stephanus, George of Laodicea, and Theodosius who was of Tripolis, Eudoxius of Germanicia, and Eustathius1526, now of Sebastia.
5. Did they then stop here? No. For Eutropius1527, who was Bishop of Adrianople, a
good man, and excellent in all respects, because he had often convicted Eusebius, and had
advised them who came that way, not to comply with his impious dictates, suffered the same
treatment as Eustathius, and was cast out of his city and his Church. Basilina1528 was the
most active in the proceedings against him. And Euphration of Balanea, Kymatius of Paltus,
6. Case of Marcellus.
Of Marcellus1530, the Bishop of Galatia, it is perhaps superfluous for me to speak; for all men have heard how Eusebius and his fellows, who had been first accused by him of impiety, brought a counter-accusation against him, and caused the old man to be banished. He went up to Rome, and there made his defence, and being required by them, he offered a written declaration of his faith, of which the Council of Sardica approved. But Eusebius and his fellows made no defence, nor, when they were convicted of impiety out of their writings, were they put to shame, but rather assumed greater boldness against all. For they had an introduction to the Emperor from the women1531, and were formidable to all men.
7. Martyrdom of Paul of Constantinople.
And I suppose no one is ignorant of the case of Paul1532, Bishop of Constantinople; for
the more illustrious any city is, so much the more that which takes place in it is not concealed.
A charge was fabricated against him also. For Macedonius his accuser, who has now become
Bishop in his stead (I was present myself at the accusation), afterwards held communion
with him, and was a Presbyter under Paul himself. And yet when Eusebius with an evil eye
wished to seize upon the Bishopric of that city (he had been translated in the same manner
from Berytus to Nicomedia), the charge was revived against Paul; and they did not give up
their plot, but persisted in the calumny. And he was banished first into Pontus by Constantine,
and a second time by Constantius he was sent bound with iron chains to Singara
in Mesopotamia, and from thence transferred to Emesa, and a fourth time he was banished
to Cucusus in Cappadocia, near the deserts of Mount Taurus; where, as those who were
with him have declared, he died by strangulation at their hands. And yet these men who
never speak the truth, though guilty of this, were not ashamed after his death to invent another
story, representing that he had died from illness; although all who live in that place
8. Restoration of the Catholics.
Perceiving this to be the case, the three brothers, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, caused all after the death of their father to return to their own country and Church; and while they wrote letters concerning the rest to their respective Churches, concerning Athanasius they wrote the following; which likewise shews the violence of the whole proceedings, and proves the murderous disposition of Eusebius and his fellows.
A copy of the Letter of Constantine Cæsar to the people of the Catholic Church in the city of the Alexandrians.
I suppose that it has not escaped the knowledge of your pious minds1536, U+0026c.
This is his letter; and what more credible witness of their conspiracy could there be than he, who knowing these circumstances has thus written of them?
9. Eusebius and his fellows, however, seeing the declension of their heresy, wrote to Rome, as well as to the Emperors Constantine and Constans, to accuse1537 Athanasius: but when the persons who were sent by Athanasius disproved the statements which they had written, they were put to shame by the Emperors; and Julius, Bishop of Rome, wrote to say1538 that a Council ought to be held, wherever we should desire, in order that they might exhibit the charges which they had to make, and might also freely defend themselves con- cerning those things of which they too were accused. The Presbyters also who were sent by them, when they saw themselves making an exposure, requested that this might be done. Whereupon these men, whose conduct is suspicious in all that they do, when they see that they are not likely to get the better in an Ecclesiastical trial, betake themselves to Constantius alone, and thenceforth bewail themselves, as to the patron of their heresy. ‘Spare,’ they say, ‘the heresy; you see that all men have withdrawn from us; and very few of us are now left. Begin to persecute, for we are being deserted even of those few, and are left destitute. Those persons whom we forced over to our side, when these men were banished, they now by their return have persuaded again to take part against us. Write letters therefore against them all, and send out Philagrius a second time1539 as Prefect of Egypt, for he is able to carry on a persecution favourably for us, as he has already shewn upon trial, and the more so, as he is an apostate. Send also Gregory as Bishop to Alexandria, for he too is able to strengthen our heresy.’
10. Violent Intrusion of Gregory.
Accordingly Constantius at once writes letters, and commences a persecution against
all, and sends Philagrius as Prefect with one Arsacius an eunuch; he sends also Gregory with
a military force. And the same consequences followed as before1540. For gathering together
a multitude of herdsmen and shepherds, and other dissolute youths belonging to the town,
armed with swords and clubs, they attacked in a body the Church which is called the Church
of Quirinus1541; and some they slew, some they trampled under foot, others they beat with
stripes and cast into prison or banished. They haled away many women also, and dragged
11. The Easterns decline the Council at Rome.
Athanasius, however, before these things happened1543, at the first report of their proceedings, sailed to Rome, knowing the rage of the heretics, and for the purpose of having the Council held as had been determined. And Julius wrote letters to them, and sent the Presbyters Elpidius and Philoxenus, appointing a day1544, that they might either come, or consider themselves as altogether suspected persons. But as soon as Eusebius and his fellows heard that the trial was to be an Ecclesiastical one, at which no Count would be present, nor soldiers stationed before the doors, and that the proceedings would not be regulated by royal order (for they have always depended upon these things to support them against the Bishops, and without them they have no boldness even to speak); they were so alarmed that they detained the Presbyters till after the appointed time, and pretended an unseemly excuse, that they were not able to come now on account of the war which was begun by the Persians1545. But this was not the true cause of their delay, but the fears of their own consciences. For what have Bishops to do with war? Or if they were unable on account of the Persians to come to Rome, although it is at a distance and beyond sea, why did they like lions1546 go about the parts of the East and those which are near the Persians, seeking who was opposed to them, that they might falsely accuse and banish them?
12. At any rate, when they had dismissed the Presbyters with this improbable excuse,
they said to one another, ‘Since we are unable to get the advantage in an Ecclesiastical trial,
let us exhibit our usual audacity.’ Accordingly they write to Philagrius, and cause him after
a while to go out with Gregory into Egypt. Whereupon the Bishops are severely scourged
and cast into chains1547. Sarapammon, for instance, Bishop and Confessor, they drive into
banishment; Potammon, Bishop and Confessor, who had lost an eye in the persecution,
they beat with stripes on the neck so cruelly, that he appeared to be dead before they came
to an end. In which condition he was cast aside, and hardly after some hours, being carefully
attended and fanned, he revived, God granting him his life; but a short time after he died
of the sufferings caused by the stripes, and attained in Christ to the glory of a second mar-
13. Cruelties of Gregory at Alexandria.
After this the wretched Gregory called upon all men to have communion with him. But if thou didst demand of them communion, they were not worthy of stripes: and if thou didst scourge them as if evil persons, why didst thou ask it of them as if holy? But he had no other end in view, except to fulfil the designs of them that sent him, and to establish the heresy. Wherefore he became in his folly a murderer and an executioner, injurious, crafty, and profane; in one word, an enemy of Christ. He so cruelly persecuted the Bishop’s aunt, that even when she died he would not suffer her to be buried1548. And this would have been her lot; she would have been cast away without burial, had not they who attended on the corpse carried her out as one of their own kindred. Thus even in such things he shewed his profane temper. And again when the widows and other mendicants1549 had received alms, he commanded what had been given them to be seized, and the vessels in which they carried their oil and wine to be broken, that he might not only shew impiety by robbery, but in his deeds dishonour the Lord; from whom very shortly1550 he will hear those words, ‘Inasmuch as thou hast dishonoured these, thou hast dishonoured Me1551.’
14. Profaneness of Gregory and death of Balacius.
And many other things he did, which exceed the power of language to describe, and
which whoever should hear would think to be incredible. And the reason why he acted thus
was, because he had not received his ordination according to ecclesiastical rule, nor had
been called to be a Bishop by apostolical tradition1552; but had been sent out from court
with military power and pomp, as one entrusted with a secular government. Wherefore he
boasted rather to be the friend of Governors, than of Bishops and Monks. Whenever,
therefore, our Father Antony wrote to him from the mountains, as godliness is an abomination
to a sinner, so he abhorred the letters of the holy man. But whenever the Emperor, or
a General, or other magistrate, sent him a letter, he was as much overjoyed as those in the
15. While they were proceeding in like measures towards all, at Rome about fifty Bishops
assembled1555, and denounced Eusebius and his fellows as persons suspected, afraid to
come, and also condemned as unworthy of credit the written statement they had sent; but
us they received, and gladly embraced our communion. While these things were taking
place, a report of the Council held at Rome, and of the proceedings against the Churches at
Alexandria, and through all the East, came to the hearing of the Emperor Constans1556. He
writes to his brother Constantius, and immediately they both determine1557 that a Council
shall be called, and matters be brought to a settlement, so that those who had been injured
may be released from further suffering, and the injurious be no longer able to perpetrate
such outrages. Accordingly there assemble at the city of Sardica both from the East and
West to the number of one hundred and seventy Bishops1558, more or less; those who came
from the West were Bishops only, having Hosius for their father, but those from the East
brought with them instructors of youth and advocates, Count Musonianus, and Hesychius1559
the Castrensian; on whose account they came with great alacrity, thinking that everything
would be again managed by their authority. For thus by means of these persons they have
always shewn themselves formidable to any whom they wished to intimidate, and have
prosecuted their designs against whomsoever they chose. But when they arrived and saw
that the cause was to be conducted as simply an ecclesiastical one, without the interference
of the Count or of soldiers; when they saw the accusers who came from every church and
city, and the evidence which was brought against them, when they saw the venerable Bishops
Arius and Asterius1560, who came up in their company, withdrawing from them and siding
with us1561, and giving an account of their cunning, and how suspicious their conduct was,
and that they were fearing the consequences of a trial, lest they should be convicted by us
of being false informers, and it should be discovered by those whom they produced in the
character of accusers, that they had themselves suggested all they were to say, and were the
contrivers of the plot. Perceiving this to be the case, although they had come with great zeal,
16. Secession of the Easterns at Sardica.
Thus then they reasoned with themselves and Hosius and all the other Bishops repeatedly
signified to them the alacrity of Athanasius and his fellows, saying, ‘They are ready with
their defence, and pledge themselves to prove you false accusers.’ They said also, ‘If you fear
the trial, why did you come to meet us? either you ought not to have come, or now that you
have come, not to flee.’ When they heard this, being still more alarmed, they had recourse
to an excuse even more unseemly than that they pretended at Antioch, viz. that they betook
themselves to flight because the Emperor had written to them the news of his victory over
the Persians. And this excuse they were not ashamed to send by Eustathius a Presbyter of
the Sardican Church. But even thus their flight did not succeed according to their wishes;
for immediately the holy Council, of which the great Hosius was president, wrote to them
plainly, saying, ‘Either come forward and answer the charges which are brought against
you, for the false accusations which you have made against others, or know that the Council
will condemn you as guilty, and declare Athanasius and his fellows free and clear from all
blame.’ Whereupon they were rather impelled to flight by the alarms of conscience, than to
compliance with the proposals of the letter; for when they saw those who had been injured
17. Proceedings of the Council of Sardica.
Under these disgraceful and unseemly circumstances their flight took place. And the holy Council, which had been assembled out of more than five and thirty provinces, perceiving the malice of the Arians, admitted Athanasius and his fellows to answer to the charges which the others had brought against them, and to declare the sufferings which they had undergone. And when they had thus made their defence, as we said before, they approved and so highly admired their conduct that they gladly embraced their communion, and wrote letters to all quarters, to the diocese of each, and especially to Alexandria and Egypt, and the Libyas, declaring Athanasius and his friends to be innocent, and free from all blame, and their opponents to be calumniators, evil-doers, and everything rather than Christians. Accordingly they dismissed them in peace; but deposed Stephanus and Menophantus, Acacius and George of Laodicea, Ursacius and Valens, Theodorus and Narcissus. For against Gregory, who had been sent to Alexandria by the Emperor, they put forth a proclamation to the effect that he had never been made a Bishop, and that he ought not to be called a Christian. They therefore declared the ordinations which he professed to have conferred to be void, and commanded that they should not be even named in the Church, on account of their novel and illegal nature. Thus Athanasius and his friends were dismissed in peace (the letters concerning them are inserted at the end on account of their length1564), and the Council was dissolved.
18. Arian Persecution after Sardica.
But the deposed persons, who ought now to have remained quiet, with those who had
separated after so disgraceful a flight, were guilty of such conduct, that their former proceedings
appear trifling in comparison of these. For when the people of Adrianople would not
have communion with them, as men who had fled from the Council, and had proved culprits,
they carried their complaints to the Emperor Constantius, and succeeded in causing ten of
the laity to be beheaded, belonging to the Manufactory of arms1565 there, Philagrius, who
was there again as Count, assisting their designs in this matter also. The tombs of these
persons, which we have seen in passing1566 by, are in front of the city. Then as if they had
been quite successful, because they had fled lest they should be convicted of false accusation,
they prevailed with the Emperor to command whatsoever they wished to be done. Thus
19. Tyrannical measures against the Alexandrians.
And as to Lucius1568, Bishop of Adrianople, when they saw that he used great boldness of speech against them, and exposed their impiety, they again, as they had done before, caused him to be bound with iron chains on the neck and hands, and so drove him into banishment, where he died, as they know. And Diodorus a Bishop1569 they remove; but against Olympius of Æni, and Theodulus of Trajanople1570, both Bishops of Thrace, good and orthodox men, when they perceived their hatred of the heresy, they brought false charges. This Eusebius and his fellows had done first of all, and the Emperor Constantius wrote letters on the subject; and next these men1571 revived the accusation. The purport of the letter was, that they should not only be expelled from their cities and churches, but should also suffer capital punishment, wherever they were discovered. However surprising this conduct may be, it is only in accordance with their principles; for as being instructed by Eusebius and his fellows in such proceedings, and as heirs of their impiety and evil principles, they wished to shew themselves formidable at Alexandria, as their fathers had done in Thrace. They caused an order to be written, that the ports and gates of the cities should be watched, lest availing themselves of the permission granted by the Council, the banished persons should return to their churches. They also cause orders to be sent to the magistrates at Alexandria, respecting Athanasius and certain Presbyters, named therein, that if either the Bishop1572, or any of the others, should be found coming to the city or its borders, the magistrate should have power to behead those who were so discovered. Thus this new Jewish heresy does not only deny the Lord, but has also learnt to commit murder.
20. Plot against the Catholic Legates at Antioch.
Yet even after this they did not rest; but as the father of their heresy goeth about like a
lion, seeking whom he may devour, so these obtaining the use of the public posts1573 went
And now the Emperor Constantius, feeling some compunctions, returned to himself; and concluding from their conduct towards Euphrates, that their attacks upon the others were of the same kind, he gives orders that the Presbyters and Deacons who had been banished from Alexandria into Armenia should immediately be released. He also writes publicly to Alexandria1579, commanding that the clergy and laity who were friends of Athanasius should suffer no further persecution. And when Gregory died about ten months1580 after, he sends for Athanasius with every mark of honour, writing to him no less than three times a very friendly letter1581 in which he exhorted him to take courage and come. He sends also a Presbyter and a Deacon, that he may be still further encouraged to return; for he thought that, through alarm at what had taken place before, I1582 did not care to return. Moreover he writes to his brother Constans, that he also would exhort me to return. And he affirmed that he had been expecting Athanasius a whole year, and that he would not permit any change to be made, or any ordination to take place, as he was preserving the Churches for Athanasius their Bishop.
22. Athanasius visits Constantius.
When therefore he wrote in this strain, and encouraged him by means of many (for he
caused Polemius, Datianus, Bardion, Thalassus1583, Taurus1584, and Florentius, his Counts,
in whom Athanasius could best confide, to write also): Athanasius committing the whole
matter to God, who had stirred the conscience of Constantius to do this, came with his
friends to him; and he gave him a favourable audience1585, and sent him away to go to his
country and his Churches, writing at the same time to the magistrates in the several places,
that whereas he had before commanded the ways to be guarded, they should now grant him
a free passage. Then when the Bishop complained of the sufferings he had undergone, and
of the letters which the Emperor had written against him, and besought him that the false
23. Constantius Augustus, the Great, the Conqueror, to the Bishops and Clergy of the Catholic Church.
The most Reverend Athanasius has not been deserted by the grace of God1587, U+0026c.
Another Letter.
From Constantius to the people of Alexandria.
Desiring as we do your welfare in all respects1588, U+0026c.
Another Letter.
Constantius Augustus, the Conqueror, to Nestorius, Prefect of Egypt.
It is well known that an order was heretofore given by us, and that certain documents are to be found prejudicial to the estimation of the most reverend Bishop Athanasius; and that these exist among the Orders1589 of your worship. Now we desire your Sobriety, of which we have good proof, to transmit to our Court, in compliance with this our order, all the letters respecting the fore-mentioned person, which are found in your Order-book.
24. The following is the letter which he wrote after the death of the blessed Constans. It was written in Latin, and is here translated into Greek1590.
Constantius Augustus, the Conqueror, to Athanasius.
It is not unknown to your Prudence, that it was my constant prayer, that prosperity
might attend my late brother Constans in all his undertakings; and your wisdom may
therefore imagine how greatly I was afflicted when I learnt that he had been taken off by
25. Return of Athanasius from second exile.
Under these circumstances, when they had at length taken their leave, and begun their
journey, those who were friendly rejoiced to see a friend; but of the other party, some were
confounded at the sight of him; others not having the confidence to appear, hid themselves;
and others repented of what they had written against the Bishop. Thus all the Bishops of
Palestine1591, except some two or three, and those men of suspected character, so willingly
received Athanasius, and embraced communion with him, that they wrote to excuse themselves,
on the ground that in what they had formerly written, they had acted, not according
to their own wishes, but by compulsion. Of the Bishops of Egypt and the Libyan provinces,
of the laity both of those countries and of Alexandria, it is superfluous for me to speak. They
all ran1592 together, and were possessed with unspeakable delight, that they had not only
received their friends alive contrary to their hopes; but that they were also delivered from
the heretics who were as tyrants and as raging dogs towards them. Accordingly great was
their joy1593, the people in the congregations encouraging one another in virtue. How many
unmarried women, who were before ready to enter upon marriage, now remained virgins
to Christ! How many young men, seeing the examples of others, embraced the monastic
life! How many fathers persuaded their children, and how many were urged by their children,
not to be hindered from Christian asceticism! How many wives persuaded their husbands,
and how many were persuaded by their husbands, to give themselves to prayer1594, as the
Apostle has spoken! How many widows and how many orphans, who were before hungry
and naked, now through the great zeal of the people, were no longer hungry, and went forth
clothed! In a word, so great was their emulation in virtue, that you would have thought
every family and every house a Church, by reason of the goodness of its inmates, and the
prayers which were offered to God. And in the Churches there was a profound and wonderful
26. Recantation of Ursacius and Valens.
Moreover Ursacius and Valens, as if suffering the scourge of conscience, came to another mind, and wrote to the Bishop himself a friendly and peaceable letter1595, although they had received no communication from him. And going up to Rome they repented, and confessed that all their proceedings and assertions against him were founded in falsehood and mere calumny. And they not only voluntarily did this, but also anathematized the Arian heresy, and presented a written declaration of their repentance, addressing to the Bishop Julius the following letter in Latin, which has been translated into Greek. The copy was sent to us in Latin by Paul1596, Bishop of Treveri.
Translation from the Latin.
Ursacius and Valens to my Lord the most blessed Pope Julius.
Whereas it is well known that we1597, U+0026c. Translation from the Latin.
The Bishops Ursacius and Valens to my Lord and Brother, the Bishop Athanasius.
Having an opportunity of sending1598, U+0026c.
After writing these, they also subscribed the letters of peace which were presented to them by Peter and Irenæus, Presbyters of Athanasius, and by Ammonius a layman, who were passing that way, although Athanasius had sent no communication to them even by these persons.
27. Triumph of Athanasius.
Now who was not filled with admiration at witnessing these things, and the great peace
that prevailed in the Churches? who did not rejoice to see the concord of so many Bishops?
who did not glorify the Lord, beholding the delight of the people in their assemblies? How
many enemies repented! How many excused themselves who had formerly accused him
falsely! How many who formerly hated him, now shewed affection for him! How many of
those who had written against him, recanted their assertions? Many also who had sided with
28. But the inheritors of the opinions and impiety of Eusebius and his fellows, the eunuch Leontius1599, who ought not to remain in communion even as a layman1600, because he mutilated himself that he might henceforward be at liberty to sleep with one Eustolium, who is a wife as far as he is concerned, but is called a virgin; and George and Acacius, and Theodorus, and Narcissus, who are deposed by the Council; when they heard and saw these things, were greatly ashamed. And when they perceived the unanimity and peace that existed between Athanasius and the Bishops (they were more than four hundred1601, from great Rome, and all Italy, from Calabria, Apulia, Campania, Bruttia, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and the whole of Africa; and those from Gaul, Britain, and Spain, with the great Confessor Hosius; and also those from Pannonia, Noricum, Siscia, Dalmatia, Dardania, Dacia, Moesia, Macedonia, Thessaly, and all Achaia, and from Crete, Cyprus, and Lycia, with most of those from Palestine, Isauria, Egypt, the Thebais, the whole of Libya, and Pentapolis); when I say they perceived these things, they were possessed with envy and fear; with envy, on account of the communion of so many together; and with fear, lest those who had been entrapped by them should be brought over by the unanimity of so great a number, and henceforth their heresy should be triumphantly exposed, and everywhere proscribed.
29. Relapse of Ursacius and Valens.
First of all they persuade Ursacius, Valens and their fellows to change sides again, and
like dogs1602 to return to their own vomit, and like swine to wallow again in the former
mire of their impiety; and they make this excuse for their retractation, that they did it through
fear of the most religious Constans. And yet even had there been cause for fear, yet if they
had confidence in what they had done, they ought not to have become traitors to their
friends. But when there was no cause for fear, and yet they were guilty of a lie, are they not
deserving of utter condemnation? For no soldier was present, no Palatine or Notary1603
30. Constantius changes sides again.
In the next place they went in a body to the Emperor Constantius, and besought him, saying, ‘When we first made our request to you, we were not believed; for we told you, when you sent for Athanasius, that by inviting him to come forward, you are expelling our heresy. For he has been opposed to it from the very first, and never ceases to anathematize it. He has already written letters against us into all parts of the world, and the majority of men have embraced communion with him; and even of those who seemed to be on our side, some have been gained over by him, and others are likely to be. And we are left alone, so that the fear is, lest the character of our heresy become known, and henceforth both we and you gain the name of heretics. And if this come to pass, you must take care that we be not classed with the Manichæans. Therefore begin again to persecute, and support the heresy, for it accounts you its king.’ Such was the language of their iniquity. And the Emperor, when in his passage through the country on his hasty march against Magnentius1604, he saw the communion of the Bishops with Athanasius, like one set on fire, suddenly changed his mind, and no longer remembered his oaths, but was alike forgetful of what he had written and regardless of the duty he owed his brother. For in his letters to him, as well as in his interview with Athanasius, he took oaths that he would not act otherwise than as the people should wish, and as should be agreeable to the Bishops. But his zeal for impiety caused him at once to forget all these things. And yet one ought not to wonder that after so many letters and so many oaths Constantius had altered his mind, when we remember that Pharaoh of old, the tyrant of Egypt, after frequently promising and by that means obtaining a remission of his punishments, likewise changed, until he at last perished together with his associates.
31. Constantius begins to persecute.
He compelled then the people in every city to change their party; and on arriving at
Arles and Milan1605, he proceeded to act entirely in accordance with the designs and suggestions
of the heretics; or rather they acted themselves, and receiving authority from him,
furiously attacked every one. Letters and orders were immediately sent hither to the Prefect,
32. Persecution by Constantius.
Such were the proceedings of the Palatine commissioners; on the other hand, those
admirable persons, confident in the patronage which they had obtained, display great zeal,
and cause some of the Bishops to be summoned before the Emperor, while they persecute
others by letters, inventing charges against them; to the intent that the one might be overawed
by the presence of Constantius, and the other, through fear of the commissioners and the
threats held out to them in these pretended accusations, might be brought to renounce their
orthodox and pious opinions. In this manner it was that the Emperor forced so great a
multitude of Bishops, partly by threats, and partly by promises, to declare, ‘We will no longer
hold communion with Athanasius.’ For those who came for an interview, were not admitted
to his presence, nor allowed any relaxation, not so much as to go out of their dwellings,
33. Persecution is from the Devil.
Now if it was altogether unseemly in any of the Bishops to change their opinions merely
from fear of these things, yet it was much more so, and not the part of men who have confidence
in what they believe, to force and compel the unwilling. In this manner it is that the
Devil, when he has no truth on his side1612, attacks and breaks down the doors of them that
admit him with axes and hammers1613. But our Saviour is so gentle that He teaches thus,
‘If any man wills to come after Me,’ and, ‘Whoever wills to be My disciple1614;’ and coming
to each He does not force them, but knocks at the door and says, ‘Open unto Me, My sister,
My spouse1615;’ and if they open to Him, He enters in, but if they delay and will not, He
departs from them. For the truth is not preached with swords or with darts, nor by means
of soldiers; but by persuasion and counsel. But what persuasion is there where fear of the
Emperor prevails? or what counsel is there, when he who withstands them receives at last
banishment and death? Even David, although he was a king, and had his enemy in his power,
prevented not the soldiers by an exercise of authority when they wished to kill his enemy,
but, as the Scripture says, David persuaded his men by arguments, and suffered them not
to rise up and put Saul to death1616. But he, being without arguments of reason, forces all
34. Banishment of the Western Bishops spread the knowledge of the truth.
When the Bishops heard this they were utterly amazed, and stretching forth their hands
to God, they used great boldness of speech against him teaching him that the kingdom was
not his, but God’s, who had given it to him, Whom also they bid him fear, lest He should
suddenly take it away from him. And they threatened him with the day of judgment, and
warned him against infringing Ecclesiastical order, and mingling Roman sovereignty with
the constitution1619 of the Church, and against introducing the Arian heresy into the Church
of God. But he would not listen to them, nor permit them to speak further, but threatened
them so much the more, and drew his sword against them, and gave orders for some of
them to be led to execution; although afterwards, like Pharaoh, he repented. The holy men
therefore shaking off the dust, and looking up to God, neither feared the threats of the Emperor,
nor betrayed their cause before his drawn sword; but received their banishment, as
a service pertaining to their ministry. And as they passed along, they preached the Gospel
in every place and city1620, although they were in bonds, proclaiming the orthodox faith,
anathematizing the Arian heresy, and stigmatizing the recantation of Ursacius and Valens.
But this was contrary to the intention of their enemies; for the greater was the distance of
their place of banishment, so much the more was the hatred against them increased, while
the wanderings of these men were but the heralding of their impiety. For who that saw them
35. Now it had been better if from the first Constantius had never become connected with this heresy at all; or being connected with it, if he had not yielded so much to those impious men; or having yielded to them, if he had stood by them only thus far, so that judgment might come upon them all for these atrocities alone. But as it would seem, like madmen, having fixed themselves in the bonds of impiety, they are drawing down upon their own heads a more severe judgment. Thus from the first1621 they spared not even Liberius, Bishop of Rome, but extended1622 their fury even to those parts; they respected not his bishopric, because it was an Apostolical throne; they felt no reverence for Rome, because she is the Metropolis of Romania1623; they remembered not that formerly in their letters they had spoken of her Bishops as Apostolical men. But confounding all things together, they at once forgot everything, and cared only to shew their zeal in behalf of impiety. When they perceived that he was an orthodox man and hated the Arian heresy, and earnestly endeavoured to persuade all persons to renounce and withdraw from it, these impious men reasoned thus with themselves: ‘If we can persuade Liberius, we shall soon prevail over all.’ Accordingly they accused him falsely before the Emperor; and he, expecting easily to draw over all men to his side by means of Liberius, writes to him, and sends a certain eunuch called Eusebius with letters and offerings, to cajole him with the presents, and to threaten him with the letters. The eunuch accordingly went to Rome, and first proposed to Liberius to subscribe against Athanasius, and to hold communion with the Arians, saying, ‘The Emperor wishes it, and commands you to do so.’ And then shewing him the offerings, he took him by the hand, and again besought him saying, ‘Obey the Emperor, and receive these.’
36. The Eunuch Eusebius attempts Liberius in vain.
But the Bishop endeavoured to convince him, reasoning with him thus: ‘How is it possible
for me to do this against Athanasius? how can we condemn a man, whom not one1624
37. Liberius refuses the Emperor’s offering.
These were the words of the Bishop Liberius. And the eunuch, who was vexed, not so
much because he would not subscribe, as because he found him an enemy to the heresy,
forgetting that he was in the presence of a Bishop, after threatening him severely, went away
with the offerings; and next commits an offence, which is foreign to a Christian, and too
audacious for a eunuch. In imitation of the transgression of Saul, he went to the Martyry1631
38. The evil influence of Eunuchs at Court.
Such being the tenor of the letters, there also fear and treachery forthwith became rife
throughout the whole city. How many were the families against which threats were held
out! How many received great promises on condition of their acting against Liberius! How
many Bishops hid themselves when they saw these things! How many noble women retired
to country places in consequence of the calumnies of the enemies of Christ! How many ascetics
were made the objects of their plots! How many who were sojourning there, and had
made that place their home, did they cause to be persecuted! How often and how strictly
did they guard the harbour1633 and the approaches to the gates, lest any orthodox person
should enter and visit Liberius! Rome also had trial of the enemies of Christ, and now experienced
what before she would not believe, when she heard how the other Churches in every
city were ravaged by them. It was the eunuchs who instigated these proceedings against all.
And the most remarkable circumstance in the matter is this; that the Arian heresy which
denies the Son of God, receives its support from eunuchs, who, as both their bodies are
fruitless, and their souls barren of virtue, cannot bear even to hear the name of son. The
Eunuch of Ethiopia indeed, though he understood not what he read1634, believed the words
of Philip, when he taught him concerning the Saviour; but the eunuchs of Constantius
cannot endure the confession of Peter1635, nay, they turn away when the Father manifests
the Son, and madly rage against those who say, that the Son of God is His genuine Son, thus
claiming as a heresy of eunuchs, that there is no genuine and true offspring of the Father.
39. Liberius’s speech to Constantius.
For after the Emperor had frequently written to Rome, had threatened, sent commissioners, devised schemes, on the persecution1637 subsequently breaking out at Alexandria, Liberius is dragged before him, and uses great boldness of speech towards him. ‘Cease,’ he said, ‘to persecute the Christians; attempt not by my means to introduce impiety into the Church. We are ready to suffer anything rather than to be called Arian madmen. We are Christians; compel us not to become enemies of Christ. We also give you this counsel: fight not against Him who gave you this empire, nor shew impiety towards Him instead of thankfulness1638;’ persecute not them that believe in Him, lest you also hear the words, ‘It is hard for thee to kick against the pricks1639.’ Nay, I would that you might hear them, that you might obey, as the holy Paul did. Behold, here we are; we are come, before they fabricate charges. For this cause we hastened hither, knowing that banishment awaits us at your hands, that we might suffer before a charge encounters us, and that all may clearly see that all the others too have suffered as we shall suffer, and that the charges brought against them were fabrications of their enemies, and all their proceedings were mere calumny and falsehood.’
40. Banishment of Liberius and others.
These were the words of Liberius at that time, and he was admired by all men for them.
But the Emperor instead of answering1640, only gave orders for their banishment, separating
each of them from the rest, as he had done in the former cases. For he had himself devised
41. Lapse of Liberius.
Who that shall hear what they did in the course of these proceedings will not think them
to be anything rather than Christians? When Liberius sent Eutropius, a Presbyter, and Hilarius,
a Deacon, with letters to the Emperor, at the time that Lucifer and his fellows made
their confession, they banished the Presbyter on the spot, and after stripping Hilarius1646
the Deacon and scourging him on the back, they banished him too, clamouring at him,
‘Why didst thou not resist Liberius instead of being the bearer of letters from him.’ Ursacius
and Valens, with the eunuchs who sided with them, were the authors of this outrage. The
Deacon, while he was being scourged, praised the Lord, remembering His words, ‘I gave
My back to the smiters1647;’ but they while they scourged him laughed and mocked him,
42. But although they had done all this, yet these impious men thought they had accom- plished nothing, so long as the great Hosius escaped their wicked machinations. And now they undertook to extend their fury1648 to that great old man. They felt no shame at the thought that he is the father1649 of the Bishops; they regarded not that he had been a Confessor1650; they reverenced not the length of his Episcopate, in which he had continued more than sixty years; but they set aside everything, and looked only to the interests of their heresy, as being of a truth such as neither fear God, nor regard man1651. Accordingly they went to Constantius, and again employed such arguments as the following: ‘We have done everything; we have banished the Bishop of the Romans; and before him a very great number of other Bishops, and have filled every place with alarm. But these strong measures of yours are as nothing to us, nor is our success at all more secure, so long as Hosius remains. While he is in his own place, the rest also continue in their Churches, for he is able by his arguments and his faith to persuade all men against us. He is the president of Councils1652, and his letters are everywhere attended to. He it was who put forth the Nicene Confession, and proclaimed everywhere that the Arians were heretics. If therefore he is suffered to remain, the banishment of the rest is of no avail, for our heresy will be destroyed. Begin then to persecute him also and spare him not, ancient as he is. Our heresy knows not to honour even the hoary hairs of the aged.’
43. Brave resistance of Hosius.
Upon hearing this, the Emperor no longer delayed, but knowing the man, and the dignity
of his years, wrote to summon him. This was when he first1653 began his attempt upon
Liberius. Upon his arrival he desired him, and urged him with the usual arguments, with
which he thought also to deceive the others, that he would subscribe against us, and hold
communion with the Arians. But the old man, scarcely bearing to hear the words, and
grieved that he had even ventured to utter such a proposal, severely rebuked him, and after
gaining his consent, withdrew to his own country and Church. But the heretics still com-
44. ‘Hosius to Constantius the Emperor sends health in the Lord.’
I was a Confessor at the first, when a persecution arose in the time of your grandfather
Maximian; and if you shall persecute me, I am ready now, too, to endure anything rather
than to shed innocent blood and to betray the truth. But I cannot approve of your conduct
in writing after this threatening manner. Cease to write thus; adopt not the cause of Arius,
nor listen to those in the East, nor give credit to Ursacius, Valens and their fellows. For
whatever they assert, it is not on account of Athanasius, but for the sake of their own heresy.
Believe my statement, O Constantius, who am of an age to be your grandfather. I was present
at the Council of Sardica, when you and your brother Constans of blessed memory assembled
us all together; and on my own account I challenged the enemies of Athanasius, when they
came to the church where I abode1655, that if they had anything against him they might
declare it; desiring them to have confidence, and not to expect otherwise than that a right
judgment would be passed in all things. This I did once and again, requesting them, if they
were unwilling to appear before the whole Council, yet to appear before me alone; promising
them also, that if he should be proved guilty, he should certainly be rejected by us; but if he
should be found to be blameless, and should prove them to be calumniators, that if they
should then refuse to hold communion with him, I would persuade him to go with me into
the Spains. Athanasius was willing to comply with these conditions, and made no objection
to my proposal; but they, altogether distrusting their cause, would not consent. And on another
occasion Athanasius came to your Court1656, when you wrote for him, and his enemies
being at the time in Antioch, he requested that they might be summoned either altogether
45. Lapse of Hosius, due to cruel persecution.
Such were the sentiments, and such the letter, of the Abraham-like old man, Hosius,
truly so called1663. But the Emperor desisted not from his designs, nor ceased to seek an
occasion against him; but continued to threaten him severely, with a view either to bring
him over by force, or to banish him if he refused to comply. And as the Officers and Satraps
of Babylon1664, seeking an occasion against Daniel, found none except in the law of his God;
so likewise these present Satraps of impiety were unable to invent any charge against the
old man (for this true Hosius, and his blameless life were known to all), except the charge
of hatred to their heresy. They therefore proceeded to accuse him; though not under the
same circumstances as those others accused Daniel to Darius, for Darius was grieved to hear
the charge, but as Jezebel accused Naboth, and as the Jews applied themselves to Herod.
And they said, ‘He not only will not subscribe against Athanasius, but also on his account
condemns us; and his hatred to the heresy is so great, that he also writes to others, that they
should rather suffer death, than become traitors to the truth. For, he says, our beloved
Athanasius also is persecuted for the Truth’s sake, and Liberius, Bishop of Rome, and all
the rest, are treacherously assailed.’ When this patron of impiety, and Emperor of heresy1665,
46. Arbitrary expulsion of so many bishops.
Who that witnessed these things, or that has merely heard of them, will not be greatly
amazed, and cry aloud unto the Lord, saying, ‘Wilt Thou make a full end of Israel1667?’ Who
that is acquainted with these proceedings, will not with good reason cry out and say, ‘A
wonderful and horrible thing is done in the land;’ and, ‘The heavens are astonished at this,
and the earth is even more horribly afraid1668.’ The fathers of the people and the teachers
of the faith are taken away, and the impious are brought into the Churches? Who that saw
when Liberius, Bishop of Rome, was banished, and when the great Hosius, the father1669
of the Bishops, suffered these things, or who that saw so many Bishops banished out of Spain
and the other parts, could fail to perceive, however little sense he might possess, that the
charges1670 against Athanasius also and the rest were false, and altogether mere calumny?
For this reason those others also endured all suffering, because they saw plainly that the
conspiracies laid against these were founded in falsehood. For what charge was there against
Liberius? or what accusation against the aged Hosius? who bore even a false witness against
Paulinus, and Lucifer, and Dionysius, and Eusebius? or what sin could be lain to the account
of the rest of the banished Bishops, and Presbyters, and Deacons? None whatever; God
forbid. There were no charges against them on which a plot for their ruin might be formed;
nor was it on the ground of any accusation that they were severally banished. It was an in-
47. ‘After’ he had accomplished all that he desired against the Churches in Italy, and the other parts; after he had banished some, and violently oppressed others, and filled every place with fear, he at last turned his fury, as it had been some pestilential disorder, against Alexandria. This was artfully contrived by the enemies of Christ; for in order that they might have a show of the signatures of many Bishops, and that Athanasius might not have a single Bishop in his persecution to whom he could even complain, they therefore anticipated his proceedings, and filled every place with terror, which they kept up to second them in the prosecution of their designs. But herein they perceived not through their folly that they were not exhibiting the deliberate choice of the Bishops, but rather the violence which themselves had employed; and that, although his brethren should desert him, and his friends and acquaintance stand afar off, and no one be found to sympathise with him and console him, yet far above all these, a refuge with his God was sufficient for him. For Elijah also was alone in his persecution, and God was all in all to the holy man. And the Saviour has given us an example herein, who also was left alone, and exposed to the designs of His enemies, to teach us, that when we are persecuted and deserted by men, we must not faint, but place our hope in Him, and not betray the Truth. For although at first truth may seem to be afflicted, yet even they who persecute shall afterwards acknowledge it.
48. Attacks upon the Alexandrian Church.
Accordingly they urge on the Emperor, who first writes a menacing letter, which he
sends to the Duke and the soldiers. The Notaries Diogenius and Hilarius1671, and certain
Palatines with them, were the bearers of it; upon whose arrival those terrible and cruel outrages
were committed against the Church, which I have briefly related a little above1672,
and which are known to all men from the protests put forth by the people, which are inserted
at the end of this history, so that any one may read them. Then after these proceedings on
the part of Syrianus, after these enormities had been perpetrated, and violence offered to
the Virgins, as approving of such conduct and the infliction of these evils upon us, he writes
again to the senate and people of Alexandria, instigating the younger men, and requiring
them to assemble together, and either to persecute Athanasius, or consider themselves as
his enemies. He however had withdrawn before these instructions reached them, and from
the time when Syrianus broke into the Church; for he remembered that which was written,
49 and 50. Hypocrisy of the pretended respect of Constantius for his brother’s memory.
Heraclius then published the letter, which reflected great disgrace upon the writer. For whereas, when the great Hosius wrote to Constantius, he had been unable to make out any plausible pretext for his change of conduct, he now invented an excuse much more discreditable to himself and his advisers. He said, ‘From regard to the affection I entertained towards my brother of divine and pious memory, I endured for a time the coming of Athanasius among you.’ This proves that he has both broken his promise, and behaved ungratefully to his brother after his death. He then declares him to be, as indeed he is, ‘deserving of divine and pious remembrance;’ yet as regards a command of his, or to use his own language, the ‘affection’ he bore him, even though he complied merely ‘for the sake’ of the blessed Constans, he ought to deal fairly by his brother, and make himself heir to his sentiments as well as to the Empire. But, although, when seeking to obtain his just rights, he deposed Vetranio, with the question, ‘To whom does the inheritance belong after a brother’s death1675?’ yet for the sake of the accursed heresy of the enemies of Christ, he disregards the claims of justice, and behaves undutifully towards his brethren. Nay, for the sake of this heresy, he would not consent to observe even his father’s wishes without infringement; but, in what he may gratify these impious men, he pretends to adopt his intention, while in order to distress the others, he cares not to shew the reverence which is due unto a father. For in consequence of the calumnies of Eusebius and his fellows, his father sent the Bishop for a time into Gaul to avoid the cruelty of his persecutors (this was shewn by the blessed Constantine, the brother of the former, after their father’s death, as appears by his letters1676), but he would not be persuaded by Eusebius and his fellows to send the person whom they desired for a Bishop, but prevented the accomplishment of their wishes, and put a stop to their attempts with severe threats.
51. How Constantius shews his respect for his father and brother.
If therefore, as he declares in his letters, he desired to observe his sire’s practice, why did he first send out Gregory, and now this George, the eater of stores1677? Why does he endeavour so earnestly to introduce into the Church these Arians, whom his father named Porphyrians1678, and banish others while he patronises them? Although his father admitted Arius to his presence, yet when Arius perjured himself and burst asunder1679 he lost the compassion of his father; who, on learning the truth, condemned him as an heretic. Why moreover, while pretending to respect the Canon of the Church, has he ordered the whole course of his conduct in opposition to them? For where is there a Canon that a Bishop should be appointed from Court? Where is there a Canon1680 that permits soldiers to invade Churches? What tradition is there allowing counts and ignorant eunuchs to exercise authority in Ecclesiastical matters, and to make known by their edicts the decisions of those who bear the name of Bishops? He is guilty of all manner of falsehood for the sake of this unholy heresy. At a former time he sent out Philagrius as Prefect a second time1681, in opposition to the opinion of his father, and we see what has taken place now. Nor ‘for his brother’s sake’ does he speak the truth. For after his death he wrote not once nor twice, but three times to the Bishop, and repeatedly promised him that he would not change his behaviour towards him, but exhorted him to be of good courage, and not suffer any one to alarm him, but to continue to abide in his Church in perfect security. He also sent his commands by Count Asterius, and Palladius the Notary, to Felicissimus, who was then Duke, and to the Prefect Nestorius, that if either Philip the Prefect, or any other should venture to form any plot against Athanasius, they should prevent it.
52. The Emperor has no right to rule the Church.
Wherefore when Diogenes came, and Syrianus laid in wait for us, both he and we1682
and the people demanded to see the Emperor’s letters, supposing that, as it is written, ‘Let
not a falsehood be spoken before the king1683;’ so when a king has made a promise, he will
not lie, nor change. If then ‘for his brother’s sake he complied,’ why did he also write those
53. Despotic interference of Constantius.
Who indeed has not been injured by their calumnies? Whom have not these enemies
of Christ conspired to destroy? Whom has Constantius failed to banish upon charges which
they have brought against them? When did he refuse to hear them willingly? And what is
most strange, when did he permit any one to speak against them, and did not more readily
receive their testimony, of whatever kind it might be? Where is there a Church which now
54. Constantius gives up the Alexandrian Churches to the heretics.
Accordingly he banished, as I said before the genuine Bishops, because they would not profess impious doctrines, to suit his own pleasure; and so he now sent Count Heraclius to proceed against Athanasius, who has publicly made known his decrees, and announced the command of the Emperor to be, that unless they complied with the instructions contained in his letters, their bread1686 should be taken away, their idols overthrown, and the persons of many of the city-magistrates and people delivered over to certain slavery. After threatening them in this manner, he was not ashamed to declare publicly with a loud voice, ‘The Emperor disclaims Athanasius, and has commanded that the Churches be given up to the Arians.’ And when all wondered to hear this, and made signs to one another, exclaiming, ‘What! has Constantius become a heretic?’ instead of blushing as he ought, the man all the more obliged the senators and heathen magistrates and wardens1687 of the idol temples to subscribe to these conditions, and to agree to receive as their Bishop whomsoever1688 the Emperor should send them. Of course Constantius was strictly upholding the Canon of the Church, when he caused this to be done; when instead of requiring letters from the Church, he demanded them of the market-place, and instead of the people he asked them of the wardens of the temples. He was conscious that he was not sending a Bishop to preside over Christians, but a certain intruder for those who subscribed to his terms.
55. Irruption into the great Church.
The Gentiles accordingly, as purchasing by their compliance the safety of their idols, and certain of the trades1689, subscribed, though unwillingly, from fear of the threats which he had held out to them; just as if the matter had been the appointment of a general, or other magistrate. Indeed what as heathen, were they likely to do, except whatever was pleasing to the Emperor? But the people having assembled in the great Church (for it was the fourth day of the week), Count Heraclius on the following day1690 takes with him Cataphronius the Prefect of Egypt, and Faustinus the Receiver-General1691, and Bithynus a heretic; and together they stir up the younger men of the common multitude1692 who worshipped idols, to attack the Church, and stone the people, saying that such was the Emperor’s command. As the time of dismissal however had arrived, the greater part had already left the Church, but there being a few women still remaining, they did as the men had charged them, whereupon a piteous spectacle ensued. The few women had just risen from prayer and had sat down when the youths suddenly came upon them naked with stones and clubs. Some of them the godless wretches stoned to death; they scourged with stripes the holy persons of the Virgins, tore off their veils and exposed their heads, and when they resisted the insult, the cowards kicked them with their feet. This was dreadful, exceedingly dreadful; but what ensued was worse, and more intolerable than any outrage. Knowing the holy character of the virgins, and that their ears were unaccustomed to pollution, and that they were better able to bear stones and swords than expressions of obscenity, they assailed them with such language. This the Arians suggested to the young men, and laughed at all they said and did; while the holy Virgins and other godly women fled from such words as they would from the bite of asps, but the enemies of Christ assisted them in the work, nay even, it may be, gave utterance to the same; for they were well-pleased with the obscenities which the youths vented upon them.
56. The great Church pillaged.
After this, that they might fully execute the orders they had received (for this was what they earnestly desired, and what the Count and the Receiver-General instructed them to do), they seized upon the seats, the throne, and the table which was of wood1693, and the curtains1694 of the Church, and whatever else they were able, and carrying them out burnt them before the doors in the great street, and cast frankincense upon the flame. Alas! who will not weep to hear of these things, and, it may be, close his ears, that he may not have to endure the recital, esteeming it hurtful merely to listen to the account of such enormities? Moreover they sang the praises of their idols, and said, ‘Constantius hath become a heathen, and the Arians have acknowledged our customs;’ for indeed they scruple not even to pretend heathenism, if only their heresy may be established. They even were ready to sacrifice a heifer which drew the water for the gardens in the Cæsareum1695; and would have sacrificed it, had it not been a female1696; for they said that it was unlawful for such to be offered among them.
57. Thus acted the impious1697 Arians in conjunction with the heathens, thinking that
these things tended to our dishonour. But Divine justice reproved their iniquity, and wrought
a great and remarkable sign, thereby plainly shewing to all men, that as in their acts of impiety
they had dared to attack none other but the Lord, so in these proceedings also they
were again attempting to do dishonour unto Him. This was more manifestly proved by the
marvellous event which now came to pass. One of these licentious youths ran into the
Church, and ventured to sit down upon the throne; and as he sat there the wretched man
uttered with a nasal sound some lascivious song. Then rising up he attempted to pull away
the throne, and to drag it towards him; he knew not that he was drawing down vengeance
upon himself. For as of old the inhabitants of Azotus, when they ventured to touch1698 the
Ark, which it was not lawful for them even to look upon, were immediately destroyed by it,
being first grievously tormented by emerods; so this unhappy person who presumed to drag
58. General Persecution at Alexandria.
The Gentiles, when they beheld these things, were seized with fear, and ventured on no
further outrage; but the Arians were not even yet touched with shame, but, like the Jews
when they saw the miracles, were faithless and would not believe, nay, like Pharaoh, they
were hardened; they too having placed their hopes below, on the Emperor and his eunuchs.
They permitted the Gentiles, or rather the more abandoned of the Gentiles, to act in the
manner before described; for they found that Faustinus, who is the Receiver-General by
style, but is a vulgar1701 person in habits, and profligate in heart, was ready to play his part
with them in these proceedings, and to stir up the heathen. Nay, they undertook to do the
like themselves, that as they had modelled their heresy upon all other heresies together1702,
so they might share their wickedness with the more depraved of mankind. What they did
through the instrumentality of others I described above; the enormities they committed
themselves surpass the bounds of all wickedness; and they exceed the malice of any hangman.
Where is there a house which they did not ravage? where is there a family they did not
plunder on pretence of searching for their opponents? where is there a garden they did not
trample under foot? what tomb1703 did they not open, pretending they were seeking for
Athanasius, though their sole object was to plunder and spoil all that came in their way?
How many men’s houses were sealed up1704! The contents of how many persons’ lodgings
59. Violence of Sebastianus.
For they made themselves formidable to all men, and treated all with great arrogance, using the name of the Emperor, and threatening them with his displeasure. They had to assist them in their wickedness the Duke Sebastianus, a Manichee, and a profligate young man; the1705 Prefect, the Count, and the Receiver-General as a dissembler. Many Virgins who condemned their impiety, and professed the truth, they brought out from the houses; others they insulted as they walked along the streets, and caused their heads to be uncovered by their young men. They also gave permission to the females of their party to insult whom they chose; and although the holy and faithful women withdrew on one side, and gave them the way, yet they gathered round them like Bacchanals and Furies1706, and esteemed it a misfortune if they found no means to injure them, and spent that day sorrowfully on which they were unable to do them some mischief. In a word, so cruel and bitter were they against all, that all men called them hangmen, murderers, lawless, intruders, evil-doers, and by any other name rather than that of Christians.
60. Martyrdom of Eutychius.
Moreover, imitating the savage practices of Scythians, they seized upon Eutychius a
Subdeacon, a man who had served the Church honourably, and causing him to be scourged
on the back with a leather whip, till he was at the point of death, they demanded that her
should be sent away to the mines; and not simply to any mine, but to that of Phæno1707,
61. Ill-treatment of the poor.
But the Arians, as being grieved at this, again devised another yet more cruel and unholy
deed; cruel in the eyes of all men, but well suited to their antichristian heresy. The Lord
commanded that we should remember the poor; He said, ‘Sell that ye have, and give alms’
and again ‘I was a hungred, and ye gave Me meat; I was thirsty, and ye gave Me drink; for
inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of these little ones, ye have done it unto Me1711.’ But
these men, as being in truth opposed to Christ, have presumed to act contrary to His will
in this respect also. For when the Duke gave up the Churches to the Arians, and the destitute
62. Ill-treatment of the poor.
Who was not struck with astonishment at these proceedings? Who did not execrate
both the heresy, and its defenders? Who failed to perceive that the Arians are indeed more
cruel than wild beasts? For they had no prospect of gain1716 from their iniquity, for the sake
of which they might have acted in this manner; but they rather increased the hatred of all
men against themselves. They thought by treachery and terror to force certain persons into
their heresy, so that they might be brought to communicate with them; but the event turned
out quite the contrary. The sufferers endured as martyrdom whatever they inflicted upon
them, and neither betrayed nor denied the true faith in Christ. And those who were without
and witnessed their conduct, and at last even the heathen, when they saw these things, execrated
them as antichristian, as cruel executioners; for human nature is prone to pity and
sympathise with the poor. But these men have lost even the common sentiments of humanity;
and that kindness which they would have desired to meet with at the hands of others, had
63. Ill-treatment of the Presbyters and Deacons.
What they have done to the Presbyters and Deacons; how they drove them into banishment under sentence passed upon them by the Duke and the magistrates, causing the soldiers to bring out their kinsfolk from the houses1717, and Gorgonius, the commander of the police1718 to beat them with stripes; and how (most cruel act of all) with much insolence they plundered the loaves1719 of these and of those who were now dead; these things it is impossible for words to describe, for their cruelty surpasses all the powers of language. What terms could one employ which might seem equal to the subject? What circumstances could one mention first, so that those next recorded would not be found more dreadful, and the next more dreadful still? All their attempts and iniquities1720 were full of murder and impiety; and so unscrupulous and artful are they, that they endeavour to deceive by promises of protection, and by bribing with money1721, that so, since they cannot recommend themselves by fair means, they may thereby make some display to impose on the simple.
64. Who would call them even by the name of Gentiles; much less by that of Christians? Would any one regard their habits and feelings as human, and not rather those of wild beasts, seeing their cruel and savage conduct? They are more worthless than public hangmen; more audacious than all other heretics. To the Gentiles they are much inferior, and stand far apart and separate from them1722. I have heard from our fathers, and I believe their report to be a faithful one, that long ago, when a persecution arose in the time1723 of Maximian, the grandfather of Constantius, the Gentiles concealed our brethren the Christians, who were sought after, and frequently suffered the loss of their own substance, and had trial of imprisonment, solely that they might not betray the fugitives. They protected those who fled to them for refuge, as they would have done their own persons, and were determined to run all risks on their behalf. But now these admirable persons, the inventors of a new heresy, act altogether the contrary part; and are distinguished for nothing but their treachery. They have appointed themselves as executioners, and seek to betray all alike, and make those who conceal others the objects of their plots, esteeming equally as their enemy both him that conceals and him that is concealed. So murderous are they; so emulous in their evildoings of the wickedness of Judas.
65. Martyrdom of Secundus of Barka.
The crimes these men have committed cannot adequately be described. I would only
say, that as I write and wish to enumerate all their deeds of iniquity, the thought enters my
mind, whether this heresy be not the fourth daughter of the horse-leach1724 in the Proverbs,
since after so many acts of injustice, so many murders, it hath not yet said, ‘It is enough.’
No; it still rages, and goes about1725 seeking after those whom it has not yet discovered,
while those whom it has already injured, it is eager to injure anew. After the night attack,
after the evils committed in consequence of it, after the persecution brought about by Heraclius,
they cease not yet to accuse us falsely before the Emperor (and they are confident
that as impious persons they will obtain a hearing), desiring that something more than
banishment may be inflicted upon us, and that hereafter those who do not consent to their
impieties may be destroyed. Accordingly, being now emboldened in an extreme degree, that
66. Persecution the weapon of Arianism.
O new heresy, that hast put on the whole devil in impiety and wicked deeds! For in truth
it is but a lately invented evil; and although certain heretofore appear to have adopted its
doctrines, yet they concealed them, and were not known to hold them. But Eusebius and
Arius, like serpents coming out of their holes, have vomited forth the poison of this impiety;
Arius daring to blasphemy openly, and1730 Eusebius defending his blasphemy. He was not
however able to support the heresy, until, as I said before, he found a patron1731 for it in
the Emperor. Our fathers called an Ecumenical Council, when three hundred of them, more
or less1732, met together and condemned the Arian heresy, and all declared that it was alien
and strange to the faith of the Church. Upon this its supporters, perceiving that they were
dishonoured, and had now no good ground of argument to insist upon, devised a different
method, and attempted to vindicate it by means of external power. And herein one may
especially admire the novelty as well as wickedness of their device, and how they go beyond
all other heresies. For these support their madness by persuasive arguments calculated to
deceive the simple; the Greeks, as the Apostle has said, make their attack with excellency
and persuasiveness of speech, and with plausible fallacies; the Jews, leaving the divine
Scriptures, now, as the Apostle again has said, contend about ‘fables and endless genealogies1733;’
and the Manichees and Valentinians with them, and others, corrupting the divine
67. Arianism worse than other heresies, because of Persecution.
The other heresies also, when the very Truth has refuted them on the clearest evidence,
are wont to be silent, being simply confounded by their conviction. But this modern and
accursed heresy, when it is overthrown by argument, when it is cast down and covered with
shame by the very Truth, forthwith endeavours to coerce by violence and stripes and imprisonment
those whom it has been unable to persuade by argument, thereby acknowledging
itself to be anything rather than godly. For it is the part of true godliness not to compel1735,
68. Constantius worse than Saul, Ahab, and Pilate. His past conduct to his own relations.
Ahab himself did not act so cruelly towards the priests of God, as this man has acted
towards the Bishops. For he was at least pricked in his conscience, when Naboth had been
murdered, and was afraid at the sight1741 of Elijah, but this man neither reverenced the
great Hosius, nor was wearied or pricked in conscience, after banishing so many Bishops;
but like another Pharaoh, the more he is afflicted, the more he is hardened, and imagines
greater wickedness day by day. And the most extraordinary instance of his iniquity was the
following. It happened that when the Bishops were condemned to banishment, certain
other persons also received their sentence on charges of murder or sedition or theft, each
according to the quality of his offence. These men after a few months he released, on being
requested to do so, as Pilate did Barabbas; but the servants of Christ he not only refused to
set at liberty, but even sentenced them to more unmerciful punishment in the place of their
exile, proving himself ‘an undying evil1742’ to them. To the others through congeniality of
69. But what wonder is it if, after he has been led into impious errors, he is so cruel to- wards the Bishops, since the common feelings of humanity could not induce him to spare even his own kindred. His uncles1744 he slew; his cousins he put out of the way; he commiserated not the sufferings of his father-in-law, though he had married his daughter, or of his kinsmen; but he has ever been a transgressor of his oaths towards all. So likewise he treated his brother in an unholy manner; and now he pretends to build his sepulchre, although he delivered up to the barbarians his betrothed wife Olympias, whom his brother had protected till his death, and had brought up as his intended consort. Moreover he attempted to set aside his wishes, although he boasts to be his heir1745; for so he writes, in terms which any one possessed of but a small measure of sense would be ashamed of. But when I compare his letters, I find that he does not possess common understanding, but that his mind is solely regulated by the suggestions of others, and that he has no mind of his own at all. Now Solomon says, ‘If a ruler hearken to lies, all his servants are wicked1746.’ This man proves by his actions that he is such an unjust one, and that those about him are wicked.
70. Inconstancy of Constantius.
How then, being such an one, and taking pleasure in such associates, can he ever design
anything just or reasonable, entangled as he is in the iniquity of his followers, men who
verily bewitch him, or rather who have trampled his brains under their heels? Wherefore
he now writes letters1747, and then repents that he has written them, and after repenting is
again stirred up to anger, and then again laments his fate, and being undetermined what to
do, he shews a soul destitute of understanding. Being then of such a character, one must
fairly pity him, because that under the semblance and name of freedom he is the slave of
those who drag him on to gratify their own impious pleasure. In a word, while through his
folly and inconstancy, as the Scripture saith1748, he is willing to comply with the desires of
71. This wickedness unprecedented.
When was ever such iniquity heard of? when was such an evil deed ever perpetrated,
even in times of persecution? They were heathens who persecuted formerly; but they did
not bring their idols into the Churches. Zenobia1751, was a Jewess, and a supporter of Paul
of Samosata; but she did not give up the Churches to the Jews for Synagogues. This is a new
piece of iniquity. It is not simply persecution, but more than persecution, it is a prelude and
preparation1752 for the coming of Antichrist. Even if it be admitted that they invented false
charges against Athanasius and the rest of the Bishops whom they banished, yet what is this
to their later practices? What charges have they to allege against the whole of Egypt and
Libya and Pentapolis1753? For they have begun no longer to lay their plots against individuals,
in which case they might be able to frame a lie against them; but they have set upon all in a
body, so that if they merely choose to invent accusations against them, they must be condemned.
Thus their wickedness has blinded their understanding1754; and they have required,
without any reason assigned, that the whole body of the Bishops shall be expelled, and
thereby they shew that the charges they framed against Athanasius and the rest of the
Bishops whom they banished were false, and invented for no other purpose than to support
the accursed heresy of the Arian enemies of Christ. This is now no longer concealed, but
has become most manifest to all men. He commanded Athanasius to be expelled out of the
72. Banishment of Egyptian Bishops.
And the General Sebastian wrote to the governors and military authorities in every
place; and the true Bishops were persecuted, and those who professed impious doctrines
were brought in in their stead. They banished Bishops who had grown old in orders, and
had been many years in the Episcopate, having been ordained by the Bishop Alexander;
Ammonius1756, Hermes, Anagamphus, and Marcus, they sent to the Upper Oasis; Muis,
Psenosiris, Nilammon, Plenes, Marcus, and Athenodorus to Ammoniaca, with no other
intention than that they should perish in their passage through the deserts. They had no
pity on them though they were suffering from illness, and indeed proceeded on their journey
with so much difficulty on account of their weakness, that they were obliged to be carried
in litters, and their sickness was so dangerous that the materials for their burial accompanied
them. One of them indeed died, but they would not even permit the body to be given up to
his friends for interment. With the same purpose they banished also the Bishop Dracontius
to the desert places about Clysma, Philo to Babylon, Adelphius to Psinabla in the Thebais,
and the Presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus to Syene. They likewise drove into exile Ammonius,
Agathus, Agathodæmon, Apollonius, Eulogius, Apollos, Paphnutius, Gaius, and Flavius,
ancient Bishops, as also the Bishops Dioscorus, Ammonius, Heraclides, and Psais; some of
whom they gave up to work in the stone-quarries, others they persecuted with an intention
to destroy, and many others they plundered. They banished also forty of the laity, with certain
virgins whom they had before exposed to the fire1757; beating them so severely with rods
taken from palm-trees, that after lingering five days some of them died, and others had recourse
to surgical treatment on account of the thorns left in their limbs, from which they
suffered torments worse than death1758. But what is most dreadful to the mind of any man
of sound understanding, though characteristic of these miscreants, is this: When the virgins
73. Character of Arian nominees.
Such were the iniquities practised by the Arians; and as to their further deeds of impiety, who could hear the account of them without shuddering? They had caused these venerable old men and aged Bishops to be sent into banishment; they now appointed in their stead profligate heathen youths, whom they thought to raise at once to the highest dignity, though they were not even Catechumens1759. And others who were accused of bigamy1760, and even of worse crimes, they nominated Bishops on account of the wealth and civil power which they possessed, and sent them out as it were from a market, upon their giving them gold. And now more dreadful calamities befel the people. For when they rejected these mercenary dependents of the Arians, so alien from themselves, they were scourged, they were proscribed, they were shut up in prison by the General (who did all this readily, being a Manichee), in order that they might no longer seek after their own Bishops, but be forced to accept those whom they abominated, men who were now guilty of the same mockeries as they had before practised among their idols.
74. The Episcopal appointments of Constantius a mark of Antichrist.
Will not every just person break forth into lamentations at the sight or hearing of these
things, at perceiving the arrogance and extreme injustice of these impious men? ‘The
righteous lament in the place of the impious1761.’ After all these things, and now that the
impiety has reached such a pitch of audacity, who will any longer venture to call this
Costyllius1762 a Christian, and not rather the image of Antichrist? For what mark of Antichrist
is yet wanting? How can he in any way fail to be regarded as that one? or how can the
75. Arrival of George at Alexandria, and proceedings of Constantius in Italy.
Again he transferred from Cappadocia to Milan one Auxentius1769, an intruder rather
than a Christian, whom he commanded to stay there, after he had banished for his piety
towards Christ Dionysius the Bishop of the place, a godly man. But this person was as yet
even ignorant of the Latin language, and unskilful in everything except impiety. And now
one George, a Cappadocian, who was contractor of stores1770 at Constantinople, and having
76. Tyrannous banishment of Bishops by Constantius.
Now what is yet wanting to make him Antichrist? or what more could Antichrist do at
his coming than this man has done? Will he not find when he comes that the way has been
already prepared for him by this man easily to deceive the people? Again1777, he claims to
himself the right of deciding causes, which he refers to the Court instead of the Church, and
77. Constantius the precursor of Antichrist.
Terrible indeed, and worse than terrible are such proceedings; yet conduct suitable to
him who assumes the character of Antichrist. Who that beheld him taking the lead of his
pretended Bishops, and presiding in Ecclesiastical causes, would not justly exclaim that this
was ‘the abomination of desolation1780’ spoken of by Daniel? For having put on the profession
of Christianity, and entering into the holy places, and standing therein, he lays waste the
Churches, transgressing their Canons, and enforcing the observance of his own decrees.
Will any one now venture to say that this is a peaceful time with Christians, and not a time
of persecution? A persecution indeed, such as never arose before, and such as no one perhaps
will again stir up, except ‘the son of lawlessness1781,’ do these enemies of Christ exhibit,
78. Alliance of Meletians with Arians.
This was an easy proposition for the Meletians to comply with; for the greater part, or
rather the whole of them, have never had a religious education, nor are they acquainted
with the ‘sound faith1785’ in Christ, nor do they know at all what Christianity is, or what
writings we Christians possess. For having come out, some of them from the worship of
idols, and others from the senate, or from the first civil offices, for the sake of the miserable
exemption1786 from duty and for the patronage they gained, and having bribed1787 the
Meletians who preceded them, they have been advanced to this dignity even before they
had been under instruction. And even if they pretended to have been such, yet what kind
of instruction is to be obtained among the Meletians? But indeed without even pretending
to be under instruction, they came at once, and immediately were called Bishops, just as
children receive a name. Being then persons of this description, they thought the thing of
no great consequence, nor even supposed that piety was different from impiety. Accordingly
from being Meletians they readily and speedily became Arians; and if the Emperor should
command them to adopt any other profession, they are ready to change again to that also.
Their ignorance of true godliness quickly brings them to submit to the prevailing folly, and
79. Behaviour of the Meletians contrasted with that of the Alexandrian Christians.
Such is the effect of that iniquitous order which was issued by Constantius. On the part
of the people there was displayed a ready alacrity to submit to martyrdom, and an increased
hatred of this most impious heresy; and yet lamentations for their Churches, and groans
burst from all, while they cried unto the Lord, ‘Spare Thy people, O Lord, and give not Thine
heritage unto Thine enemies to reproach1793;’ but make haste to deliver us out of the hand
of the lawless1794. For behold, ‘they have not spared Thy servants, but are preparing the way
for Antichrist.’ For the Meletians will never resist him, nor will they care for the truth, nor
will they esteem it an evil thing to deny Christ. They are men who have not approached the
word with sincerity; like the chameleon1795 they assume every various appearance; they are
hirelings of any who will make use of them. They make not the truth their aim, but prefer
before it their present pleasure; they say only, ‘Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die1796.’
Such a profession and faithless temper is more worthy of Epicritian1797 players than of
80. Duty of separating from heretics.
One might say much more against this detestable and antichristian heresy, and might
demonstrate by many arguments that the practices of Constantius are a prelude to the
coming of Antichrist. But seeing that, as the Prophet1800 has said, from the feet even to the
head there is no reasonableness in it, but it is full of all filthiness and all impiety, so that the
very name of it ought to be avoided as a dog’s vomit or the poison of serpents; and seeing
that Costyllius openly exhibits the image of the adversary1801; in order that our words may
not be too many, it will be well to content ourselves with the divine Scripture, and that we
all obey the precept which it has given us both in regard to other heresies, and especially
respecting this. That precept is as follows; ‘Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence, touch
no unclean thing; go ye out of the midst of them, and be ye separate, that bear the vessels
81. The Second Protest1806.
The people of the Catholic Church in Alexandria, which is under the government of the most Reverend Bishop Athanasius, make this public protest by those whose names are under-written.
We have already protested against the nocturnal assault which was committed upon ourselves and the Lord’s house; although in truth there needed no protest in respect to proceedings with which the whole city has been already made acquainted. For the bodies of the slain which were discovered were exposed in public, and the bows and arrows and other arms found in the Lord’s house loudly proclaim the iniquity.
But whereas after our Protest already made, the most illustrious Duke Syrianus endeavours to force all men to agree with him, as though no tumult had been made, nor any had perished (wherein is no small proof that these things were not done according to the wishes of the most gracious Emperor Augustus Constantius; for he would not have been so much afraid of the consequences of this transaction, had he acted therein by command); and whereas also, when we went to him, and requested him not to do violence to any, nor to deny what had taken place, he ordered us, being Christians, to be beaten with clubs; thereby again giving proof of the nocturnal assault which has been directed against the Church:—
We therefore make also this present Protest, certain of us being now about to travel to
the most religious Emperor Augustus: and we adjure Maximus the Prefect of Egypt, and
As it dawned upon the fifth before the Ides of February1809, that is to say, the fourteenth
of the month Mechir, while we were keeping vigil1810 in the Lord’s house, and engaged in
our prayers (for there was to be a communion on the Preparation1811); suddenly about
midnight, the most illustrious Duke Syrianus attacked us and the Church with many legions
of soldiers1812 armed with naked swords and javelins and other warlike instruments, and
wearing helmets on their heads; and actually while we were praying, and while the lessons
were being read, they broke down the doors. And when the doors were burst open by the
violence of the multitude, he gave command, and some of them were shooting; others
shouting, their arms rattling, and their swords flashing in the light of the lamps; and forthwith
virgins were being slain, many men trampled down, and falling over one another as the
soldiers came upon them, and several were pierced with arrows and perished. Some of the
soldiers also were betaking themselves to plunder, and were stripping the virgins, who were
more afraid of being even touched by them than they were of death. The Bishop continued
sitting upon his throne, and exhorted all to pray. The Duke led on the attack, having with
him Hilarius the notary, whose part in the proceedings was shewn in the sequel. The Bishop
was seized, and barely escaped being torn to pieces; and having fallen into a state of insensibility,
and appearing as one dead, he disappeared from among them, and has gone we know
not whither. They were eager to kill him. And when they saw that many had perished, they
gave orders to the soldiers to remove out of sight the bodies of the dead. But the most holy
virgins who were left behind were buried in the tombs, having attained the glory of martyrdom
in the times of the most religious Constantius. Deacons also were beaten with stripes
even in the Lord’s house, and were shut up there.
Nor did matters stop even here: for after all this had happened, whosoever pleased broke
open any door that he could, and searched, and plundered what was within. They entered
Now if an order has been given that we should be persecuted we are all ready to suffer martyrdom. But if it be not by order of Augustus, we desire Maximus the Prefect of Egypt and all the city magistrates to request of him that they may not again be suffered thus to assail us. And we desire also that this our petition may be presented to him, that they may not attempt to bring in hither any other Bishop: for we have resisted unto death1816, desiring to have the most Reverend Athanasius, whom God gave us at the beginning, according to the succession of our fathers; whom also the most religious Augustus Constantius himself sent to us with letters and oaths. And we believe that when his Piety is informed of what has taken place, he will be greatly displeased, and will do nothing contrary to his oaths, but will again give orders that our Bishop Athanasius shall remain with us.
To the Consuls to be elected1817 after the Consulship of the most illustrious Arbæthion and Collianus1818, on the seventeenth Mechir1819, which is the day before the Ides of February.
Written Between 356 And 360.
There is no absolutely conclusive evidence as to the date of these Discourses, in fact
they would appear from the language of ii. 1 to have been issued at intervals. The best judges,
however, are agreed in assigning them to the fruitful period of the ‘third exile.’ The Discourses
cannot indeed be identified with the lost account of the Arian heresy addressed to certain
Egyptian monks (see Introd. to Arian Hist. supra); but the demand for such a treatise may
have set Athanasius upon the composition of a more comprehensive refutation of the heresy.
It was only at this period (‘Blasphemy’ of Sirmium, 357) that the doctrinal controversy began
to emerge from the mass of personalities and intrigues which had encumbered it for the
first generation after the great Council; only now that the various parties were beginning to
formulate their position; only now that the great mass of Eastern ‘Conservatism’ was beginning
to see the nature of the issue as between the Nicene doctrine and the essential Arianism
of its more resolute opponents. The situation seemed to clear, the time had come for gathering
up the issues of the combat and striking a decisive blow. To this situation of affairs
the treatise before us exactly corresponds. Characteristic of this period is the anxiety to
conciliate and win over the so-called semi-Arians (of the type of Basil of Ancyra) who
stumbled at the ὁμοούσιον, but whose fundamental agreement with Athanasius was daily
becoming more clear. Accordingly we find that Athanasius pointedly avoids the famous
test word in these Discourses1820 (with the exception of the fourth: see Orat. i. 20, note 5,
58, note 10: it only occurs i. 9, note 12, but see Orat. iv. 9, 12), and even adopts (not as fully
adequate de Syn. 53, but as true so far as it goes), the ‘semi-Arian’ formula ‘like in essence’
(Or. i. 21, note 8, 20, 26, iii. 26, he does not use the single compound word ὁμοιούσιος: see
further, Introd. to de Synodis). Although, therefore, demonstrative proof is lacking, there
is tolerable certainty as to the date of our Discourses. And their purpose is no less manifest:
they are a decisive blow of the kind described above, aimed at the very centre of the question,
and calculated to sever the abnormal alliance between conservatives who really thought
with Athanasius and men like Valens or Eudoxius, whose real convictions, so far as they
had any, were Arian. Moreover they gather up all the threads of controversy against Arianism
proper, refute its appeal to Scripture, and leave on record for all time the issues of the great
doctrinal contest of the fourth century. They have naturally become, as Montfaucon observes,
Although apparently composed at different times (see above) the four ‘Discourses’ form
a single work. The fourth alone ends with the usual doxology, thus announcing itself as the
conclusion of the four-fold treatise. At the same time, the relation of the fourth Discourse
to the others is by no means clear. It is largely occupied with a polemic against a heresy at
the opposite extreme from Arianism, Monarchianism in one or other of its forms. Newman,
in his introductory excursus, expresses the opinion that it consists of a series of fragmentary
notes against several heresies, which for some unknown reason came to be incorporated,
possibly by Athanasius himself or by his secretaries, in the great anti-Arian Manifesto. Zahn
Marcell. pp. 198–208 shews convincingly that the system of Marcellus, either in itself or in
its supposed logical consequences, is the main object of criticism all along. If we trace
throughout the Discourses the purpose of conciliating the ‘Conservative’ and Semi-Arian
party, we can well understand that Athanasius may have appended to them a section directed
against Monarchianism, which, in the persons of Marcellus and Photinus (whose names,
There is, however, some confusion in early citations, in mss., and in early editions as to the number of ‘Orations’ against the Arians. The confusion is due to the frequent practice of reckoning the Ep. Æg. as the first (or in one or two cases as the fourth; the Basel ms. counts de Incar. c. Ar. as the fifth, and our fourth as the sixth). Montfaucon (Monitum Migne xxvi. p. 10) ascribes this to the arrangement in many mss. by which the Ep. Æg. comes immediately before the ‘Orations.’ Being itself directed against the Arians it has come to be labelled λόγος πρῶτος
The title ‘Orations’ is consecrated by long use, and cannot be displaced, but it is unfortunate as implying, to our ears, oratorical delivery, for which the Discourses were never meant. The original Greek term (λόγος) is common to these Discourses with the c. Gentes, de Incarnatione, U+0026c., U+0026c.
A full analysis of these Discourses is given by Bishop Kaye (Council of Nicæa, in ‘Works,’ vol. v.); his strictures on Newman’s notes are occasionally very just. The Discourses are more concisely analysed by Ceillier (vol. v., pp. 218, sqq.) See also Dorner, Doctr. of Person of Christ, Part I., Div. 3, i. 3. The headings of Newman, prefixed to the ‘chapters,’ will supply the place of an analysis for readers of this volume. The translation which follows is that of Cardinal Newman, published in 1844 (the year before his secession), in the Oxford ‘Library of the Fathers.’ The copious and elaborate notes and discussions which accompany it have always been acknowledged to be a masterpiece of their illustrious author. The modern reader sits down to study Athanasius, and rises from his task filled with Newman. Like all the work of Newman included in this volume, translation and notes alike have been touched by the present editor with a reverent and a sparing hand.
The translation, which shews great care and fidelity, coupled with remarkable ingenuity and close study of characteristic phrases and idioms, has been, with two main exceptions, but little altered. These exceptions are (1) the substitution throughout of ‘essence’ for ‘substance,’ (2) an attempt to remedy the most unfortunate, though not unconsidered, confusion of γεννητός and γενητός under the single rendering ‘generate.’ A good rendering for the latter word and its cognates is indeed not easy to find (see above, p. 149); but it was felt impossible, even in deference to so great a name, after the note in Lightfoot’s Ignatius, to leave the matter as it stood.
With regard to the notes, the historical matter and the abundant cross references have
been thoroughly overhauled and in some cases modified without indication of the change.
Moreover, some theological notes of minor importance have been expunged to economise
space, while for the same reason, mere references have in many cases been reluctantly substituted
for the extensive patristic quotations. The notes to Orat. iv., which are less important
It is necessary to apologise to the reader for the hesitation which has been felt in touching, even to this slight extent, the work of John Henry Newman. The only apology which the editor of this volume cares to offer is for having done the little that seemed absolutely needed.
It may be added that the Cardinal published in 1881 (4th ed., 1888) a ‘free translation’ of the first three Discourses, based upon the Oxford translation, but of a totally different kind, amounting to a somewhat highly condensed paraphrase of the original in the luminous English of the Cardinal himself, rather than bound, as the older translation is, to the style of Athanasius. The new rendering includes the de Decretis and the de Synodis; almost all the notes are in a second volume.
The most convenient edition of the Greek text is that of Dr. Bright (Oxford, 1872), with an Introduction on the Life and Writings of Athanasius (rewritten for D.C.B., vol. i., pp. 179 sqq.). Table of Contents of the Four Discourses.
The following Table of Contents of Orat. i–iii. (the contents of Orat. iv. will be tabulated at the end of Exc. C.) must be supplemented by the fuller headings prefixed to Newman’s ‘chapters.’
Orat. i. 1–4. Introductory.
i. 5–7. a. The Arian doctrine as represented in the ‘Thalia.’
i. 8–10. b. Significance of the Controversy. General Subject of the Discourses: The Sonship of Christ.
i. 11–13. The Divine Sonship: (1) Eternal
i. 14–16. (2) Though real, not like earthly Sonship.
i. 17–21. (3) The true Sonship.
i. 22–29. Objections to the above discussed.
i. 30–34. (4) On the term ἀγένητος
i. 35, 36. (5) On the unchangeableness of the Son.
Orat. i. 37–iii. 58. (6) Discussion of controverted texts.
i. 37–64. Texts bearing on the exaltation of the Son (viz. Phil. ii. 9; Ps. xlv. 7, 8; Heb. i. 4).
(Excursus B. On the Arian formula πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν.)
ii. 1–82. b. Texts bearing on the ‘creation’ of the Son (viz. Heb. iii. 2; Acts ii. 36; Prov.
viii. 22; the latter occupying §§18–82).
iii. 1–25. g. Texts from the Fourth Gospel on the relation of the Son to the Father.
iii. 26–58. d. Texts bearing more directly on the Incarnation (Matt. xxviii. 18; Joh. iii. 35; Mark xiii. 32, Luke ii. 52, human knowledge, U+0026c., of Christ, §§42–53; Matt. xxvi. 39, U+0026c.).
iii. 58–67. (7) The Divine Sonship in relation to the Divine Will.
1. Of all other heresies which have departed from the truth it is acknowledged that they
have but devised1821 a madness, and their irreligiousness has long since become notorious
to all men. For that1822 their authors went out from us, it plainly follows, as the blessed John
has written, that they never thought nor now think with us. Wherefore, as saith the Saviour,
in that they gather not with us, they scatter with the devil, and keep an eye on those who
slumber, that, by this second sowing of their own mortal poison, they may have companions
in death. But, whereas one heresy, and that the last, which has now risen as harbinger1823
of Antichrist, the Arian, as it is called, considering that other heresies, her elder sisters, have
been openly proscribed, in her craft and cunning, affects to array herself in Scripture language1824,
like her father the devil, and is forcing her way back into the Church’s para-
2. For what have they discovered in this heresy like to the religious Faith, that they vainly
talk as if its supporters said no evil? This in truth is to call even Caiaphas1827 a Christian,
and to reckon the traitor Judas still among the Apostles, and to say that they who asked
Barabbas instead of the Saviour did no evil, and to recommend Hymenæus and Alexander
as right-minded men, and as if the Apostle slandered them. But neither can a Christian bear
to hear this, nor can he consider the man who dared to say it sane in his understanding. For
with them for Christ is Arius, as with the Manichees Manichæus; and for Moses and the
other saints they have made the discovery of one Sotades1828, a man whom even Gentiles
laugh at, and of the daughter of Herodias. For of the one has Arius imitated the dissolute
and effeminate tone, in writing Thaliæ on his model; and the other he has rivalled in her
3. Yes surely; while all of us are and are called Christians after Christ, Marcion broached a heresy a long time since and was cast out; and those who continued with him who ejected him remained Christians; but those who followed Marcion were called Christians no more, but henceforth Marcionites. Thus Valentinus also, and Basilides, and Manichæus, and Simon Magus, have imparted their own name to their followers; and some are accosted as Valentinians, or as Basilidians, or as Manichees, or as Simonians; and other, Cataphrygians from Phrygia, and from Novatus Novatians. So too Meletius, when ejected by Peter the Bishop and Martyr, called his party no longer Christians, but Meletians1832, and so in consequence when Alexander of blessed memory had cast out Arius, those who remained with Alexander, remained Christians; but those who went out with Arius, left the Saviour’s Name to us who were with Alexander, and as to them they were hence-forward denominated Arians. Behold then, after Alexander’s death too, those who communicate with his successor Athanasius, and those with whom the said Athanasius communicates, are instances of the same rule; none of them bear his name, nor is he named from them, but all in like manner, and as is usual, are called Christians. For though we have a succession of teachers and become their disciples, yet, because we are taught by them the things of Christ, we both are, and are called, Christians all the same. But those who follow the heretics, though they have innumerable successors in their heresy, yet anyhow bear the name of him who devised it. Thus, though Arius be dead, and many of his party have succeeded him, yet those who think with him, as being known from Arius, are called Arians. And, what is a remarkable evidence of this, those of the Greeks who even at this time come into the Church, on giving up the superstition of idols, take the name, not of their catechists, but of the Saviour, and begin to be called Christians instead of Greeks: while those of them who go off to the heretics, and again all who from the Church change to this heresy, abandon Christ’s name, and henceforth are called Arians, as no longer holding Christ’s faith, but having inherited Arius’s madness.
4. How then can they be Christians, who for Christians are Ario-maniacs1833? or how
are they of the Catholic Church, who have shaken off the Apostolical faith, and become
authors of fresh evils? who, after abandoning the oracles of divine Scripture, call Arius’s
Thaliæ a new wisdom? and with reason too, for they are announcing a new heresy. And
hence a man may marvel, that, whereas many have written many treatises and abundant
42. p. 366. ibid. 70. 15. vid. also Hær. 75. 6 fin. Cyril Cat. xviii. 26. ‘Christian is my name, Catholic my surname.’
Pacian. Ep. 1. ‘If you ever hear those who are called Christians, named, not from the Lord Jesus Christ, but from
some one else, say Marcionites, Valentinians, Mountaineers, Campestrians, know that it is not Christ’s Church,
but the synagogue of Antichrist.’ Jerom. adv. Lucif. fin.
5. Now the commencement of Arius’s Thalia and flippancy, effeminate in tune and
nature, runs thus:—
And the mockeries which he utters in it, repulsive and most irreligious, are such as
these1839:—‘God was not always a Father;’ but ‘once God was alone, and not yet a Father,
but afterwards He became a Father.’ ‘The Son was not always;’ for, whereas all things were
made out of nothing, and all existing creatures and works were made, so the Word of God
Himself was ‘made out of nothing,’ and ‘once He was not,’ and ‘He was not before His origination,’
but He as others ‘had an origin of creation.’ ‘For God,’ he says, ‘was alone, and
the Word as yet was not, nor the Wisdom. Then, wishing to form us, thereupon He made
a certain one, and named Him Word and Wisdom and Son, that He might form us by means
of Him.’ Accordingly, he says that there are two wisdoms, first, the attribute co-existent
with God, and next, that in this wisdom the Son was originated, and was only named Wisdom
and Word as partaking of it. ‘For Wisdom,’ saith he, ‘by the will of the wise God, had its
existence in Wisdom.’ In like manner, he says, that there is another Word in God besides
the Son, and that the Son again, as partaking of it, is named Word and Son according to
grace. And this too is an idea proper to their heresy, as shewn in other works of theirs, that
there are many powers; one of which is God’s own by nature and eternal; but that Christ,
on the other hand, is not the true power of God; but, as others, one of the so-called powers,
one of which, namely, the locust and the caterpillar1840, is called in Scripture, not merely
the power, but the ‘great power.’ The others are many and are like the Son, and of them
David speaks in the Psalms, when he says, ‘The Lord of hosts’ or ‘powers1841.’ And by nature,
6. Moreover he has dared to say, that ‘the Word is not the very God;’ ‘though He is
called God, yet He is not very God,’ but ‘by participation of grace, He, as others, is God only
in name.’ And, whereas all beings are foreign and different from God in essence, so too is
‘the Word alien and unlike in all things to the Father’s essence and propriety,’ but belongs
to things originated and created, and is one of these. Afterwards, as though he had succeeded
to the devil’s recklessness, he has stated in his Thalia, that ‘even to the Son the Father is invisible,’
and ‘the Word cannot perfectly and exactly either see or know His own Father;’ but
even what He knows and what He sees, He knows and sees ‘in proportion to His own
measure,’ as we also know according to our own power. For the Son, too, he says, not only
knows not the Father exactly, for He fails in comprehension1843, but ‘He knows not even
His own essence;’—and that ‘the essences of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost,
are separate in nature, and estranged, and disconnected, and alien1844, and without participation
of each other1845;’ and, in his own words, ‘utterly unlike from each other in essence
and glory, unto infinity.’ Thus as to ‘likeness of glory and essence,’ he says that the Word is
7. Who is there that hears all this, nay, the tune of the Thalia, but must hate, and justly
hate, this Arius jesting on such matters as on a stage1846? who but must regard him, when
he pretends to name God and speak of God, but as the serpent counselling the woman?
who, on reading what follows in his work, but must discern in his irreligious doctrine that
error, into which by his sophistries the serpent in the sequel seduced the woman? who at
such blasphemies is not transported? ‘The heaven,’ as the Prophet says, ‘was astonished,
and the earth shuddered1847’ at the transgression of the Law. But the sun, with greater horror,
impatient of the bodily contumelies, which the common Lord of all voluntarily endured for
us, turned away, and recalling his rays made that day sunless. And shall not all human kind
at Arius’s blasphemies be struck speechless, and stop their ears, and shut their eyes, to escape
hearing them or seeing their author? Rather, will not the Lord Himself have reason to denounce
men so irreligious, nay, so unthankful, in the words which He has already uttered
by the prophet Hosea, ‘Woe unto them, for they have fled from Me; destruction upon them,
for they have transgressed against Me; though I have redeemed them, yet they have spoken
lies against Me1848.’ And soon after, ‘They imagine mischief against Me; they turn away to
nothing1849.’ For to turn away from the Word of God, which is, and to fashion to themselves
one that is not, is to fall to what is nothing. For this was why the Ecumenical1850 Council,
when Arius thus spoke, cast him from the Church, and anathematized him, as impatient of
such irreligion. And ever since has Arius’s error been reckoned for a heresy more than ordinary,
being known as Christ’s foe, and harbinger1851 of Antichrist. Though then so great
a condemnation be itself of special weight to make men flee from that irreligious heresy1852,
as I said above, yet since certain persons called Christian, either in ignorance or pretence,
think it, as I then said, little different from the Truth, and call its professors Christians;
proceed we to put some questions to them, according to our powers, thereby to expose the
8. If then the use of certain phrases of divine Scripture changes, in their opinion, the
blasphemy of the Thalia into reverent language, of course they ought also to deny Christ
with the present Jews, when they see how they study the Law and the Prophets; perhaps too
they will deny the Law1853 and the Prophets like Manichees1854, because the latter read
some portions of the Gospels. If such bewilderment and empty speaking be from ignorance,
Scripture will teach them, that the devil, the author of heresies, because of the ill savour
which attaches to evil, borrows Scripture language, as a cloak wherewith to sow the ground
with his own poison also, and to seduce the simple. Thus he deceived Eve; thus he framed
former heresies; thus he persuaded Arius at this time to make a show of speaking against
those former ones, that he might introduce his own without observation. And yet, after all,
the man of craft did not escape. For being irreligious towards the Word of God, he lost his
all at once1855, and betrayed to all men his ignorance of other heresies too1856; and having
not a particle of truth in his belief, does but pretend to it. For how can he speak truth concerning
the Father, who denies the Son, that reveals concerning Him? or how can he be orthodox
concerning the Spirit, while he speaks profanely of the Word that supplies the
Spirit? and who will trust him concerning the Resurrection, denying, as he does, Christ for
us the first-begotten from the dead? and how shall he not err in respect to His incarnate
presence, who is simply ignorant of the Son’s genuine and true generation from the Father?
For thus, the former Jews also, denying the Word, and saying, ‘We have no king but
Cæsar1857,’ were forthwith stripped of all they had, and forfeited the light of the Lamp, the
odour of ointment, knowledge of prophecy, and the Truth itself; till now they understand
9. For, behold, we take divine Scripture, and thence discourse with freedom of the religious
Faith, and set it up as a light upon its candlestick, saying:—Very Son of the Father,
natural and genuine, proper to His essence, Wisdom Only-begotten, and Very and Only
Word of God is He; not a creature or work, but an offspring proper to the Father’s essence.
Wherefore He is very God, existing one1865 in essence with the very Father; while other
10. Which of the two theologies sets forth our Lord Jesus Christ as God and Son of the
Father, this which you vomited forth, or that which we have spoken and maintain from the
Scriptures? If the Saviour be not God, nor Word, nor Son, you shall have leave to say what
you will, and so shall the Gentiles, and the present Jews. But if He be Word of the Father
and true Son, and God from God, and ‘over all blessed for ever1872,’ is it not becoming to
obliterate and blot out those other phrases and that Arian Thalia, as but a pattern of evil, a
store of all irreligion, into which, whoso falls, ‘knoweth not that giants perish with her, and
reacheth the depths of Hades1873?’ This they know themselves, and in their craft they conceal
it, not having the courage to speak out, but uttering something else1874. For if they speak,
a condemnation will follow; and if they be suspected, proofs from Scripture will be cast1875
at them from every side. Wherefore, in their craft, as children of this world, after feeding
their so-called lamp from the wild olive, and fearing lest it should soon be quenched (for it
is said, ‘the light of the wicked shall be put out1876,’) they hide it under the bushel1877 of
their hypocrisy, and make a different profession, and boast of patronage of friends and authority
of Constantius, that what with their hypocrisy and their professions, those who come
to them may be kept from seeing how foul their heresy is. Is it not detestable even in this,
that it dares not speak out, but is kept hid by its own friends, and fostered as serpents are?
for from what sources have they got together these words? or from whom have they received
what they venture to say1878? Not any one man can they specify who has supplied it. For
who is there in all mankind, Greek or Barbarian, who ventures to rank among creatures
One whom he confesses the while to be God and says, that He was not till He was made? or
who is there, who to the God in whom he has put faith, refuses to give credit, when He says,
‘This is My beloved Son1879,’ on the pretence that He is not a Son, but a creature? rather,
such madness would rouse an universal indignation. Nor does Scripture afford them any
pretext; for it has been often shewn, and it shall be shewn now, that their doctrine is alien
to the divine oracles. Therefore, since all that remains is to say that from the devil came
their mania (for of such opinions he alone is sower1880), proceed we to resist him—for with
11. At his suggestion then ye have maintained and ye think, that ‘there was once when
the Son was not;’ this is the first cloke of your views of doctrine which has to be stripped
off. Say then what was once when the Son was not, O slanderous and irreligious men1881?
If ye say the Father, your blasphemy is but greater; for it is impious to say that He was ‘once,’
or to signify Him by the word ‘once.’ For He is ever, and is now, and as the Son is, so is He,
and is Himself He that is, and Father of the Son. But if ye say that the Son was once, when
He Himself was not, the answer is foolish and unmeaning. For how could He both be and
not be? In this difficulty, you can but answer, that there was a time when the Word was not;
for your very adverb ‘once’ naturally signifies this. And your other, ‘The Son was not before
His generation,’ is equivalent to saying, ‘There was once when He was not,’ for both the one
and the other signify that there is a time before the Word. Whence then this your discovery?
Why do ye, as ‘the heathen, rage, and imagine vain phrases against the Lord1882 and against
His Christ?’ for no holy Scripture has used such language of the Saviour, but rather ‘always’
and ‘eternal’ and ‘coexistent always with the Father.’ For, ‘In the beginning was the Word,
and the Word was with God, and the Word was God1883.’ And in the Apocalypse he thus
speaks1884; ‘Who is and who was and who is to come.’ Now who can rob ‘who is’ and ‘who
was’ of eternity? This too in confutation of the Jews hath Paul written in his Epistle to the
Romans, ‘Of whom as concerning the flesh is Christ, who is over all, God blessed for ever1885;’
while silencing the Greeks, he has said, ‘The visible things of Him from the creation of the
world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even His eternal Power
12. For after making mention of the creation, he naturally speaks of the Framer’s Power
as seen in it, which Power, I say, is the Word of God, by whom all things have been made.
If indeed the creation is sufficient of itself alone, without the Son, to make God known, see
that you fall not, from thinking that without the Son it has come to be. But if through the
Son it has come to be, and ‘in Him all things consist1889,’ it must follow that he who contem-
13. It is plain then from the above that the Scriptures declare the Son’s eternity; it is
equally plain from what follows that the Arian phrases ‘He was not,’ and ‘before’ and ‘when,’
are in the same Scriptures predicated of creatures. Moses, for instance, in his account of the
generation of our system, says, ‘And every plant of the field, before it was in the earth, and
every herb of the field before it grew; for the Lord God had not caused it to rain upon the
earth, and there was not a man to till the ground1904.’ And in Deuteronomy, ‘When the
Most High divided to the nations1905.’ And the Lord said in His own Person, ‘If ye loved
Me, ye would rejoice because I said, I go unto the Father, for My Father is greater than I.
And now I have told you before it come to pass, that when it is come to pass, ye might believe1906.’
And concerning the creation He says by Solomon, ‘Or ever the earth was, when
there were no depths, I was brought forth; when there were no fountains abounding with
water. Before the mountains were settled, before the hills, was I brought forth1907.’ And,
‘Before Abraham was, I am1908.’ And concerning Jeremiah He says, ‘Before I formed thee
in the womb, I knew thee1909.’ And David in the Psalm says, ‘Before the mountains were
brought forth, or ever the earth and the world were made, Thou art, God from everlasting
and world without end1910.’ And in Daniel, ‘Susanna cried out with a loud voice and said,
O everlasting God, that knowest the secrets, and knowest all things before they be1911.’ Thus
it appears that the phrases ‘once was not,’ and ‘before it came to be,’ and ‘when,’ and the
like, belong to things originate and creatures, which come out of nothing, but are alien to
14. When these points are thus proved, their profaneness goes further. ‘If there never
was, when the Son was not,’ say they, ‘but He is eternal, and coexists with the Father, you
call Him no more the Father’s Son, but brother1914.’ O insensate and contentious! For if we
said only that He was eternally with the Father, and not His Son, their pretended scruple
would have some plausibility; but if, while we say that He is eternal, we also confess Him to
be Son from the Father, how can He that is begotten be considered brother of Him who
begets? And if our faith is in Father and Son, what brotherhood is there between them? and
how can the Word be called brother of Him whose Word He is? This is not an objection of
men really ignorant, for they comprehend how the truth lies; but it is a Jewish pretence, and
that from those who, in Solomon’s words, ‘through desire separate themselves1915’ from
the truth. For the Father and the Son were not generated from some pre-existing origin1916,
that we may account Them brothers, but the Father is the Origin of the Son and begat Him;
and the Father is Father, and not born the Son of any; and the Son is Son, and not brother.
Further, if He is called the eternal offspring1917 of the Father, He is rightly so called. For
15. But if on the other hand, while they acknowledge with us the name of ‘Son,’ from an unwillingness to be publicly and generally condemned, they deny that the Son is the proper offspring of the Father’s essence, on the ground that this must imply parts and divisions1923; what is this but to deny that He is very Son, and only in name to call Him Son at all? And is it not a grievous error, to have material thoughts about what is immaterial, and because of the weakness of their proper nature to deny what is natural and proper to the Father? It does but remain, that they should deny Him also, because they understand not how God is1924, and what the Father is, now that, foolish men, they measure by themselves the Offspring of the Father. And persons in such a state of mind as to consider that there cannot be a Son of God, demand our pity; but they must be interrogated and exposed for the chance of bringing them to their senses. If then, as you say, ‘the Son is from nothing,’ and ‘was not before His generation,’ He, of course, as well as others, must be called Son and God and Wisdom only by participation; for thus all other creatures consist, and by sanctification are glorified. You have to tell us then, of what He is partaker1925. All other things partake of the Spirit, but He, according to you, of what is He partaker? of the Spirit? Nay, rather the Spirit Himself takes from the Son, as He Himself says; and it is not reasonable to say that the latter is sanctified by the former. Therefore it is the Father that He partakes; for this only remains to say. But this, which is participated, what is it or whence1926? If it be something external provided by the Father, He will not now be partaker of the Father, but of what is external to Him; and no longer will He be even second after the Father, since He has before Him this other; nor can He be called Son of the Father, but of that, as partaking which He has been called Son and God. And if this be unseemly and irreligious, when the Father says, ‘This is My Beloved Son1927,’ and when the Son says that God is His own Father, it follows that what is partaken is not external, but from the essence of the Father. And as to this again, if it be other than the essence of the Son, an equal extravagance will meet us; there being in that case something between this that is from the Father and the essence of the Son, whatever that be1928.
16. Such thoughts then being evidently unseemly and untrue, we are driven to say that
what is from the essence of the Father, and proper to Him, is entirely the Son; for it is all
one to say that God is wholly participated, and that He begets; and what does begetting
signify but a Son? And thus of the Son Himself, all things partake according to the grace of
the Spirit coming from Him1929; and this shews that the Son Himself partakes of nothing,
but what is partaken from the Father, is the Son; for, as partaking of the Son Himself, we
are said to partake of God; and this is what Peter said ‘that ye may be partakers in a divine
nature1930;’ as says too the Apostle, ‘Know ye not, that ye are a temple of God?’ and, ‘We
are the temple of a living God1931.’ And beholding the Son, we see the Father; for the
thought1932 and comprehension of the Son, is knowledge concerning the Father, because
He is His proper offspring from His essence. And since to be partaken no one of us would
ever call affection or division of God’s essence (for it has been shewn and acknowledged
that God is participated, and to be participated is the same thing as to beget); therefore that
which is begotten is neither affection nor division of that blessed essence. Hence it is not
incredible that God should have a Son, the Offspring of His own essence; nor do we imply
affection or division of God’s essence, when we speak of ‘Son’ and ‘Offspring;’ but rather,
as acknowledging the genuine, and true, and Only-begotten of God, so we believe. If then,
as we have stated and are shewing, what is the Offspring of the Father’s essence be the Son,
we cannot hesitate, rather we must be certain, that the same1933 is the Wisdom and Word
of the Father, in and through whom He creates and makes all things; and His Brightness
too, in whom He enlightens all things, and is revealed to whom He will; and His Expression
and Image also, in whom He is contemplated and known, wherefore ‘He and His Father
are one1934,’ and whoso looketh on Him looketh on the Father; and the Christ, in whom all
17. This is of itself a sufficient refutation of the Arian heresy; however, its heterodoxy will appear also from the following:—If God be Maker and Creator, and create His works through the Son, and we cannot regard things which come to be, except as being through the Word, is it not blasphemous, God being Maker, to say, that His Framing Word and His Wisdom once was not? it is the same as saying, that God is not Maker, if He had not His proper Framing Word which is from Him, but that that by which He frames, accrues to Him from without1936, and is alien from Him, and unlike in essence. Next, let them tell us this,—or rather learn from it how irreligious they are in saying, ‘Once He was not,’ and, ‘He was not before His generation;’—for if the Word is not with the Father from everlasting, the Triad is not everlasting; but a Monad was first, and afterwards by addition it became a Triad; and so as time went on, it seems what we know concerning God grew and took shape1937. And further, if the Son is not proper offspring of the Father’s essence, but of nothing has come to be, then of nothing the Triad consists, and once there was not a Triad, but a Monad; and a Triad once with deficiency, and then complete; deficient, before the Son was originated, complete when He had come to be; and henceforth a thing originated is reckoned with the Creator, and what once was not has divine worship and glory with Him who was ever1938. Nay, what is more serious still, the Triad is discovered to be unlike Itself, consisting of strange and alien natures and essences. And this, in other words, is saying, that the Triad has an originated consistence. What sort of a religion then is this, which is not even like itself, but is in process of completion as time goes on, and is now not thus, and then again thus? For probably it will receive some fresh accession, and so on without limit, since at first and at starting it took its consistence by way of accessions. And so undoubtedly it may decrease on the contrary, for what is added plainly admits of being subtracted.
18. But this is not so: perish the thought; the Triad is not originated; but there is an eternal and one Godhead in a Triad, and there is one Glory of the Holy Triad. And you presume to divide it into different natures; the Father being eternal, yet you say of the Word which is seated by Him, ‘Once He was not;’ and, whereas the Son is seated by the Father, yet you think to place Him far from Him. The Triad is Creator and Framer, and you fear not to degrade It to things which are from nothing; you scruple not to equal servile beings to the nobility of the Triad, and to rank the King, the Lord of Sabaoth with subjects1939. Cease this confusion of things unassociable, or rather of things which are not with Him who is. Such statements do not glorify and honour the Lord, but the reverse; for he who dishonours the Son, dishonours also the Father. For if the doctrine of God is now perfect in a Triad, and this is the true and only Religion, and this is the good and the truth, it must have been always so, unless the good and the truth be something that came after, and the doctrine of God is completed by additions. I say, it must have been eternally so; but if not eternally, not so at present either, but at present so, as you suppose it was from the beginning,—I mean, not a Triad now. But such heretics no Christian would bear; it belongs to Greeks, to introduce an originated Triad, and to level It with things originate; for these do admit of deficiencies and additions; but the faith of Christians acknowledges the blessed Triad as unalterable and perfect and ever what It was, neither adding to It what is more, nor imputing to It any loss (for both ideas are irreligious), and therefore it dissociates It from all things generated, and it guards as indivisible and worships the unity of the Godhead Itself; and shuns the Arian blasphemies, and confesses and acknowledges that the Son was ever; for He is eternal, as is the Father, of whom He is the Eternal Word,—to which subject let us now return again.
19. If God be, and be called, the Fountain of wisdom and life—as He says by Jeremiah,
‘They have forsaken Me the Fountain of living waters1940;’ and again, ‘A glorious high throne
from the beginning, is the place of our sanctuary; O Lord, the Hope of Israel, all that forsake
Thee shall be ashamed, and they that depart from Me shall be written in the earth, because
they have forsaken the Lord, the Fountain of living waters1941;’ and in the book of Baruch
it is written, ‘Thou hast forsaken the Fountain of wisdom1942,’—this implies that life and
wisdom are not foreign to the Essence of the Fountain, but are proper to It, nor were at any
time without existence, but were always. Now the Son is all this, who says, ‘I am the Life1943,’
and, ‘I Wisdom dwell with prudence1944.’ Is it not then irreligious to say, ‘Once the Son was
20. When then was God without that which is proper to Him? or how can a man consider
that which is proper, as foreign and alien in essence? for other things, according to the nature
of things originate, are without likeness in essence with the Maker; but are external to Him,
made by the Word at His grace and will, and thus admit of ceasing to be, if it so pleases Him
who made them1955; for such is the nature of things originate1956. But as to what is proper
to the Father’s essence (for this we have already found to be the Son), what daring is it in
irreligion to say that ‘This comes from nothing,’ and that ‘It was not before generation,’ but
was adventitious1957, and can at some time cease to be again? Let a person only dwell upon
this thought, and he will discern how the perfection and the plenitude of the Father’s essence
is impaired by this heresy; however, he will see its unseemliness still more clearly, if he
21. Proceed we then to consider the attributes of the Father, and we shall come to know
whether this Image is really His. The Father is eternal, immortal, powerful, light, King,
Sovereign, God, Lord, Creator, and Maker. These attributes must be in the Image, to make
it true that he ‘that hath seen’ the Son ‘hath seen the Father1961.’ If the Son be not all this,
but, as the Arians consider, originate, and not eternal, this is not a true Image of the Father,
unless indeed they give up shame, and go on to say, that the title of Image, given to the Son,
is not a token of a similar essence1962, but His name1963 only. But this, on the other hand,
22. Therefore he who asks why the Son is not to beget a son, must inquire why the Father had not a father. But both suppositions are unseemly and full of impiety. For as the Father is ever Father and never could become Son, so the Son is ever Son and never could become Father. For in this rather is He shewn to be the Father’s Expression and Image, remaining what He is and not changing, but thus receiving from the Father to be one and the same. If then the Father change, let the Image change; for so is the Image and Radiance in its relation towards Him who begat It. But if the Father is unalterable, and what He is that He continues, necessarily does the Image also continue what He is, and will not alter. Now He is Son from the Father; therefore He will not become other than is proper to the Father’s essence. Idly then have the foolish ones devised this objection also, wishing to separate the Image from the Father, that they might level the Son with things originated.
22 (continued). Ranking Him among these, according to the teaching of Eusebius, and
accounting Him such as the things which come into being through Him, Arius and his fellows
revolted from the truth, and used, when they commenced this heresy, to go about with dishonest
phrases which they had got together; nay, up to this time some of them1968, when
they fall in with boys in the market-place, question them, not out of divine Scripture, but
thus, as if bursting with ‘the abundance of their heart1969;’—‘He who is, did He make him
who was not, from that which was [not], or him who was? therefore did He make the Son,
whereas He was, or whereas He was not1970?’ And again, ‘Is the Unoriginate one or two?’
23. Words so senseless and dull deserved no answer at all; however, lest their heresy appear to have any foundation, it may be right, though we go out of the way for it, to refute them even here, especially on account of the silly women who are so readily deceived by them. When they thus speak, they should have inquired of an architect, whether he can build without materials; and if he cannot, whether it follows that God could not make the universe without materials1972. Or they should have asked every man, whether he can be without place; and if he cannot, whether it follows that God is in place, that so they may be brought to shame even by their audience. Or why is it that, on hearing that God has a Son, they deny Him by the parallel of themselves; whereas, if they hear that He creates and makes, no longer do they object their human ideas? they ought in creation also to entertain the same, and to supply God with materials, and so deny Him to be Creator, till they end in grovelling with Manichees. But if the bare idea of God transcends such thoughts, and, on very first hearing, a man believes and knows that He is in being, not as we are, and yet in being as God, and creates not as man creates, but yet creates as God, it is plain that He begets also not as men beget, but begets as God. For God does not make man His pattern; but rather we men, for that God is properly, and alone truly1973, Father of His Son, are also called fathers of our own children; for of Him ‘is every fatherhood in heaven and earth named1974.’ And their positions, while unscrutinized, have a shew of sense; but if any one scrutinize them by reason, they will be found to incur much derision and mockery.
24. For first of all, as to their first question, which is such as this, how dull and vague it
is! they do not explain who it is they ask about, so as to allow of an answer, but they say abstractedly,
‘He who is,’ ‘him who is not.’ Who then ‘is,’ and what ‘are not,’ O Arians? or who
‘is,’ and who ‘is not?’ what are said ‘to be,’ what ‘not to be?’ for He that is, can make things
which are not, and which are, and which were before. For instance, carpenter, and goldsmith,
and potter, each, according to his own art, works upon materials previously existing, making
what vessels he pleases; and the God of all Himself, having taken the dust of the earth existing
and already brought to be, fashions man; that very earth, however, whereas it was not once,
25. They had best have been silent; but since it is otherwise, it remains to meet their
shameless question with a bold retort1978. Perhaps on seeing the counter absurdities which
beset themselves, they may cease to fight against the truth. After many prayers1979 then that
God would be gracious to us, thus we might ask them in turn; God who is, has He so become,
whereas He was not? or is He also before His coming into being? whereas He is, did He
make Himself, or is He of nothing, and being nothing before, did He suddenly appear
Himself? Unseemly is such an enquiry, both unseemly and very blasphemous, yet parallel
with theirs; for the answer they make abounds in irreligion. But if it be blasphemous and
utterly irreligious thus to inquire about God, it will be blasphemous too to make the like
inquiries about His Word. However, by way of exposing a question so senseless and so dull,
it is necessary to answer thus:—whereas God is, He was eternally; since then the Father is
ever, His Radiance ever is, which is His Word. And again, God who is, hath from Himself
His Word who also is; and neither hath the Word been added, whereas He was not before,
nor was the Father once without Reason. For this assault upon the Son makes the blasphemy
26. This is sufficient from us in answer to their first question. And now on your part, O Arians, remembering your own words, tell us whether He who was needed one who was not for the framing of the universe, or one who was? You said that He made for Himself His Son out of nothing, as an instrument whereby to make the universe. Which then is superior, that which needs or that which supplies the need? or does not each supply the deficiency of the other? You rather prove the weakness of the Maker, if He had not power of Himself to make the universe, but provided for Himself an instrument from without1982, as carpenter might do or shipwright, unable to work anything without adze and saw! Can anything be more irreligious? yet why should one dwell on its heinousness, when enough has gone before to shew that their doctrine is a mere fantasy?
26. (continued). Nor is answer needful to their other very simple and foolish inquiry,
which they put to silly women; or none besides that which has been already given, namely,
that it is not suitable to measure divine generation by the nature of men. However, that as
before they may pass judgment on themselves, it is well to meet them on the same ground,
thus:—Plainly, if they inquire of parents concerning their son, let them consider whence is
the child which is begotten. For, granting the parent had not a son before his begetting, still,
after having him, he had him, not as external or as foreign, but as from himself, and proper
to his essence and his exact image, so that the former is beheld in the latter, and the latter
is contemplated in the former. If then they assume from human examples that generation
implies time, why not from the same infer that it implies the Natural and the Proper1983,
instead of extracting serpent-like from the earth only what turns to poison? Those who ask
of parents, and say, ‘Had you a son before you begot him?’ should add, ‘And if you had a
son, did you purchase him from without as a house or any other possession?’ And then you
would be answered, ‘He is not from without, but from myself. For things which are from
without are possessions, and pass from one to another; but my son is from me, proper and
similar to my essence, not become mine from another, but begotten of me; wherefore I too
am wholly in him, while I remain myself what I am1984.’ For so it is; though the parent be
27. Therefore, if on asking parents about children, they get for answer, that children which are by nature are not from without, but from their parents, let them confess in like manner concerning the Word of God, that He is simply from the Father. And if they make a question of the time, let them say what is to restrain God—for it is necessary to prove their irreligion on the very ground on which their scoff is made—let them tell us, what is there to restrain God from being always Father of the Son; for that what is begotten must be from its father is undeniable. Moreover, they will pass judgment on themselves in attributing1985 such things to God, if, as they questioned women on the subject of time, so they inquire of the sun concerning its radiance, and of the fountain concerning its issue. They will find that these, though an offspring, always exist with those things from which they are. And if parents, such as these, have in common with their children nature and duration, why, if they suppose God inferior to things that come to be1986, do they not openly say out their own irreligion? But if they do not dare to say this openly, and the Son is confessed to be, not from without, but a natural offspring from the Father, and that there is nothing which is a restraint to God (for not as man is He, but more than the sun, or rather the God of the sun), it follows that the Word is from Him and is ever co-existent with Him, through whom also the Father caused that all things which were not should be. That then the Son comes not of nothing but is eternal and from the Father, is certain even from the nature of the case; and the question of the heretics to parents exposes their perverseness; for they confess the point of nature, and now have been put to shame on the point of time.
28. As we said above, so now we repeat, that the divine generation must not be compared
to the nature of men, nor the Son considered to be part of God, nor the generation to imply
29. But, observe, say they, God was always a Maker, nor is the power of framing adventitious
to Him; does it follow then, that, because He is the Framer of all, therefore His works
also are eternal, and is it wicked to say of them too, that they were not before origination?
Senseless are these Arians; for what likeness is there between Son and work, that they should
parallel a father’s with a maker’s function? How is it that, with that difference between offspring
and work, which has been shewn, they remain so ill-instructed? Let it be repeated
then, that a work is external to the nature, but a son is the proper offspring of the essence;
it follows that a work need not have been always, for the workman frames it when he will;
but an offspring is not subject to will, but is proper to the essence1990. And a man may be
and may be called Maker, though the works are not as yet; but father he cannot be called,
nor can he be, unless a son exist. And if they curiously inquire why God, though always
with the power to make, does not always make (though this also be the presumption of
madmen, for ‘who hath known the mind of the Lord, or who hath been His Counsellor?’
or how ‘shall the thing formed say to’ the potter, ‘why didst thou make me thus1991?’ however,
not to leave even a weak argument unnoticed), they must be told, that although God always
had the power to make, yet the things originated had not the power of being eternal1992.
For they are out of nothing, and therefore were not before their origination; but things which
were not before their origination, how could these coexist with the ever-existing God?
Wherefore God, looking to what was good for them, then made them all when He saw that,
when originated, they were able to abide. And as, though He was able, even from the begin-
30. These considerations encourage the faithful, and distress the heretical, perceiving,
as they do, their heresy overthrown thereby. Moreover, their further question, ‘whether the
Unoriginate be one or two1993,’ shews how false are their views, how treacherous and full
of guile. Not for the Father’s honour ask they this, but for the dishonour of the Word. Accordingly,
should any one, not aware of their craft, answer, ‘the Unoriginated is one,’
forthwith they spirit out their own venom, saying, ‘Therefore the Son is among things originated,’
and well have we said, ‘He was not before His generation.’ Thus they make any
kind of disturbance and confusion, provided they can but separate the Son from the Father,
and reckon the Framer of all among His works. Now first they may be convicted on this
score, that, while blaming the Nicene Bishops for their use of phrases not in Scripture,
though these not injurious, but subversive of their irreligion, they themselves went off upon
the same fault, that is, using words not in Scripture1994, and those in contumely of the Lord,
knowing ‘neither what they say nor whereof they affirm1995.’ For instance, let them ask the
31. But if they still are satisfied with merely asking, ‘Is the Unoriginate one or two?’ they
must be told first of all, as ill-educated men, that many are such and nothing is such, many,
which are capable of origination, and nothing, which is not capable, as has been said. But
if they ask according as Asterius ruled it, as if ‘what is not a work but was always’ were unoriginate,
then they must constantly be told that the Son as well as the Father must in this
sense be called unoriginate. For He is neither in the number of things originated, nor a work,
but has ever been with the Father, as has already been shewn, in spite of their many variations
for the sole sake of speaking against the Lord, ‘He is of nothing’ and ‘He was not before His
generation.’ When then, after failing at every turn, they betake themselves to the other sense
of the question, ‘existing but not generated of any nor having a father,’ we shall tell them
that the unoriginate in this sense is only one, namely the Father; and they will gain nothing
by their question1998. For to say that God is in this sense Unoriginate, does not shew that
32. However, I suppose even they will be unwilling to proceed to such lengths, if they follow Asterius the sophist. For he, earnest as he is in his advocacy of the Arian heresy, and maintaining that the Unoriginate is one, runs counter to them in saying, that the Wisdom of God is unoriginate and without beginning also. The following is a passage out of his work2000: ‘The Blessed Paul said not that he preached Christ the power of God or the wisdom of God, but, without the article, ‘God’s power and God’s wisdom2001;’ thus preaching that the proper power of God Himself, which is natural to Him and co-existent with Him unoriginatedly, is something besides.’ And again, soon after: ‘However, His eternal power and wisdom, which truth argues to be without beginning and unoriginate; this must surely be one.’ For though, misunderstanding the Apostle’s words, he considered that there were two wisdoms; yet, by speaking still of a wisdom coexistent with Him, he declares that the Unoriginate is not simply one, but that there is another Unoriginate with Him. For what is coexistent, coexists not with itself, but with another. If then they agree with Asterius, let them never ask again, ‘Is the Unoriginate one or two,’ or they will have to contest the point with him; if, on the other hand, they differ even from him, let them not rely upon his treatise, lest, ‘biting one another, they be consumed one of another2002.’ So much on the point of their ignorance; but who can say enough on their crafty character? who but would justly hate them while possessed by such a madness? for when they were no longer allowed to say ‘out of nothing’ and ‘He was not before His generation,’ they hit upon this word ‘unoriginate,’ that, by saying among the simple that the Son was ‘originate,’ they might imply the very same phrases ‘out of nothing,’ and ‘He once was not;’ for in such phrases things originated and creatures are implied.
33. If they have confidence in their own positions, they should stand to them, and not
change about so variously2003; but this they will not, from an idea that success is easy, if
34. Therefore it is more pious and more accurate to signify God from the Son and call Him Father, than to name Him from His works only and call Him Unoriginate2008. For the latter title, as I have said, does nothing more than signify all the works, individually and collectively, which have come to be at the will of God through the Word; but the title Father has its significance and its bearing only from the Son. And, whereas the Word surpasses things originated, by so much and more doth calling God Father surpass the calling Him Unoriginate. For the latter is unscriptural and suspicious, because it has various senses; so that, when a man is asked concerning it, his mind is carried about to many ideas; but the word Father is simple and scriptural, and more accurate, and only implies the Son. And ‘Unoriginate’ is a word of the Greeks, who know not the Son; but ‘Father’ has been acknowledged and vouchsafed by our Lord. For He, knowing Himself whose Son He was, said, ‘I am in the Father, and the Father is in Me;’ and, ‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father,’ and ‘I and the Father are One2009;’ but nowhere is He found to call the Father Unoriginate. Moreover, when He teaches us to pray, He says not, ‘When ye pray, say, O God Unoriginate,’ but rather, ‘When ye pray, say, Our Father, which art in heaven2010.’ And it was His will that the Summary2011 of our faith should have the same bearing, in bidding us be baptized, not into the name of Unoriginate and originate, nor into the name of Creator and creature, but into the Name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. For with such an initiation we too, being numbered among works, are made sons, and using the name of the Father, acknowledge from that name the Word also in the Father Himself2012. A vain thing then is their argument about the term ‘Unoriginate,’ as is now proved, and nothing more than a fantasy.
35. As to their question whether the Word is alterable2013, it is superfluous to examine it; it is enough simply to write down what they say, and so to shew its daring irreligion. How they trifle, appears from the following questions:—‘Has He free will, or has He not? is He good from choice according to free will, and can He, if He will, alter, being of an alterable nature? or, as wood or stone, has He not His choice free to be moved and incline hither and thither?’ It is but agreeable to their heresy thus to speak and think; for, when once they have framed to themselves a God out of nothing and a created Son, of course they also adopt such terms, as being suitable to a creature. However, when in their controversies with Churchmen they hear from them of the real and only Word of the Father, and yet venture thus to speak of Him, does not their doctrine then become the most loathsome that can be found? is it not enough to distract a man on mere hearing, though unable to reply, and to make him stop his ears, from astonishment at the novelty of what he hears them say, which even to mention is to blaspheme? For if the Word be alterable and changing, where will He stay, and what will be the end of His development? how shall the alterable possibly be like the Unalterable? How should he who has seen the alterable, be considered to have seen the Unalterable? At what state must He arrive, for us to be able to behold in Him the Father? for it is plain that not at all times shall we see the Father in the Son, because the Son is ever altering, and is of changing nature. For the Father is unalterable and unchangeable, and is always in the same state and the same; but if, as they hold, the Son is alterable, and not always the same, but of an ever-changing nature, how can such a one be the Father’s Image, not having the likeness of His unalterableness2014? how can He be really in the Father, if His purpose is indeterminate? Nay, perhaps, as being alterable, and advancing daily, He is not perfect yet. But away with such madness of the Arians, and let the truth shine out, and shew that they are foolish. For must not He be perfect who is equal to God? and must not He be unalterable, who is one with the Father, and His Son proper to His essence? and the Father’s essence being unalterable, unalterable must be also the proper Offspring from it. And if they slanderously impute alteration to the Word, let them learn how much their own reason is in peril; for from the fruit is the tree known. For this is why he who hath seen the Son hath seen the Father; and why the knowledge of the Son is knowledge of the Father.
36. Therefore the Image of the unalterable God must be unchangeable; for ‘Jesus Christ
is the same yesterday, to-day, and for ever2015.’ And David in the Psalm says of Him, ‘Thou,
Lord, in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth, and the heavens are the work
of Thine hands. They shall perish, but Thou remainest; and they all shall wax old as doth a
garment. And as a vesture shalt Thou fold them up, and they shall be changed, but Thou
art the same, and Thy years shall not fail2016.’ And the Lord Himself says of Himself through
the Prophet, ‘See now that I, even I am He,’ and ‘I change not2017.’ It may be said indeed
that what is here signified relates to the Father; yet it suits the Son also to say this, specially
because, when made man, He manifests His own identity and unalterableness to such as
suppose that by reason of the flesh He is changed and become other than He was. More
trustworthy are the saints, or rather the Lord, than the perversity of the irreligious. For
Scripture, as in the above-cited passage of the Psalter, signifying under the name of heaven
and earth, that the nature of all things originate and created is alterable and changeable, yet
excepting the Son from these, shews us thereby that He is no wise a thing originate; nay
teaches that He changes everything else, and is Himself not changed, in saying, ‘Thou art
the same, and Thy years shall not fail2018.’ And with reason; for things originate, being from
nothing2019, and not being before their origination, because, in truth, they come to be after
not being, have a nature which is changeable; but the Son, being from the Father, and
proper to His essence, is unchangeable and unalterable as the Father Himself. For it were
sin to say that from that essence which is unalterable was begotten an alterable word and a
changeable wisdom. For how is He longer the Word, if He be alterable? or can that be
Wisdom which is changeable? unless perhaps, as accident in essence2020, so they would
have it, viz. as in any particular essence, a certain grace and habit of virtue exists accidentally,
which is called Word and Son and Wisdom, and admits of being taken from it and added
to it. For they have often expressed this sentiment, but it is not the faith of Christians; as
not declaring that He is truly Word and Son of God, or that the wisdom intended is true
Wisdom. For what alters and changes, and has no stay in one and the same condition, how
can that be true? whereas the Lord says, ‘I am the Truth2021.’ If then the Lord Himself speaks
thus concerning Himself, and declares His unalterableness, and the Saints have learned and
testify this, nay and our notions of God acknowledge it as religious, whence did these men
—Texts Explained; And First, Phil. II. 9, 10 Various texts which are alleged against the Catholic doctrine: e.g. Phil. ii. 9, 10. Whether the words ‘Wherefore God hath highly exalted’ prove moral probation and advancement. Argued against, first, from the force of the word ‘Son;’ which is inconsistent with such an interpretation. Next, the passage examined. Ecclesiastical sense of ‘highly exalted,’ and ‘gave,’ and ‘wherefore;’ viz. as being spoken with reference to our Lord’s manhood. Secondary sense; viz. as implying the Word’s ‘exaltation’ through the resurrection in the same sense in which Scripture speaks of His descent in the Incarnation; how the phrase does not derogate from the nature of the Word.
37. But since they allege the divine oracles and force on them a misinterpretation, according
to their private sense2023, it becomes necessary to meet them just so far as to vindicate
these passages, and to shew that they bear an orthodox sense, and that our opponents are
in error. They say then, that the Apostle writes, ‘Wherefore God also hath highly exalted
Him, and given Him a Name which is above every name; that in the Name of Jesus every
knee should bow, of things in heaven and things in earth and things under the earth2024;’
and David, ‘Wherefore God even Thy God, hath anointed Thee with the oil of gladness
above Thy fellows2025.’ Then they urge, as something acute: ‘If He was exalted and received
grace, on a ‘wherefore,’ and on a ‘wherefore’ He was anointed, He received a reward of His
purpose; but having acted from purpose, He is altogether of an alterable nature.’ This is
what Eusebius2026 and Arius have dared to say, nay to write; while their partizans do not
shrink from conversing about it in full market-place, not seeing how mad an argument they
use. For if He received what He had as a reward of His purpose, and would not have had it,
unless He had needed it, and had His work to shew for it, then having gained it from virtue
and promotion, with reason had He ‘therefore’ been called Son and God, without being
very Son. For what is from another by nature, is a real offspring, as Isaac was to Abraham,
and Joseph to Jacob, and the radiance to the sun; but the so called sons from virtue and
grace, have but in place of nature a grace by acquisition, and are something else besides2027
the gift itself; as the men who have received the Spirit by participation, concerning whom
Scripture saith, ‘I begat and exalted children, and they rebelled against Me2028.’ And of
course, since they were not sons by nature, therefore, when they altered, the Spirit was taken
38. But if they say this of the Saviour also, it follows that He is neither very God nor very
Son, nor like the Father, nor in any wise has God for a Father of His being according to essence,
but of the mere grace given to Him, and for a Creator of His being according to essence,
after the similitude of all others. And being such, as they maintain, it will be manifest further
that He had not the name ‘Son’ from the first, if so be it was the prize of works done and of
that very same advance which He made when He became man, and took the form of the
servant; but then, when, after becoming ‘obedient unto death,’ He was, as the text says,
‘highly exalted,’ and received that ‘Name’ as a grace, ‘that in the Name of Jesus every knee
should bow2029.’ What then was before this, if then He was exalted, and then began to be
worshipped, and then was called Son, when He became man? For He seems Himself not to
have promoted the flesh at all, but rather to have been Himself promoted through it, if, according
to their perverseness, He was then exalted and called Son, when He became man.
What then was before this? One must urge the question on them again, to make it understood
what their irreligious doctrine results in2030. For if the Lord be God, Son, Word, yet was
not all these before He became man, either He was something else beside these, and afterwards
became partaker of them for His virtue’s sake, as we have said; or they must adopt
the alternative (may it return upon their heads!) that He was not before that time, but is
wholly man by nature and nothing more. But this is no sentiment of the Church. but of the
Samosatene and of the present Jews. Why then, if they think as Jews, are they not circumcised
with them too, instead of pretending Christianity, while they are its foes? For if He was not,
or was indeed, but afterwards was promoted, how were all things made by Him, or how in
Him, were He not perfect, did the Father delight2031? And He, on the other hand, if now
promoted, how did He before rejoice in the presence of the Father? And, if He received His
worship after dying, how is Abraham seen to worship Him in the tent2032, and Moses in
39. Therefore He was not man, and then became God, but He was God, and then became
man, and that to deify us2035. Since, if when He became man, only then He was called Son
and God, but before He became man, God called the ancient people sons, and made Moses
a god of Pharaoh (and Scripture says of many, ‘God standeth in the congregation of
Gods2036’), it is plain that He is called Son and God later than they. How then are all things
through Him, and He before all? or how is He ‘first-born of the whole creation2037,’ if He
has others before Him who are called sons and gods? And how is it that those first partakers2038
do not partake of the Word? This opinion is not true; it is a device of our present
Judaizers. For how in that case can any at all know God as their Father? for adoption there
could not be apart from the real Son, who says, ‘No one knoweth the Father, save the Son,
and he to whomsoever the Son will reveal Him2039.’ And how can there be deifying apart
from the Word and before Him? yet, saith He to their brethren the Jews, ‘If He called them
gods, unto whom the Word of God came2040.’ And if all that are called sons and gods,
40. Hitherto we have met their irrational conceits with the true conceptions2042 implied
in the Word ‘Son,’ as the Lord Himself has given us. But it will be well next to cite the divine
oracles, that the unalterableness of the Son and His unchangeable nature, which is the
Father’s, as well as their perverseness, may be still more fully proved. The Apostle then,
writing to the Philippians, says, ‘Have this mind in you, which was also in Christ Jesus; who,
being in the form of God, thought it not a prize to be equal with God; but emptied Himself,
taking the form of a servant, being made in the likeness of men. And, being found in fashion
as a man, He humbled Himself, becoming obedient to death, even the death of the cross.
Wherefore God also highly exalted Him, and gave Him a Name which is above every name;
that in the Name of Jesus every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in earth,
and things under the earth, and that every tongue should confess that Jesus Christ is Lord,
to the glory of God the Father2043.’ Can anything be plainer and more express than this?
He was not from a lower state promoted: but rather, existing as God, He took the form of
a servant, and in taking it, was not promoted but humbled Himself. Where then is there
here any reward of virtue, or what advancement and promotion in humiliation? For if, being
God, He became man, and descending from on high He is still said to be exalted, where is
He exalted, being God? this withal being plain, that, since God is highest of all, His Word
must necessarily be highest also. Where then could He be exalted higher, who is in the
Father and like the Father in all things2044? Therefore He is beyond the need of any addition;
nor is such as the Arians think Him. For though the Word has descended in order to be
exalted, and so it is written, yet what need was there that He should humble Himself, as if
to seek that which He had already? And what grace did He receive who is the Giver of
grace2045? or how did He receive that Name for worship, who is always worshipped by His
Name? Nay, certainly before He became man, the sacred writers invoke Him, ‘Save me, O
41. And if, as David says in the 71st Psalm, ‘His Name remaineth before the sun, and
before the moon, from one generation to another2049,’ how did He receive what He had always,
even before He now received it? or how is He exalted, being before His exaltation the
Most High? or how did He receive the right of being worshipped, who before He now received
it, was ever worshipped? It is not a dark saying but a divine mystery2050. ‘In the beginning
was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God;’ but for our sakes afterwards
the ‘Word was made flesh2051.’ And the term in question, ‘highly exalted,’ does
not signify that the essence of the Word was exalted, for He was ever and is ‘equal to God2052,’
but the exaltation is of the manhood. Accordingly this is not said before the Word became
flesh; that it might be plain that ‘humbled’ and ‘exalted’ are spoken of His human nature;
for where there is humble estate, there too may be exaltation; and if because of His taking
flesh ‘humbled’ is written, it is clear that ‘highly exalted’ is also said because of it. For of this
was man’s nature in want, because of the humble estate of the flesh and of death. Since then
the Word, being the Image of the Father and immortal, took the form of the servant, and
as man underwent for us death in His flesh, that thereby He might offer Himself for us
through death to the Father; therefore also, as man, He is said because of us and for us to
be highly exalted, that as by His death we all died in Christ, so again in the Christ Himself
we might be highly exalted, being raised from the dead, and ascending into heaven, ‘whither
the forerunner Jesus is for us entered, not into the figures of the true, but into heaven itself,
now to appear in the presence of God for us2053.’ But if now for us the Christ is entered into
42. And so too the words ‘gave Him’ are not written because of the Word Himself; for
even before He became man He was worshipped, as we have said, by the Angels and the
whole creation in virtue of being proper to the Father; but because of us and for us this too
is written of Him. For as Christ died and was exalted as man, so, as man, is He said to take
what, as God, He ever had, that even such a grant of grace might reach to us. For the Word
was not impaired in receiving a body, that He should seek to receive a grace, but rather He
deified that which He put on, and more than that, ‘gave’ it graciously to the race of man.
For as He was ever worshipped as being the Word and existing in the form of God, so being
what He ever was, though become man and called Jesus, He none the less has the whole
creation under foot, and bending their knees to Him in this Name, and confessing that the
Word’s becoming flesh, and undergoing death in flesh, has not happened against the glory
of His Godhead, but ‘to the glory of God the Father.’ For it is the Father’s glory that man,
43. Behold then what men considered the foolishness of God because of the Cross, has
become of all things most honoured. For our resurrection is stored up in it; and no longer
Israel alone, but henceforth all the nations, as the Prophet hath foretold, leave their idols
and acknowledge the true God, the Father of the Christ. And the illusion of demons is come
to nought, and He only who is really God is worshipped in the Name of our Lord Jesus
Christ2059. For the fact that the Lord, even when come in human body and called Jesus, was
worshipped and believed to be God’s Son, and that through Him the Father was known,
shows, as has been said, that not the Word, considered as the Word, received this so great
grace, but we. For because of our relationship to His Body we too have become God’s temple,
and in consequence are made God’s sons, so that even in us the Lord is now worshipped,
and beholders report, as the Apostle says, that God is in them of a truth2060. As also John
says in the Gospel, ‘As many as received Him, to them gave He power to become children
of God2061;’ and in his Epistle he writes, ‘By this we know that He abideth in us by His
Spirit which He hath given us2062.’ And this too is an evidence of His goodness towards us
that, while we were exalted because that the Highest Lord is in us, and on our account grace
was given to Him, because that the Lord who supplies the grace has become a man like us,
He on the other hand, the Saviour, humbled Himself in taking ‘our body of humiliation2063,’
44. This then I consider the sense of this passage, and that, a very ecclesiastical sense2068.
However, there is another way in which one might remark upon it, giving the same sense
in a parallel way; viz. that, though it does not speak of the exaltation of the Word Himself,
so far as He is Word2069 (for He is, as was just now said, most high and like His Father), yet
by reason of His becoming man it indicates His resurrection from the dead. For after saying,
‘He hath humbled Himself even unto death,’ He immediately added, ‘Wherefore He hath
highly exalted Him;’ wishing to shew, that, although as man He is said to have died, yet, as
being Life, He was exalted on the resurrection; for ‘He who descended, is the same also who
rose again2070.’ He descended in body, and He rose again because He was God Himself in
the body. And this again is the reason why according to this meaning he brought in the
conjunction ‘Wherefore;’ not as a reward of virtue nor of advancement, but to signify the
cause why the resurrection took place; and why, while all other men from Adam down to
this time have died and remained dead, He only rose in integrity from the dead. The cause
is this, which He Himself has already taught us, that, being God, He has become man. For
all other men, being merely born of Adam, died, and death reigned over them; but He, the
Second Man, is from heaven, for ‘the Word was made flesh2071,’ and this Man is said to be
from heaven and heavenly2072, because the Word descended from heaven; wherefore He
was not held under death. For though He humbled Himself, yielding His own Body to come
unto death, in that it was capable of death2073, yet He was highly exalted from earth, because
45. But since He Himself is said to be ‘exalted,’ and God ‘gave’ Him, and the heretics
think this a defect2075 or affection in the essence2076 of the Word, it becomes necessary to
explain how these words are used. He is said to be exalted from the lower parts of the earth,
because death is ascribed even to Him. Both events are reckoned His, since it was His
Body2077, and none other’s, that was exalted from the dead and taken up into heaven. And
again, the Body being His, and the Word not being external to it, it is natural that when the
Body was exalted, He, as man, should, because of the body, be spoken of as exalted. If then
—Texts Explained; Secondly, Psalm xlv. 7, 8. Whether the words ‘therefore,’ ‘anointed,’ U+0026c., imply that the Word has been rewarded. Argued against first from the word ‘fellows’ or ‘partakers.’ He is anointed with the Spirit in His manhood to sanctify human nature. Therefore the Spirit descended on Him in Jordan, when in the flesh. And He is said to sanctify Himself for us, and give us the glory He has received. The word ‘wherefore’ implies His divinity. ‘Thou hast loved righteousness,’ U+0026c., do not imply trial or choice.
46. Such an explanation of the Apostle’s words confutes the irreligious men; and what
the sacred poet says admits also the same orthodox sense, which they misinterpret, but
which in the Psalmist is manifestly religious. He says then, ‘Thy throne, O God, is for ever
and ever; a sceptre of righteousness is the sceptre of Thy Kingdom. Thou hast loved righteousness,
and hated iniquity, therefore God, even Thy God, hath anointed Thee with the
oil of gladness above Thy fellows2080.’ Behold, O ye Arians, and acknowledge even hence
the truth. The Singer speaks of us all as ‘fellows’ or ‘partakers’ of the Lord: but were He one
of things which come out of nothing and of things originate, He Himself had been one of
those who partake. But, since he hymned Him as the eternal God, saying, ‘Thy throne, O
God, is for ever and ever,’ and has declared that all other things partake of Him, what conclusion
must we draw, but that He is distinct from originated things, and He only the
Father’s veritable Word, Radiance, and Wisdom, which all things originate partake2081,
being sanctified by Him in the Spirit2082? And therefore He is here ‘anointed,’ not that He
may become God, for He was so even before; nor that He may become King, for He had the
Kingdom eternally, existing as God’s Image, as the sacred Oracle shews; but in our behalf
is this written, as before. For the Israelitish kings, upon their being anointed, then became
kings, not being so before, as David, as Hezekiah, as Josiah, and the rest; but the Saviour on
the contrary, being God, and ever ruling in the Father’s Kingdom, and being Himself He
that supplies the Holy Ghost, nevertheless is here said to be anointed, that, as before, being
said as man to be anointed with the Spirit, He might provide for us men, not only exaltation
and resurrection, but the indwelling and intimacy of the Spirit. And signifying this the Lord
Himself hath said by His own mouth in the Gospel according to John, ‘I have sent them
47. If then for our sake He sanctifies Himself, and does this when He is become man,
it is very plain that the Spirit’s descent on Him in Jordan was a descent upon us, because of
His bearing our body. And it did not take place for promotion to the Word, but again for
our sanctification, that we might share His anointing, and of us it might be said, ‘Know ye
not that ye are God’s Temple, and the Spirit of God dwelleth in you2084?’ For when the Lord,
as man, was washed in Jordan, it was we who were washed in Him and by Him2085. And
when He received the Spirit, we it was who by Him were made recipients of It. And moreover
for this reason, not as Aaron or David or the rest, was He anointed with oil, but in another
way above all His fellows, ‘with the oil of gladness,’ which He Himself interprets to be the
Spirit, saying by the Prophet, ‘The Spirit of the Lord is upon Me, because the Lord hath
anointed Me2086;’ as also the Apostle has said, ‘How God anointed Him with the Holy
Ghost.2087’ When then were these things spoken of Him but when He came in the flesh and
was baptized in Jordan, and the Spirit descended on Him? And indeed the Lord Himself
said, ‘The Spirit shall take of Mine;’ and ‘I will send Him;’ and to His disciples, ‘Receive ye
the Holy Ghost2088.’ And notwithstanding, He who, as the Word and Radiance of the
Father, gives to others, now is said to be sanctified, because now He has become man, and
the Body that is sanctified is His. From Him then we have begun to receive the unction and
the seal, John saying, ‘And ye have an unction from the Holy One;’ and the Apostle, ‘And
ye were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise2089.’ Therefore because of us and for us are
these words. What advance then of promotion, and reward of virtue or generally of conduct,
is proved from this in our Lord’s instance? For if He was not God, and then had become
God, if not being King He was preferred to the Kingdom, your reasoning would have had
some faint plausibility. But if He is God and the throne of His kingdom is everlasting, in
48. What advancement then was it to the Immortal to have assumed the mortal? or
what promotion is it to the Everlasting to have put on the temporal? what reward can be
great to the Everlasting God and King in the bosom of the Father? See ye not, that this too
was done and written because of us and for us, that us who are mortal and temporal, the
Lord, become man, might make immortal, and bring into the everlasting kingdom of
heaven? Blush ye not, speaking lies against the divine oracles? For when our Lord Jesus
Christ had been among us, we indeed were promoted, as rescued from sin; but He is the
same2093; nor did He alter, when He became man (to repeat what I have said), but, as has
been written, ‘The Word of God abideth for ever2094.’ Surely as, before His becoming man,
49. But if they take advantage of the word ‘wherefore,’ as connected with the passage in
the Psalm, ‘Wherefore God, even Thy God, hath anointed Thee,’ for their own purposes,
let these novices in Scripture and masters in irreligion know, that, as before, the word
‘wherefore’ does not imply reward of virtue or conduct in the Word, but the reason why He
came down to us, and of the Spirit’s anointing which took place in Him for our sakes. For
He says not, ‘Wherefore He anointed Thee in order to Thy being God or King or Son or
Word;’ for so He was before and is for ever, as has been shewn; but rather, ‘Since Thou art
God and King, therefore Thou wast anointed, since none but Thou couldest unite man to
the Holy Ghost, Thou the Image of the Father, in which2102 we were made in the beginning;
for Thine is even the Spirit.’ For the nature of things originate could give no warranty for
this, Angels having transgressed, and men disobeyed2103. Wherefore there was need of God
and the Word is God; that those who had become under a curse, He Himself might set free.
If then He was of nothing, He would not have been the Christ or Anointed, being one among
others and having fellowship as the rest2104. But, whereas He is God, as being Son of God,
and is everlasting King, and exists as Radiance and Expression2105 of the Father, therefore
fitly is He the expected Christ, whom the Father announces to mankind, by revelation to
His holy Prophets; that as through Him we have come to be, so also in Him all men might
be redeemed from their sins, and by Him all things might be ruled2106. And this is the cause
50. What is there to wonder at, what to disbelieve, if the Lord who gives the Spirit, is
here said Himself to be anointed with the Spirit, at a time when, necessity requiring it, He
did not refuse in respect of His manhood to call Himself inferior to the Spirit? For the Jews
saying that He cast out devils in Beelzebub, He answered and said to them, for the exposure
of their blasphemy, ‘But if I through the Spirit of God cast out demons2110.’ Behold, the
Giver of the Spirit here says that He cast out demons in the Spirit; but this is not said, except
because of His flesh. For since man’s nature is not equal of itself to casting out demons, but
only in power of the Spirit, therefore as man He said, ‘But if I through the Spirit of God cast
out demons.’ Of course too He signified that the blasphemy offered to the Holy Ghost is
greater than that against His humanity, when He said, ‘Whosoever shall speak a word against
the Son of man, it shall be forgiven him;’ such as were those who said, ‘Is not this the carpenter’s
son2111?’ but they who blaspheme against the Holy Ghost, and ascribe the deeds
of the Word to the devil, shall have inevitable punishment2112. This is what the Lord spoke
to the Jews, as man; but to the disciples shewing His Godhead and His majesty, and intimating
that He was not inferior but equal to the Spirit, He gave the Spirit and said, ‘Receive
ye the Holy Ghost,’ and ‘I send Him,’ and ‘He shall glorify Me,’ and ‘Whatsoever He heareth,
that He shall speak2113.’ As then in this place the Lord Himself, the Giver of the Spirit, does
not refuse to say that through the Spirit He casts out demons, as man; in like manner He
the same, the Giver of the Spirit, refused not to say, ‘The Spirit of the Lord is upon Me, because
He hath anointed Me2114,’ in respect of His having become flesh, as John hath said;
that it might be shewn in both these particulars, that we are they who need the Spirit’s grace
in our sanctification, and again who are unable to cast out demons without the Spirit’s
51. Nor do the words, ‘Thou hast loved righteousness and hated iniquity,’ which are
added in the Psalm, show, as again you suppose, that the Nature of the Word is alterable,
but rather by their very force signify His unalterableness. For since of things originate the
nature is alterable, and the one portion had transgressed and the other disobeyed, as has
been said, and it is not certain how they will act, but it often happens that he who is now
good afterwards alters and becomes different, so that one who was but now righteous, soon
is found unrighteous, wherefore there was here also need of one unalterable, that men might
have the immutability of the righteousness of the Word as an image and type for virtue2117.
And this thought commends itself strongly to the right-minded. For since the first man
Adam altered, and through sin death came into the world, therefore it became the second
Adam to be unalterable; that, should the Serpent again assault, even the Serpent’s deceit
might be baffled, and, the Lord being unalterable and unchangeable, the Serpent might become
powerless in his assault against all. For as when Adam had transgressed, his sin reached
unto all men, so, when the Lord had become man and had overthrown the Serpent, that so
great strength of His is to extend through all men, so that each of us may say, ‘For we are
not ignorant of his devices.2118’ Good reason then that the Lord, who ever is in nature unalterable,
loving righteousness and hating iniquity, should be anointed and Himself sent,
that, He, being and remaining the same2119, by taking this alterable flesh, ‘might condemn
52. Vainly then, here again, O Arians, have ye made this conjecture, and vainly alleged
the words of Scripture; for God’s Word is unalterable, and is ever in one state, not as it may
happen2123, but as the Father is; since how is He like the Father, unless He be thus? or how
is all that is the Father’s the Son’s also, if He has not the unalterableness and unchangeableness
of the Father2124? Not as being subject to laws2125, and biassed to one side, does He love
the one and hate the other, lest, if from fear of falling away He chooses the one, we admit
that He is alterable otherwise also; but, as being God and the Father’s Word, He is a just
judge and lover of virtue, or rather its dispenser. Therefore being just and holy by nature,
on this account He is said to love righteousness and to hate iniquity; as much as to say, that
He loves and chooses the virtuous, and rejects and hates the unrighteous. And divine
Scripture says the same of the Father; ‘The Righteous Lord loveth righteousness; Thou hatest
all them that work iniquity2126,’ and ‘The Lord loveth the gates of Sion, more than all the
dwellings of Jacob2127;’ and, ‘Jacob have I loved, but Esau have I hated2128;’ and in Isaiah
there is the voice of God again saying, ‘I the Lord love righteousness, and hate robbery of
unrighteousness2129.’ Let them then expound those former words as these latter; for the
former also are written of the Image of God: else, misinterpreting these as those, they will
conceive that the Father too is alterable. But since the very hearing others say this is not
without peril, we do well to think that God is said to love righteousness and to hate robbery
of unrighteousness, not as if biassed to one side, and capable of the contrary, so as to select
the latter and not choose the former, for this belongs to things originated, but that, as a
judge, He loves and takes to Him the righteous and withdraws from the bad. It follows then
to think the same concerning the Image of God also, that He loves and hates no otherwise
53. But it is written, say they, in the Proverbs, ‘The Lord created me the beginning of
His ways, for His Works2134;’ and in the Epistle to the Hebrews the Apostle says, ‘Being
made so much better than the Angels, as He hath by inheritance obtained a more excellent
Name than they2135.’ And soon after, ‘Wherefore, holy brethren, partakers of the heavenly
calling, consider the Apostle and High Priest of our profession, Christ Jesus, who was
faithful to Him that made Him2136.’ And in the Acts, ‘Therefore let all the house of Israel
know assuredly, that God hath made that same Jesus whom ye have crucified both Lord
and Christ2137.’ These passages they brought forward at every turn, mistaking their sense,
under the idea that they proved that the Word of God was a creature and work and one of
things originate; and thus they deceive the thoughtless, making the language of Scripture
their pretence, but instead of the true sense sowing upon it the poison of their own heresy.
For had they known, they would not have been irreligious against ‘the Lord of glory2138,’
nor have wrested the good words of Scripture. If then henceforward openly adopting Caiaphas’s
way, they have determined on judaizing, and are ignorant of the text, that verily God
shall dwell upon the earth2139, let them not inquire into the Apostolical sayings; for this is
not the manner of Jews. But if, mixing themselves up with the godless Manichees2140, they
deny that ‘the Word was made flesh,’ and His Incarnate presence, then let them not bring
forward the Proverbs, for this is out of place with the Manichees. But if for preferment-sake,
and the lucre of avarice which follows2141, and the desire for good repute, they venture not
on denying the text, ‘The Word was made flesh,’ since so it is written, either let them rightly
54. For it is written, ‘So much better than the Angels;’ let us then first examine this. Now it is right and necessary, as in all divine Scripture, so here, faithfully to expound the time of which the Apostle wrote, and the person2142, and the point; lest the reader, from ignorance missing either these or any similar particular, may be wide of the true sense. This understood that inquiring eunuch, when he thus besought Philip, ‘I pray thee, of whom doth the Prophet speak this? of himself, or of some other man2143?’ for he feared lest, expounding the lesson unsuitably to the person, he should wander from the right sense. And the disciples, wishing to learn the time of what was foretold, besought the Lord, ‘Tell us,’ said they, ‘when shall these things be? and what is the sign of Thy coming2144?’ And again, hearing from the Saviour the events of the end, they desired to learn the time of it, that they might be kept from error themselves, and might be able to teach others; as, for instance, when they had learned, they set right the Thessalonians2145, who were going wrong. When then one knows properly these points, his understanding of the faith is right and healthy; but if he mistakes any such points, forthwith he falls into heresy. Thus Hymenæus and Alexander and their fellows2146 were beside the time, when they said that the resurrection had already been; and the Galatians were after the time, in making much of circumcision now. And to miss the person was the lot of the Jews, and is still, who think that of one of themselves is said, ‘Behold, the Virgin shall conceive, and bear a Son, and they shall call his Name Emmanuel, which is being interpreted, God with us2147;’ and that, ‘A prophet shall the Lord your God raise up to you2148,’ is spoken of one of the Prophets; and who, as to the words, ‘He was led as a sheep to the slaughter2149,’ instead of learning from Philip, conjecture them spoken of Isaiah or some other of the former Prophets2150.
55. (3.) Such has been the state of mind under which Christ’s enemies have fallen into
their execrable heresy. For had they known the person, and the subject, and the season of
the Apostle’s words, they would not have expounded of Christ’s divinity what belongs to
His manhood, nor in their folly have committed so great an act of irreligion. Now this will
be readily seen, if one expounds properly the beginning of this lection. For the Apostle says,
‘God who at sundry times and divers manners spake in times past unto the fathers by the
prophets, hath in these last days spoken unto us by His Son2151;’ then again shortly after he
says, ‘when He had by Himself purged our sins, He sat down on the right hand of the Majesty
on high, having become so much better than the Angels, as He hath by inheritance obtained
a more excellent Name than they2152.’ It appears then that the Apostle’s words make mention
of that time, when God spoke unto us by His Son, and when a purging of sins took place.
Now when did He speak unto us by His Son, and when did purging of sins take place? and
when did He become man? when, but subsequently to the Prophets in the last days? Next,
proceeding with his account of the economy in which we were concerned, and speaking of
the last times, he is naturally led to observe that not even in the former times was God silent
with men, but spoke to them by the Prophets. And, whereas the prophets ministered, and
the Law was spoken by Angels, while the Son too came on earth, and that in order to minister,
he was forced to add, ‘Become so much better than the Angels,’ wishing to shew that, as
much as the son excels a servant, so much also the ministry of the Son is better than the
ministry of servants. Contrasting then the old ministry and the new, the Apostle deals freely
with the Jews, writing and saying, ‘Become so much better than the Angels.’ This is why
throughout he uses no comparison, such as ‘become greater,’ or ‘more honourable,’ lest we
should think of Him and them as one in kind, but ‘better’ is his word, by way of marking
the difference of the Son’s nature from things originated. And of this we have proof from
divine Scripture; David, for instance, saying in the Psalm, ‘One day in Thy courts is better
than a thousand2153:’ and Solomon crying out, ‘Receive my instruction and not silver, and
knowledge rather than choice gold. For wisdom is better than rubies; and all the things that
may be desired are not to be compared to it2154.’ Are not wisdom and stones of the earth
different in essence and separate in nature? Are heavenly courts at all akin to earthly houses?
Or is there any similarity between things eternal and spiritual, and things temporal and
mortal? And this is what Isaiah says, ‘Thus saith the Lord unto the eunuchs that keep My
56. Scripture, in speaking thus, implies, O Arians, not that the Son is originate, but
rather other than things originate, and proper to the Father, being in His bosom. (4.) Nor2156
does even the expression ‘become,’ which here occurs, shew that the Son is originate, as ye
suppose. If indeed it were simply ‘become’ and no more, a case might stand for the Arians;
but, whereas they are forestalled with the word ‘Son’ throughout the passage, shewing that
He is other than things originate, so again not even the word ‘become’ occurs absolutely2157,
but ‘better’ is immediately subjoined. For the writer thought the expression immaterial,
knowing that in the case of one who was confessedly a genuine Son, to say ‘become’ is the
same with saying that He had been made, and is, ‘better.’ For it matters not even if we speak
of what is generate, as ‘become’ or ‘made;’ but on the contrary, things originate cannot be
called generate, God’s handiwork as they are, except so far as after their making they partake
of the generate Son, and are therefore said to have been generated also, not at all in their
own nature, but because of their participation of the Son in the Spirit2158. And this again
divine Scripture recognises; for it says in the case of things originate, ‘All things came to be
(5.) If moreover, baffled so far, they should still violently insist that the language is that of comparison, and that comparison in consequence implies oneness of kind, so that the Son is of the nature of Angels, they will in the first place incur the disgrace of rivalling and repeating what Valentinus held, and Carpocrates, and those other heretics, of whom the former said that the Angels were one in kind with the Christ, and Carpocrates that Angels are framers of the world2164. Perchance it is under the instruction of these masters that they compare the Word of God with the Angels.
57. Though surely amid such speculations, they will be moved by the sacred poet, saying,
‘Who is he among the gods that shall be like unto the Lord2165,’ and, ‘Among the gods there
is none like unto Thee, O Lord2166.’ However, they must be answered, with the chance of
their profiting by it, that comparison confessedly does belong to subjects one in kind, not
to those which differ. No one, for instance, would compare God with man, or again man
with brutes, nor wood with stone, because their natures are unlike; but God is beyond
comparison, and man is compared to man, and wood to wood, and stone to stone. Now in
such cases we should not speak of ‘better,’ but of ‘rather’ and ‘more;’ thus Joseph was comely
rather than his brethren, and Rachel than Leah; star2167 is not better than star, but is the
rather excellent in glory; whereas in bringing together things which differ in kind, then
‘better’ is used to mark the difference, as has been said in the case of wisdom and jewels.
Had then the Apostle said, ‘by so much has the Son precedence of the Angels,’ or ‘by so
(6.) Moreover by saying that He it is who has ‘laid the foundation of all things2168,’ he shews that He is other than all things originate. But if He be other and different in essence from their nature, what comparison of His essence can2169 there be, or what likeness to them? though, even if they have any such thoughts, Paul shall refute them, who speaks to the very point, ‘For unto which of the Angels said He at any time, Thou art My Son, this day have I begotten Thee? And of the Angels He saith, Who maketh His Angels spirits, and His ministers a flame of fire2170.’
58. Observe here, the word ‘made’ belongs to things originate, and he calls them things
made; but to the Son he speaks not of making, nor of becoming, but of eternity and kingship,
and a Framer’s office, exclaiming, ‘Thy Throne, O God, is for ever and ever;’ and, ‘Thou,
Lord, in the beginning hast laid the foundation of the earth, and the heavens are the works
of Thine hands; they shall perish, but Thou remainest.’ From which words even they, were
they but willing, might perceive that the Framer is other than things framed, the former
God, the latter things originate, made out of nothing. For what has been said, ‘They shall
perish,’ is said, not as if the creation were destined for destruction, but to express the nature
of things originate by the issue to which they tend2171. For things which admit of perishing,
though through the grace2172 of their Maker they perish not, yet have come out of nothing,
and themselves witness that they once were not. And on this account, since their nature is
such, it is said of the Son, ‘Thou remainest,’ to shew His eternity; for not having the capacity
of perishing, as things originate have, but having eternal duration, it is foreign to Him to
have it said, ‘He was not before His generation,’ but proper to Him to be always, and to endure
together with the Father. And though the Apostle had not thus written in his Epistle
to the Hebrews, still his other Epistles, and the whole of Scripture, would certainly forbid
their entertaining such notions concerning the Word. But since he has here expressly written
it, and, as has been above shewn, the Son is Offspring of the Father’s essence, and He is
Framer, and other things are framed by Him, and He is the Radiance and Word and Image
and Wisdom of the Father, and things originate stand and serve in their place below the
Triad, therefore the Son is different in kind and different in essence from things originate,
59. (7). And the Apostle’s own reason for saying, ‘so much better than the Angels,’ was not any wish in the first instance to compare the essence2176 of the Word to things originate (for He cannot be compared, rather they are incommeasurable), but regarding the Word’s visitation in the flesh, and the Economy which He then sustained, he wished to show that He was not like those who had gone before Him; so that, as much as He excelled in nature those who were sent afore by Him, by so much also the grace which came from and through Him was better than the ministry through Angels2177. For it is the function of servants, to demand the fruits and no more; but of the Son and Master to forgive the debts and to transfer the vineyard.
(8.) Certainly what the Apostle proceeds to say shews the excellence of the Son over
things originate; ‘Therefore we ought to give the more earnest heed to the things which we
have heard, lest at any time we should let them slip. For if the word spoken by Angels was
stedfast, and every transgression and disobedience received a just recompense of reward;
how shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation; which at the first began to be spoken
by the Lord, and was confirmed unto us by them that heard Him2178.’ But if the Son were
in the number of things originate, He was not better than they, nor did disobedience involve
increase of punishment because of Him; any more than in the Ministry of Angels there was
not, according to each Angel, greater or less guilt in the transgressors, but the Law was one,
and one was its vengeance on transgressors. But, whereas the Word is not in the number
of originate things, but is Son of the Father, therefore, as He Himself is better and His acts
better and transcendent, so also the punishment is worse. Let them contemplate then the
grace which is through the Son, and let them acknowledge the witness which He gives even
from His works, that He is other than things originated, and alone the very Son in the
60. (9.) Moreover the words ‘He is become surety’ denote the pledge in our behalf which
He has provided. For as, being the ‘Word,’ He ‘became flesh2188’ and ‘become’ we ascribe
to the flesh, for it is originated and created, so do we here the expression ‘He is become,’
expounding it according to a second sense, viz. because He has become man. And let these
61. (10.) ‘Better’ then, as has been said, could not have been brought to pass by any
other than the Son, who sits on the right hand of the Father. And what does this denote but
the Son’s genuineness, and that the Godhead of the Father is the same as the Son’s2194? For
in that the Son reigns in His Father’s kingdom, is seated upon the same throne as the Father,
and is contemplated in the Father’s Godhead, therefore is the Word God, and whoso beholds
the Son, beholds the Father; and thus there is one God. Sitting then on the right, yet He does
not place His Father on the left2195; but whatever is right2196 and precious in the Father,
that also the Son has, and says, ‘All things that the Father hath are Mine2197.’ Wherefore
(11.) What has been already said ought to shame those persons who are fighting against the very truth; however, if, because it is written, ‘become better,’ they refuse to understand ‘become,’ as used of the Son, as ‘has been and is2202;’ or again as referring to the better covenant having come to be2203, as we have said, but consider from this expression that the Word is called originate, let them hear the same again in a concise form, since they have forgotten what has been said.
62. If the Son be in the number of the Angels, then let the word ‘become’ apply to Him
as to them, and let Him not differ at all from them in nature; but be they either sons with
Him, or be He an Angel with them; sit they one and all together on the right hand of the
Father, or be the Son standing with them all as a ministering Spirit, sent forth to minister
Himself as they are. But if on the other hand Paul distinguishes the Son from things originate,
saying, ‘To which of the Angels said He at any time, Thou art My Son?’ and the one frames
heaven and earth, but they are made by Him; and He sitteth with the Father, but they stand
by ministering, who does not see that he has not used the word ‘become’ of the essence of
the Word, but of the ministration come through Him? For as, being the ‘Word,’ He ‘became
flesh,’ so when become man, He became by so much better in His ministry, than the ministry
which came by the Angels, as Son excels servants and Framer things framed. Let them cease
therefore to take the word ‘become’ of the substance of the Son, for He is not one of originated
(12.) But how He became better in His ministry, being better in nature than things originate, appears from what has been said before, which, I consider, is sufficient in itself to put them to shame. But if they carry on the contest, it will be proper upon their rash daring to close with them, and to oppose to them those similar expressions which are used concerning the Father Himself. This may serve to shame them to refrain their tongue from evil, or may teach them the depth of their folly. Now it is written, ‘Become my strong rock and house of defence, that Thou mayest save me2204.’ And again, ‘The Lord became a defence for the oppressed2205,’ and the like which are found in divine Scripture. If then they apply these passages to the Son, which perhaps is nearest to the truth, then let them acknowledge that the sacred writers ask Him, as not being originate, to become to them ‘a strong rock and house of defence;’ and for the future let them understand ‘become,’ and ‘He made,’ and ‘He created,’ of His incarnate presence. For then did He become ‘a strong rock and house of defence,’ when He bore our sins in His own body upon the tree, and said, ‘Come unto Me, all ye that labour and are heavy laden, and I will give you rest2206.’
63. But if they refer these passages to the Father, will they, when it is here also written,
‘Become’ and ‘He became,’ venture so far as to affirm that God is originate? Yea, they will
dare, as they thus argue concerning His Word; for the course of their argument carries them
on to conjecture the same things concerning the Father, as they devise concerning His Word.
But far be such a notion ever from the thoughts of all the faithful! for neither is the Son in
the number of things originated, nor do the words of Scripture in question, ‘Become,’ and
‘He became,’ denote beginning of being, but that succour which was given to the needy. For
God is always, and one and the same; but men have come to be afterwards through the
Word, when the Father Himself willed it; and God is invisible and inaccessible to originated
things, and especially to men upon earth. When then men in infirmity invoke Him, when
in persecution they ask help, when under injuries they pray, then the Invisible, being a lover
of man, shines forth upon them with His beneficence, which He exercises through and in
His proper Word. And forthwith the divine manifestation is made to every one according
to his need, and is made to the weak health, and to the persecuted a ‘refuge’ and ‘house of
defence;’ and to the injured He says, ‘While thou speakest I will say, Here I am2207.’ Whatever
defence then comes to each through the Son, that each says that God has come to be to
himself, since succour comes from God Himself through the Word. Moreover the usage of
64. This being so understood, it is parallel also respecting the Son, that whatever, and however often, is said, such as, ‘He became’ and ‘become,’ should ever have the same sense: so that as, when we hear the words in question, ‘become better than the Angels’ and ‘He became,’ we should not conceive any original becoming of the Word, nor in any way fancy from such terms that He is originate; but should understand Paul’s words of His ministry and Economy when He became man. For when ‘the Word became flesh and dwelt among us2208’ and came to minister and to grant salvation to all, then He became to us salvation, and became life, and became propitiation; then His economy in our behalf became much better than the Angels, and He became the Way and became the Resurrection. And as the words ‘Become my strong rock’ do not denote that the essence of God Himself became, but His lovingkindness, as has been said, so also here the ‘having become better than the Angels,’ and, ‘He became,’ and, ‘by so much is Jesus become a better surety,’ do not signify that the essence of the Word is originate (perish the thought!), but the beneficence which towards us came to be through His becoming Man; unthankful though the heretics be, and obstinate in behalf of their irreligion.
On the Meaning of the Formula πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν, in the Nicene Anathema.
It was observed on p. 75, note 4(b), that there were two clauses in the Nicene Anathema which required explanation. One of them, ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας, has been discussed in the Excursus, pp. 77–82; the other, πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν, shall be considered now.
Bishop Bull has suggested a very ingenious interpretation of it, which is not obvious, but which, when stated, has much plausibility, as going to explain, or rather to sanction, certain modes of speech in some early Fathers of venerable authority, which have been urged by heterodox writers, and given up by Catholics of the Roman School, as savouring of Arianism. The foregoing pages have made it abundantly evident that the point of controversy between Catholics and Arians was, not whether our Lord was God, but whether He was Son of God; the solution of the former question being involved in that of the latter. The Arians maintained that the very word ‘Son’ implied a ‘beginning,’ or that our Lord was not Very God; the Catholics said that it implied ‘connaturality,’ or that He was Very God as one with God. Now five early writers, Athenagoras, Tatian, Theophilus, Hippolytus, and Novatian, of whom the authority of Hippolytus is very great, not to speak of Theophilus and Athenagoras, whatever be thought of Tatian and of Novatian, seem to speak of the divine generation as taking place immediately before the creation of the world, that is, as if not eternal, though at the same time they teach that our Lord existed before that generation. In other words they seem to teach that He was the Word from eternity, and became the Son at the beginning of all things; some of them expressly considering Him, first as the λόγος ἐνδιάθετος, or Reason, in the Father, or (as may be speciously represented) a mere attribute; next, as the λόγος προφορικὸς, or Word, terms which are explained, note on de Syn. 26 (5). This doctrine, when divested of figure and put into literal statement, might appear nothing more or less than this,—that at the beginning of the world the Son was created after the likeness of the Divine attribute of Reason, as its image or expression, and thereby became the Divine Word, was made the instrument of creation, called the Son from that ineffable favour and adoption which God had bestowed on Him, and in due time sent into the world to manifest God’s perfections to mankind;—which, it is scarcely necessary to say, is the doctrine of Arianism.
Thus S. Hippolytus says,—
Τῶν δὲ γινομένων ἀρχηγὸν καὶ σύμβουλον καὶ ἐργατὴν ἐγέννα λόγον, ὃν λόγον ἔχων ἐν ἑαυτῶ ἀU+0026 231·ρατόν τε ὄντα τῷ κτιζομένῳ, κόσμῳ, ὁρατὸν ποιεῖ· προτέραν φωνὴν φθεγγόμενος, καὶ φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς γεννῶν, προῆκεν τῇ κτίσει κύριον. contr. Noet. 10. And S. Theophilus:—
῎Εχων οὖν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ λόγον ἐνδιάθετον ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις σπλάγχνοις, ἐγέννησεν
αὐτὸν μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σοφίας ἐξερευξάμενος πρὸ τῶν ὅλων
Bishop Bull, Defens. F. N. iii. 5–8, meets this representation by maintaining that the γέννησις which S. Hippolytus and other writers spoke of, was but a metaphorical generation, the real and eternal truth being shadowed out by a succession of events in the economy of time, such as is the Resurrection (Acts xiii. 33), nay, the Nativity; and that of these His going forth to create the worlds was one. And he maintains (ibid. iii. 9) that such is the mode of speaking adopted by the Fathers after the Nicene Council as well as before. And then he adds (which is our present point), that it is even alluded to and recognised in the Creed of the Council, which anathematizes those who say that ‘the Son was not before His generation,’ i.e. who deny that ‘the Son was before His generation,’ which statement accordingly becomes indirectly a Catholic truth.
I am not aware whether any writer has preceded or followed this great authority in this view2209. The more obvious mode of understanding the Arian formula is this, that it is an argument ex absurdo, drawn from the force of the word Son, in behalf of the Arian doctrine; it being, as they would say, a truism, that, ‘whereas He was begotten, He was not before He was begotten,’ and the denial of it a contradiction in terms. This certainly does seem to myself the true force of the formula; so much so, that if Bishop Bull’s explanation be admissible, it must, in order to its being so, first be shewn to be reducible to this sense, and to be included under it.
The point at issue between the two interpretations is this; whether the clause πρὶν
γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν is intended for a denial of the contrary proposition, ‘He was before His
generation,’ as Bishop Bull says; or whether it is what Aristotle calls an enthymematic sentence,
assuming the falsity, as confessed on all hands, of that contrary proposition, as selfcontradictory,
and directly denying, not it, but ‘He was from everlasting.’ Or, in other words,
whether it opposes the position of the five writers, or the great Catholic doctrine itself; and
whether in consequence the Nicene Fathers are in their anathema indirectly sanctioning
that position, or stating that doctrine. Bull considers that both sides contemplated the pro-
1. Now first, let me repeat, what was just now observed by the way, that the formula in question, when taken as an enthymematic sentence, or reductio ad absurdum, exactly expresses the main argument of the Arians, which they brought forward in so many shapes, as feeling that their cause turned upon it, ‘He is a son, therefore He had a beginning.’ Thus Socrates records Arius’s words in the beginning of the controversy, (1) ‘If the Father begat the Son, He who is begotten has a beginning of existence; (2) therefore once the Son was not, ἦν ὅτε οὐκ ἦν; (3) therefore He has His subsistence from nothing, ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἔχει τὴν ὑπόστασιν.’ H. E. i. 5. The first of these propositions exactly answers to the οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῆναι taken enthymematically; and it may be added that when so taken, the three propositions will just answer to the three first formulæ anathematized at Nicæa, two of which are indisputably the same as two of them; viz. ὅτι ἦν ποτὲ δτε οὐκ ἦν· U+0026 234·τι πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν· U+0026 234·τι ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἐγένετο. On the other hand, we hear nothing in the controversy of the position which Bull conceives to be opposed by Arius (‘He was before His generation’), that is, supposing the formula in question does not allude to it; unless indeed it is worth while to except the statement reprobated in the Letter of the Arians to Alexander, ὄντα πρότερον, γεννηθέντα εἰς υἱU+0026 231·ν, which is explained, de Syn. 16. note 12.
2. Next, it should be observed that the other formulæ here, as elsewhere, mentioned, are enthymematic also, or carry their argument with them, and that, an argument resolvable often into the original argument derived from the word ‘Son.’ Such are ὁ ὢν τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ ὄντος ἢ τὸν ὄντα; and ἓν τὸ ἀγένητον ἢ δύο; and in like manner as regards the question of the τρεπτόν; ‘Has He free will’ (thus Athanasius states the Arian objection) ‘or has He not? is He good from choice according to free will, and can He, if He will, alter, being of an alterable nature? as wood or stone, has He not His choice free to be moved, and incline hither and thither?’ supr. §35. That is, they wished the word τρεπτὸς to carry with it its own self-evident application to our Lord, with the alternative of an absurdity; and so to prove His created nature.
3. In §32, S. Athanasius observes that the formula of the ἀγένητον was the later substitute
for the original formulæ of Arius; ‘when they were no longer allowed to say, “out of nothing,”
and “He was not before His generation,”’ they hit upon this word Unoriginate, that, by
saying among the simple that the Son was originate, they might imply the very same phrases
“out of nothing” and “He once was not.” Here he does not in so many words say that the
argument from the ἀγένητον was a substitute for the οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῆναι, yet surely it
is not unfair so to understand him. But it is plain that the ἀγένητον was brought forward
merely to express by an appeal to philosophy and earlier Fathers, that to be a Son was to
have a beginning and a creation, and not to be God. This therefore will be the sense of the
4. Again, it is plain that the οὐκ ἦν πρίν γεννηθῆναι is used by S. Athanasius as the same objection with ὁ ὢν τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ ὄντος, U+0026c. E.g. he says, ‘We might ask them in turn, God who is, has He so become, whereas He was not?’ or is He also before His generation? whereas He is, did He make Himself, or is He of nothing. U+0026c., §25. Now the ὁ ὢν τὸν μὴ ὄντα, U+0026c., is evidently an argument, and that, grounded on the absurdity of saying ὁ ὢν τὸν ὄντα. S. Alexander’s Encyclical Letter (vid. Socr. i. 6), compared with Arius’s original positions and the Nicene Anathemas as referred to above, is a strong confirmation. In these three documents the formulæ agree together, except one; and that one, which in Arius’s language is ‘he who is begotten has a beginning of existence,’ is in the Nicene Anathema, οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῆναι, but in S. Alexander’s circular, ὁ ὢν θεὸς τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος πεποίηκεν. The absence of the οὐκ ἦν πρὶν, U+0026c., in S. Alexander is certainly remarkable. Moreover the two formulæ are treated as synonymous by Greg. Naz. Orat. 29. 9. Cyril, Thesaur. 4. p. 29 fin., and by Basil as quoted below. But indeed there is an internal correspondence between them, shewing that they have but one meaning. They are really but the same sentence in the active and in the passive voice.
5. A number of scattered passages in Athanasius lead us to the same conclusion. For
instance, if the Arian formula had the sense which is here maintained, of being an argument
against our Lord’s eternity, the Catholic answer would be, ‘He could not be before His generation
because His generation is eternal, as being from the Father.’ Now this is precisely
the language Athanasius uses, when it occurs to him to introduce the words in question.
Thus in Orat. ii. §57 he says, ‘The creatures began to come to be (γίνεσθαι); but the Word
of God, not having beginning (ἀρχὴν) of being, surely did not begin to be, nor begin to
come to be, but was always. And the works have a beginning (ἀρχὴν) in the making, and
the beginning precedes things which come to be; but the Word not being of such, rather
Himself becomes the Framer of those things which have a beginning. And the being of
things originate is measured by their becoming (ἐν τῷ γίνεσθαι), and at some beginning
(origin) doth God begin to make them through the Word, that it may be known that they
were not before their origination (πρίν γενέσθαι); but the Word hath His being in no other
origin than the Father (vid. supr. §11, note 1), ‘whom they themselves allow to be unoriginate,
so that He too exists unoriginately in the Father, being His offspring not His creature.’ We
shall find that other Fathers say just the same. Again, we have already come to a passage
where for ‘His generation,’ he substitutes ‘making,’ a word which Bull would not say that
either the Nicene Council or S. Hippolytus would use; clearly shewing that the Arians were
6. If there are passages in Athanasius which seem to favour the opposite interpretation, that is, to imply that the Catholics held or allowed, as Bp. Bull considers, that ‘before His generation, He was,’ they admit of an explanation. E.g. “How is He not in the number of the creatures, if, as they say, He was not before His generation? for it is proper to the creatures and works, not to be before their generation.’ Orat. ii. §22. This might be taken to imply that the Arians said, ‘He was not,’ and Catholics ‘He was.’ But the real meaning is this, ‘How is He not a creature, if the formula be true, which they use, “He was not before His generation?” for it may indeed properly be said of creatures that “they were not before their generation.”’ And so again when he says, ‘if the Son was not before His generation, Truth was not always in God,’ supr. §20, he does not thereby imply that the Son was before His generation, but he means, ‘if it be true that, U+0026c.,’ ‘if the formula holds,’ ‘if it can be said of the Son, “He was not, U+0026c.”’ Accordingly, shortly afterwards, in a passage already cited, he says the same of the Almighty Father in the way of parallel; ‘God who is, hath He so become, whereas He was not, or “is He too before His generation?”’ (§25), not implying here any generation at all, but urging that the question is idle and irrelevant, that the formula is unmeaning and does not apply to, cannot be said of, Father or Son.
7. Such an explanation of these passages, as well as the view here taken of the formula
itself, receive abundant confirmation from S. Gregory Nazianzen and S. Hilary. What has
been maintained is, that when S. Athanasius says, ‘if the Son is not before His generation,
then, U+0026c.,’ he does but mean, ‘if it can be said,’ ‘if the words can be used or applied in this
case.’ Now the two Fathers just mentioned both decide that it is not true, either that the Son
was before His generation, or that He was not; in other words, that the question is unmeaning
and irrelevant, which is just the interpretation which has been here given to Athanasius.
But again, in thus speaking, they thereby assert also that they did not hold, that they do not
allow, that formula which Bull considers the Nicene Fathers defended and sanctioned, as
being Catholic and in use both before the Council and after, viz. ‘He was before His generation.’
Thus S. Gregory in the passage in which he speaks of ‘did He that is make Him that
is not, U+0026c.,’ and ‘before His generation, U+0026c.,’ as one and the same, expressly says, ‘In His
8. S. Hilary, on the other hand, is so full on the subject in his de Trin. xii., and so entirely to the point for which I would adduce him, that but a few extracts of what might be made are either necessary or practicable. He states and argues on the formula expressly as an objection; Adjiciant hæc arguta satis atque auditu placentia; Si, inquit, natus est, coepit; et cum coepit, non fuit; et cum non fuit, non patitur ut fuerit. Atque idcirco piæ intelligentiæ, sermonem esse contendant, Non fuit ante quam nasceretur, quia ut esset, qui non erat, natus est.’ n. 18. He answers the objection in the same way. ‘Unigenitus Deus neque non fuit aliquando non filius, neque fuit aliquid ante quam filius, neque quidquam aliquid ipse nisi filius,’ n. 15, which is in express words to deny, ‘He was before His generation.’ Again, as Gregory, ‘Ubi pater auctor est, ibi et nativitas est; et vero ubi auctor æternus est, ibi et nativitatis æternitas est,’ n. 21. And he substitutes ‘being always born’ for ‘being before birth;’ ‘Numquid ante tempora æterna esse, id ipsum sit quod est, eum qui erat nasci? quia nasci quod erat, jam non nasci est, sed se ipsum demutare nascendo.…Non est itaque id ipsum, natum ante tempora æterna semper esse, et esse antequam nasci.’ n. 30. And he concludes, in accordance with the above explanation of the passages of Athanasius which I brought as if objections, thus: ‘Cum itaque natum semper esse, nihil aliud sit confitendum esse, quam natum, id sensui, antequam nascitur vel fuisse, vel non fuisse non subjacet. n. 31.’
9. It may seem superfluous to proceed, but as Bishop Bull is an authority not lightly to be set aside, a passage from S. Basil shall be added. Eunomius objects, ‘God begat the Son either being or not being, U+0026c.…to him that is, there needs not generation.’ He replies that Eunomius, ‘because animals first are not, and then are generated, and he who is born today, yesterday did not exist, transfers this conception to the subsistence of the Only-begotten; and says, since He has been generated, He was not before His generation, πρὸ τῆς γεννήσεως,’ contr. Eunom. ii. 14. And he solves the objection as the other Fathers, by saying that our Lord is from everlasting, speaking of S. John, in the first words of his Gospel, as τῇ ἀU+0026 187·διότητι τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ μονογενοῦς συνάπτων τὴν γέννησιν. §15.
These then being the explanations which the contemporary and next following Fathers
give of the Arian formula which was anathematized at Nicæa, it must be observed that the
line of argument which Bishop Bull is pursuing, does not lead him to assign any direct
reasons for the substitution of a different interpretation in their place. He is engaged, not
in commenting on the Nicene Anathema, but in proving that the Post-Nicene Fathers ad-
While commenting on the words, ἀρχὴ ὁδῶν εἰς τὰ ἔργα in the text, ‘The Lord has created me the beginning of His ways unto the works,’ S. Athanasius is led to consider the text ‘first born of every creature,’ πρωτότοκος πασῆς κτίσεως: and he says that He who was μονογενὴς from eternity, became by a συγκατάβασις at the creation of the world πρωτότοκος. This doctrine Bp. Bull considers declaratory of a going forth, προέλευσις, or figurative birth from the Father, at the beginning of all things.
It will be observed that the very point to be proved is this, viz. not that there was a συγκατάβασις merely, but that according to Athanasius there was a γέννησις or proceeding from the Father, and that the word πρωτότοκος marks it. Bull’s words are, that ‘Catholici quidam Doctores, qui post exortam controversiam Arianam vixerunt,…illam τοῦ λόγου.…ex Patre progressionem (quod et συγκατάβασιν, hoc est, condescensionem eorum nonnulli appellarunt), ad condendum hæc universa agnovere; atque ejus etiam progressionis respectu ipsum τὸν λόγον a Deo Patre quasi natum fuisse et omnis creaturæ primogenitum in Scripturis dici confessi sunt.’ D. F. N. iii. 9. §1. Now I consider that S. Athanasius does not, as this sentence says, understand by primogenitus that our Lord was ‘progressionis respectu a Deo Patre quasi natus.’ He does not seem to me to speak of a generation or birth of the Son at all, though figurative, but of the birth of all things, and that in Him.
That Athanasius does not call the συγκατάβασις of the Word a birth, as denoted by the term πρωτότοκος, is plain from his own avowal in the passage to which Bull refers. ‘Nowhere in the Scriptures,’ he says, ‘is He called πρωτότοκος τοῦ Θεοῦ, first-born of God, nor creature of God, but Only-begotten, Word, Wisdom, have their relation to the Father, and are proper to Him.’ ii. 62. Here surely he expressly denies Bull’s statement that ‘first-born’ means ‘a Deo natus,’ ‘born of God.’ Such additions as παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς, he says, are reserved for μονογενὴς and λόγος.
He goes on to say what the term πρωτότοκος does mean; viz. instead of having any
reference to a προέλευσις from the Father, it refers solely to the creatures; our Lord is not
called πρωτότοκος, because His προέλευσις is a ‘type of His eternal generation,’ but because
by that προέλευσις He became the ‘Prototype of all creation.’ He, as it were, stamped His
image, His Sonship, upon creation, and became the first-born in the sense of being the Archetypal
Son. If this is borne out by the passage, Athanasius, it is plain, does not speak of
any γέννησις whatever at the era of creation, though figurative; πρωτότοκος does but mean
μονογενὴς πρωτεύων ἐν τῇ κτίσει, or ἀρχὴ τῆς κτίσεως, or πρωτότυπον γέννημα, or μόνος
As the whole passage occurs in the Discourse which immediately follows, it is not necessary to enter formally into the proof of this view of it, when the reader will soon be able to judge of it for himself. But it may be well to add two passages, one from Athenagoras, the other from S. Cyril, not in elucidation of the words of Athanasius, but of the meaning which I would put upon them.
The passage from Athenagoras is quoted by Bull himself, who of course is far from denying the doctrine of our Lord’s Archetypal office; and does but wish in addition to find in Athanasius the doctrine of a γέννησις. Athenagoras says that the Son is ‘the first offspring, πρῶτον γέννημα, of the Father, not as come to be, γενόμενον (for God being Eternal Mind had from the beginning in Himself the Word, as having Reason eternally, λογικὸς ὢν), but that while as regards matter heavy and light were mixed together’ (the passage is corrupt here), ‘He went forth, προελθὼν, as an idea and energy’, i.e. as an Agent to create, and a Form and Rule to create by. And then he goes on to quote the very text on which Athanasius is employed when he explains πρωτότοκος. ‘And the Prophetic Spirit confirms this doctrine, saying, The Lord hath created me a beginning (origin) of His ways, for His works.’ Leg. 10.
And so S. Cyril, ‘He is Only-begotten according to nature, as being alone from the Father, God from God, Light kindled from Light; and He is First-born for our sakes, that, as if to some immortal root the whole creation might be ingrafted and might bud forth from the Everlasting. For all things were made by Him, and consist for ever and are preserved in Him.’ Thesaur. 25 p. 238.
In conclusion it may be suggested whether the same explanation which has here been given of Athanasius’s use of πρωτότοκος does not avail more exactly to the defence of two of the five writers from the charge of inaccurate doctrine, than that which Bull has preferred.
As to Athenagoras, we have already seen that he does not speak of a γέννησις at all in his account of creation, but simply calls the Son πρῶτον γέννημα, i.e. πρωτότυπον γέννημα.
Nor does Tatian approach nearer to the doctrine of a γέννησις. He says that at the creation
the Word ἔργον πρωτότοκον τοῦ πατρὸς γίνεται. τοῦτον ἴσμεν τοῦ κόσμου τὴν ἀρχήν.
ad Græc. 5. Here the word ἔργον, which at first sight promises a difficulty, does in fact explain
both himself and Athenagoras. He says that at creation the Word became, γίνεται, not a
Son (figuratively), as Bull would grant to the parties whom he is opposing, but a work. It
was His great condescension, συγκατάβασις, to be accounted the first of the works, as being
their type; that as they were to be raised to an adoption and called sons, so He for that purpose
might stoop to creation, and be called a work. As Tatian uses the word ἀρχὴ in the concluding
clause, there is great reason to think that he is alluding to the very text which Athanasius
1. I did indeed think that enough had been said already against the hollow professors
of Arius’s madness, whether for their refutation or in the truth’s behalf, to insure a cessation
and repentance of their evil thoughts and words about the Saviour. They, however, for
whatever reason, still do not succumb; but, as swine and dogs wallow2210 in their own vomit
and their own mire, rather invent new expedients for their irreligion. Thus they misunderstand
the passage in the Proverbs, ‘The Lord hath created me a beginning of His ways for
His works2211,’ and the words of the Apostle, ‘Who was faithful to Him that made Him2212,’
and straightway argue, that the Son of God is a work and a creature. But although they might
have learned from what is said above, had they not utterly lost their power of apprehension,
that the Son is not from nothing nor in the number of things originate at all, the Truth
witnessing2213 it (for, being God, He cannot be a work, and it is impious to call Him a
creature, and it is of creatures and works that we say, ‘out of nothing,’ and ‘it was not before
its generation’), yet since, as if dreading to desert their own fiction, they are accustomed to
allege the aforesaid passages of divine Scripture, which have a good meaning, but are by
them practised on, let us proceed afresh to take up the question of the sense of these, to remind
the faithful, and to shew from each of these passages that they have no knowledge at
all of Christianity. Were it otherwise, they would not have shut themselves up in the unbelief2214
of the present Jews2215, but would have inquired and learned2216 that, whereas ‘In
2. If then He be not a Son, let Him be called a work, and let all that is said of works be
said of Him, nor let Him and Him alone be called Son, nor Word, nor Wisdom; neither let
God be called Father, but only Framer and Creator of things which by Him come to be; and
let the creature be Image and Expression of His framing will, and let Him, as they would
have it, be without generative nature, so that there be neither Word, nor Wisdom, no, nor
3. As we have shewn then they are guilty of great extravagance who say that the Lord is not Son of God, but a work, and it follows that we all of necessity confess that He is Son. And if He be Son, as indeed He is, and a son is confessed to be not external to his father but from him, let them not question about the terms, as I said before, which the sacred writers use of the Word Himself, viz. not ‘to Him that begat Him,’ but ‘to Him that made Him;’ for while it is confessed what His nature is, what word is used in such instances need raise no question2230. For terms do not disparage His Nature; rather that Nature draws to Itself those terms and changes them. For terms are not prior to essences, but essences are first, and terms second. Wherefore also when the essence is a work or creature, then the words ‘He made,’ and ‘He became,’ and ‘He created,’ are used of it properly, and designate the work. But when the Essence is an Offspring and Son, then ‘He made,’ and ‘He became,’ and ‘He created,’ no longer properly belong to it, nor designate a work; but ‘He made’ we use without question for ‘He begat.’ Thus fathers often call the sons born of them their servants, yet without denying the genuineness of their nature; and often they affectionately call their own servants children, yet without putting out of sight their purchase of them originally; for they use the one appellation from their authority as being fathers, but in the other they speak from affection. Thus Sara called Abraham lord, though not a servant but a wife; and while to Philemon the master the Apostle joined Onesimus the servant as a brother, Bathsheba, although mother, called her son servant, saying to his father, ‘Thy servant Solomon2231;’—afterwards also Nathan the Prophet came in and repeated her words to David, ‘Solomon thy servant2232.’ Nor did they mind calling the son a servant, for while David heard it, he recognised the ‘nature,’ and while they spoke it, they forgot not the ‘genuineness,’ praying that he might be made his father’s heir, to whom they gave the name of servant; for to David he was son by nature.
4. As then, when we read this, we interpret it fairly, without accounting Solomon a servant
because we hear him so called, but a son natural and genuine, so also, if, concerning
the Saviour, who is confessed to be in truth the Son, and to be the Word by nature, the saints
say, ‘Who was faithful to Him that made Him,’ or if He say of Himself, ‘The Lord created
me,’ and, ‘I am Thy servant and the Son of Thine handmaid2233,’ and the like, let not any
on this account deny that He is proper to the Father and from Him; but, as in the case of
Solomon and David, let them have a right idea of the Father and the Son. For if, though
5. This being so2244, when persons ask whether the Lord is a creature or work, it is proper to ask of them this first, whether He is Son and Word and Wisdom. For if this is shewn, the surmise about work and creation falls to the ground at once and is ended. For a work could never be Son and Word; nor could the Son be a work. And again, this being the state of the case, the proof is plain to all, that the phrase, ‘To Him who made Him’ does not serve their heresy, but rather condemns it. For it has been shewn that the expression ‘He made’ is applied in divine Scripture even to children genuine and natural; whence, the Lord being proved to be the Father’s Son naturally and genuinely, and Word, and Wisdom, though ‘He made’ be used concerning Him, or ‘He became,’ this is not said of Him as if a work, but the saints make no question about using the expression,—for instance in the case of Solomon, and Hezekiah’s children. For though the fathers had begotten them from themselves, still it is written, ‘I have made,’ and ‘I have gotten,’ and ‘He became.’ Therefore God’s enemies, in spite of their repeated allegation of such phrases2245, ought now, though late in the day, after what has been said, to disown their irreligious thoughts, and think of the Lord as of a true Son, Word, and Wisdom of the Father, not a work, not a creature. For if the Son be a creature, by what word then and by what wisdom was He made Himself2246? for all the works were made through the Word and the Wisdom, as it is written, ‘In wisdom hast Thou made them all,’ and, ‘All things were made by Him, and without Him was not anything made2247.’ But if it be He who is the Word and the Wisdom, by which all things come to be, it follows that He is not in the number of works, nor in short of things originate, but the Offspring of the Father.
6. For consider how grave an error it is, to call God’s Word a work. Solomon says in
one place in Ecclesiastes, that ‘God shall bring every work into judgment, with every secret
thing, whether it be good or whether it be evil2248.’ If then the Word be a work, do you mean
that He as well as others will be brought into judgment? and what room is there for judgment,
when the Judge is on trial? who will give to the just their blessing, who to the unworthy their
punishment, the Lord, as you must suppose, standing on trial with the rest? by what law
7. Thus then we may meet these men who are shameless, and from the single expression
‘He made,’ may shew that they err in thinking that the Word of God is a work. But further,
since the drift also of the context is orthodox, shewing the time and the relation to which
8. For what happened of old was a shadow of this; and what the Saviour did on His
coming, this Aaron shadowed out according to the Law. As then Aaron was the same and
did not change by putting on the high-priestly dress2257, but remaining the same was only
9. Who can read this whole passage without condemning the Arians, and admiring the
blessed Apostle, who has spoken well? for when was Christ ‘made,’ when became He ‘Apostle,’
except when, like us, He ‘took part in flesh and blood?’ And when became He ‘a merciful
and faithful High Priest,’ except when ‘in all things He was made like unto His brethren?’
And then was He ‘made like,’ when He became man, having put upon Him our flesh.
Wherefore Paul was writing concerning the Word’s human Economy, when he said, ‘Who
was faithful to Him that made Him,’ and not concerning His Essence. Have not therefore
any more the madness to say that the Word of God is a work; whereas He is Son by nature
Only-begotten, and then had ‘brethren,’ when He took on Him flesh like ours; which
moreover, by Himself offering Himself, He was named and became ‘merciful and faithful,’—
merciful, because in mercy to us He offered Himself for us, and faithful, not as sharing
faith with us, nor as having faith in any one as we have, but as deserving to receive faith in
all He says and does, and as offering a faithful sacrifice, one which remains and does not
come to nought. For those which were offered according to the Law, had not this faithfulness,
passing away with the day and needing a further cleansing; but the Saviour’s sacrifice, taking
place once, has perfected everything, and is become faithful as remaining for ever. And
Aaron had successors, and in a word the priesthood under the Law exchanged its first
ministers as time and death went on; but the Lord having a high priesthood without transition
and without succession, has become a ‘faithful High Priest,’ as continuing for ever; and
faithful too by promise, that He may hear2262 and not mislead those who come to Him.
10. Now the so-called gods of the Greeks, unworthy the name, are faithful neither in
their essence nor in their promises; for the same are not everywhere, nay, the local deities
come to nought in course of time, and undergo a natural dissolution; wherefore the Word
cries out against them, that ‘faith is not strong in them,’ but they are ‘waters that fail,’ and
‘there is no faith in them.’ But the God of all, being one really and indeed and true, is faithful,
who is ever the same, and says, ‘See now, that I, even I am He,’ and I ‘change not2264;’ and
therefore His Son is ‘faithful,’ being ever the same and unchanging, deceiving neither in His
essence nor in His promise;—as again says the Apostle writing to the Thessalonians,
‘Faithful is He who calleth you, who also will do it2265;’ for in doing what He promises, ‘He
is faithful to His words.’ And he thus writes to the Hebrews as to the word’s meaning ‘unchangeable;’
‘If we believe not, yet He abideth faithful; He cannot deny Himself2266.’
Therefore reasonably the Apostle, discoursing concerning the bodily presence of the Word,
says, an ‘Apostle and faithful to Him that made Him,’ shewing us that, even when made
man, ‘Jesus Christ’ is ‘the same yesterday, and to-day, and for ever2267’ is unchangeable.
And as the Apostle makes mention in his Epistle of His being made man when mentioning
His High Priesthood, so too he kept no long silence about His Godhead, but rather mentions
it forthwith, furnishing to us a safeguard on every side, and most of all when he speaks of
His humility, that we may forthwith know His loftiness and His majesty which is the Father’s.
For instance, he says, ‘Moses as a servant, but Christ as a Son2268;’ and the former ‘faithful
in his house,’ and the latter ‘over the house,’ as having Himself built it, and being its Lord
and Framer, and as God sanctifying it. For Moses, a man by nature, became faithful, in believing
God who spoke to Him by His Word; but2269 the Word was not as one of things
originate in a body, nor as creature in creature, but as God in flesh2270, and Framer of all
and Builder in that which was built by Him. And men are clothed in flesh in order to be
and to subsist; but the Word of God was made man in order to sanctify the flesh, and, though
11. Hence it holds that the Apostle’s expression, ‘He made,’ does not prove that the Word is made, but that body, which He took like ours; and in consequence He is called our brother, as having become man. But if it has been shewn, that, even though the word ‘made’ be referred to the Very Word, it is used for ‘begat,’ what further perverse expedient will they be able to fall upon, now that the present discussion has cleared up the word in every point of view, and shewn that the Son is not a work, but in Essence indeed the Father’s offspring, while in the Economy, according to the good pleasure2271 of the Father, He was on our behalf made, and consists as man? For this reason then it is said by the Apostle, ‘Who was faithful to Him that made Him;’ and in the Proverbs, even creation is spoken of. For so long as we are confessing that He became man, there is no question about saying, as was observed before, whether ‘He became,’ or ‘He has been made,’ or ‘created,’ or ‘formed,’ or ‘servant,’ or ‘son of an handmaid,’ or ‘son of man,’ or ‘was constituted,’ or ‘took His journey,’ or ‘bridegroom,’ or ‘brother’s son,’ or ‘brother.’ All these terms happen to be proper to man’s constitution; and such as these do not designate the Essence of the Word, but that He has become man.
11 (continued). The same is the meaning of the passage in the Acts which they also allege, that in which Peter says, that ‘He hath made both Lord and Christ that same Jesus whom ye have crucified.’ For here too it is not written, ‘He made for Himself a Son,’ or ‘He made Himself a Word,’ that they should have such notions. If then it has not escaped their memory, that they speak concerning the Son of God, let them make search whether it is anywhere written, ‘God made Himself a Son,’ or ‘He created for Himself a Word;’ or again, whether it is anywhere written in plain terms, ‘The Word is a work or creation;’ and then let them proceed to make their case, the insensate men, that here too they may receive their answer. But if they can produce nothing of the kind, and only catch at such stray expressions as ‘He made’ and ‘He has been made,’ I fear lest, from hearing, ‘In the beginning God made the heaven and the earth,’ and ‘He made the sun and the moon,’ and ‘He made the sea,’ they should come in time to call the Word the heaven, and the Light which took place on the first day, and the earth, and each particular thing that has been made, so as to end in resembling the Stoics, as they are called, the one drawing out their God into all things2272, the other ranking God’s Word with each work in particular; which they have well nigh done already, saying that He is one of His works.
12. But here they must have the same answer as before, and first be told that the Word
is a Son, as has been said above2273, and not a work, and that such terms are not to be understood
of His Godhead, but the reason and manner of them investigated. To persons who
so inquire, the human Economy will plainly present itself, which He undertook for our sake.
For Peter, after saying, ‘He hath made Lord and Christ,’ straightway added, ‘this Jesus whom
ye crucified;’ which makes it plain to any one, even, if so be, to them, provided they attend
to the context, that not the Essence of the Word, but He according to His manhood is said
to have been made. For what was crucified but the body? and how could be signified what
was bodily in the Word, except by saying ‘He made?’ Especially has that phrase, ‘He made,’
a meaning consistent with orthodoxy; in that he has not said, as I observed before, ‘He made
Him Word,’ but ‘He made Him Lord,’ nor that in general terms2274, but ‘towards’ us, and
‘in the midst of’ us, as much as to say, ‘He manifested Him.’ And this Peter himself, when
he began this primary teaching, carefully2275 expressed, when he said to them, ‘Ye men of
13. If then they suppose that the Saviour was not Lord and King, even before He became
man and endured the Cross, but then began to be Lord, let them know that they are openly
reviving the statements of the Samosatene. But if, as we have quoted and declared above,
He is Lord and King everlasting, seeing that Abraham worships Him as Lord, and Moses
says, ‘Then the Lord rained upon Sodom and upon Gomorrah brimstone and fire from the
Lord out of heaven2279;’ and David in the Psalms, ‘The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit Thou
on My right hand2280;’ and, ‘Thy Throne, O God, is for ever and ever; a sceptre of righteousness
is the sceptre of Thy Kingdom2281;’ and, ‘Thy Kingdom is an everlasting Kingdom2282;’
it is plain that even before He became man, He was King and Lord everlasting, being Image
and Word of the Father. And the Word being everlasting Lord and King, it is very plain
again that Peter said not that the Essence of the Son was made, but spoke of His Lordship
over us, which ‘became’ when He became man, and, redeeming all by the Cross, became
Lord of all and King. But if they continue the argument on the ground of its being written,
‘He made,’ not willing that ‘He made’ should be taken in the sense of ‘He manifested,’ either
from want of apprehension, or from their Christ-opposing purpose, let them attend to another
sound exposition of Peter’s words. For he who becomes Lord of others, comes into
14. For the Son of God indeed, being Himself the Word, is Lord of all; but we once were
subject from the first to the slavery of corruption and the curse of the Law, then by degrees
fashioning for ourselves things that were not, we served, as says the blessed Apostle, ‘them
which by nature are no Gods2285,’ and, ignorant of the true God, we preferred things that
were not to the truth; but afterwards, as the ancient people when oppressed in Egypt groaned,
so, when we too had the Law ‘engrafted2286’ in us, and according to the unutterable sighings2287
of the Spirit made our intercession, ‘O Lord our God, take possession of us2288,’
then, as ‘He became for a house of refuge’ and a ‘God and defence,’ so also He became our
Lord. Nor did He then begin to be, but we began to have Him for our Lord. For upon this,
God being good and Father of the Lord, in pity, and desiring to be known by all, makes His
own Son put on Him a human body and become man, and be called Jesus, that in this body
offering Himself for all, He might deliver all from false worship and corruption, and might
Himself become of all Lord and King. His becoming therefore in this way Lord and King,
this it is that Peter means by, ‘He hath made Him Lord,’ and ‘hath sent Christ;’ as much as
to say, that the Father in making Him man (for to be made belongs to man), did not simply
make Him man, but has made Him in order to His being Lord of all men, and to His hallowing
all through the Anointing. For though the Word existing in the form of God took a
servant’s form, yet the assumption of the flesh did not make a servant2289 of the Word, who
was by nature Lord; but rather, not only was it that emancipation of all humanity which
takes place by the Word, but that very Word who was by nature Lord, and was then made
15. This, at least according to my nothingness, is the meaning of this passage; moreover, a true and a good meaning have these words of Peter as regards the Jews. For Jews, astray from the truth, expect indeed the Christ as coming, but do not reckon that He undergoes a passion, saying what they understand not; ‘We know that, when the Christ cometh, He abideth for ever, and how sayest Thou, that He must be lifted up2292?’ Next they suppose Him, not the Word coming in flesh, but a mere man, as were all the kings. The Lord then, admonishing Cleopas and the other, taught them that the Christ must first suffer; and the rest of the Jews that God was come among them, saying, ‘If He called them gods to whom the word of God came, and the Scripture cannot be broken, say ye of Him whom the Father hath sanctified and sent into the world, Thou blasphemest, because I said, I am the Son of God2293?’
16. Peter then, having learned this from the Saviour, in both points set the Jews right,
saying, “O Jews, the divine Scriptures announce that Christ cometh, and you consider Him
a mere man as one of David’s descendants, whereas what is written of Him shews Him to
be not such as you say, but rather announces Him as Lord and God, and immortal, and
dispenser of life. For Moses has said, ‘Ye shall see your Life hanging before your eyes2294.’
And David in the hundred and ninth Psalm, ‘The Lord said unto My Lord, Sit Thou on My
right hand, till I make Thine enemies Thy footstool2295;’ and in the fifteenth, ‘Thou shalt
17. The Jews then, most of them2302, hearing this, came to themselves and forthwith acknowledged the Christ, as it is written in the Acts. But, the Ario-maniacs on the contrary choose to remain Jews, and to contend with Peter; so let us proceed to place before them some parallel phrases; perhaps it may have some effect upon them, to find what the usage is of divine Scripture. Now that Christ is everlasting Lord and King, has become plain by what has gone before, nor is there a man to doubt about it; for being Son of God, He must be like Him2303, and being like, He is certainly both Lord and King, for He says Himself, ‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father.’ On the other hand, that Peter’s mere words, ‘He hath made Him both Lord and Christ,’ do not imply the Son to be a creature, may be seen from Isaac’s blessing, though this illustration is but a faint one for our subject. Now he said to Jacob, ‘Become thou lord over thy brother;’ and to Esau, ‘Behold, I have made him thy lord2304.’ Now though the word ‘made’ had implied Jacob’s essence and the coming into being, even then it would not be right in them as much as to imagine the same of the Word of God, for the Son of God is no creature as Jacob was; besides, they might inquire and so rid themselves of that extravagance. But if they do not understand it of his essence nor of his coming into being, though Jacob was by nature creature and work, is not their madness worse than the Devil’s2305, if what they dare not ascribe in consequence of a like phrase even to things by nature originate, that they attach to the Son of God, saying that He is a creature? For Isaac said ‘Become’ and ‘I have made,’ signifying neither the coming into being nor the essence of Jacob (for after thirty years and more from his birth he said this); but his authority over his brother, which came to pass subsequently.
18. Much more then did Peter say this without meaning that the Essence of the Word
was a work; for he knew Him to be God’s Son, confessing, ‘Thou art the Christ, the Son of
18. (continued). Now in the next place let us consider the passage in the Proverbs, ‘The
Lord created me a beginning of His ways for His works2312;’ although in shewing that the
Word is no work, it has been also shewn that He is no creature. For it is the same to say
work or creature, so that the proof that He is no work is a proof also that He is no creature.
Whereas one may marvel at these men, thus devising excuses to be irreligious, and nothing
daunted at the refutations which meet them upon every point. For first they set about deceiving
the simple by their questions,2313 ‘Did He who is make from that which was not
one that was not or one that was2314?’ and, ‘Had you a son before begetting him2315?’ And
when this had been proved worthless, next they invented the question, ‘Is the Unoriginate
one or two2316?’ Then, when in this they had been confuted, straightway they formed another,
‘Has He free-will and an alterable nature2317?’ But being forced to give up this, next they
set about saying, ‘Being made so much better than the Angels2318;’ and when the truth exposed
this pretence, now again, collecting them all together, they think to recommend their
heresy by ‘work’ and ‘creature2319.’ For they mean those very things over again, and are true
to their own perverseness, putting into various shapes and turning to and fro the same errors,
if so be to deceive some by that variousness. Although then abundant proof has been given
above of this their reckless expedient, yet, since they make all places sound with this passage
from the Proverbs, and to many who are ignorant of the faith of Christians, seem to say
19. And first let us see the answers, which they returned to Alexander of blessed memory,
in the outset, while their heresy was in course of formation. They wrote thus: ‘He is a creature,
but not as one of the creatures; a work, but not as one of the works; an offspring, but not as
one of the offsprings2321.’ Let every one consider the profligacy and craft of this heresy; for
knowing the bitterness of its own malignity, it makes an effort to trick itself out with fair
words, and says, what indeed it means, that He is a creature, yet thinks to be able to screen
itself by adding, ‘but not as one of the creatures.’ However, in thus writing, they rather
convict themselves of irreligion; for if, in your opinion, He is simply a creature, why add
the pretence2322, ‘but not as one of the creatures?’ And if He is simply a work, how ‘not as
one of the works?’ In which we may see the poison of the heresy. For by saying, ‘offspring,
but not as one of the offsprings,’ they reckon many sons, and one of these they pronounce
to be the Lord; so that according to them He is no more Only begotten, but one out of many
brethren, and is called2323 offspring and son. What use then is this pretence of saying that
He is a creature and not a creature? for though ye shall say, Not as ‘one of the creatures,’ I
will prove this sophism of yours to be foolish. For still ye pronounce Him to be one of the
creatures; and whatever a man might say of the other creatures, such ye hold concerning
20. Let the Word then be excepted from the works, and as Creator be restored to the
Father, and be confessed to be Son by nature; or if simply He be a creature, then let Him be
assigned the same condition as the rest one with another, and let them as well as He be said
every one of them to be ‘a creature but not as one of the creatures, offspring or work, but
not as one of the works or offsprings.’ For ye say that an offspring is the same as a work,
writing ‘generated or made2328.’ For though the Son excel the rest on a comparison, still a
creature He is nevertheless, as they are; since in those which are by nature creatures one
may find some excelling others. Star, for instance, differs from star in glory, and the rest
have all of them their mutual differences when compared together; yet it follows not for all
this that some are lords, and others servants to the superior, nor that some are efficient
causes2329, others by them come into being, but all have a nature which comes to be and is
21. But if what the Father worketh, that the Son worketh also2335, and what the Son createth, that is the creation of the Father, and yet the Son be the Father’s work or creature, then either He will work His own self, and will be His own creator (since what the Father worketh is the Son’s work also), which is absurd and impossible; or, in that He creates and worketh the things of the Father, He Himself is not a work nor a creature; for else being Himself an efficient cause2336, He may cause that to be in the case of things caused, which He Himself has become, or rather He may have no power to cause at all.
For how, if, as you hold, He is come of nothing, is He able to frame things that are
nothing into being? or if He, a creature, withal frames a creature, the same will be conceivable
in the case of every creature, viz. the power to frame others. And if this pleases you, what is
the need of the Word, seeing that things inferior can be brought to be by things superior?
or at all events, every thing that is brought to be could have heard in the beginning God’s
words, ‘Become’ and ‘be made,’ and so would have been framed. But this is not so written,
nor could it be. For none of things which are brought to be is an efficient cause, but all things
were made through the Word: who would not have wrought all things, were He Himself in
22. If then God also wrought and compounded out of materials, this indeed is a gentile
thought, according to which God is an artificer and not a Maker, but yet even in that case
let the Word work the materials, at the bidding and in the service of God2338. But if He calls
into existence things which existed not by His proper Word, then the Word is not in the
number of things non-existing and called; or we have to seek another Word2339, through
whom He too was called; for by the Word the things which were not have come to be. And
if through Him He creates and makes, He is not Himself of things created and made; but
rather He is the Word of the Creator God and is known from the Father’s works which He
Himself worketh, to be ‘in the Father and the Father in Him,’ and ‘He that hath seen Him
hath seen the Father2340,’ because the Son’s Essence is proper to the Father, and He in all
points like Him2341. How then does He create through Him, unless it be His Word and His
23. Moreover if, as the heretics hold, the Son were creature or work, but not as one of
the creatures, because of His excelling them in glory, it were natural that Scripture should
describe and display Him by a comparison in His favour with the other works; for instance,
that it should say that He is greater than Archangels, and more honourable than the Thrones,
and both brighter than sun and moon, and greater than the heavens. But he is not in fact
thus referred to; but the Father shews Him to be His own proper and only Son, saying, ‘Thou
24. But He had not been thus worshipped, nor been thus spoken of, were He a creature merely. But now since He is not a creature, but the proper offspring of the Essence of that God who is worshipped, and His Son by nature, therefore He is worshipped and is believed to be God, and is Lord of armies, and in authority, and Almighty, as the Father is; for He has said Himself, ‘All things that the Father hath, are Mine2359.’ For it is proper to the Son, to have the things of the Father, and to be such that the Father is seen in Him, and that through Him all things were made, and that the salvation of all comes to pass and consists in Him.
24 (continued). And here it were well to ask them also this question2360, for a still
clearer refutation of their heresy;—Wherefore, when all things are creatures, and all are
brought into consistence from nothing, and the Son Himself, according to you, is creature
and work, and once was not, wherefore has He made ‘all things through Him’ alone, ‘and
without Him was made not one thing2361?’ or why is it, when ‘all things’ are spoken of, that
no one thinks the Son is signified in the number, but only things originate; whereas when
Scripture speaks of the Word, it does not understand Him as being in the number of ‘all,’
but places Him with the Father, as Him in whom Providence and salvation for ‘all’ are
wrought and effected by the Father, though all things surely might at the same command
have come to be, at which He was brought into being by God alone? For God is not wearied
by commanding2362, nor is His strength unequal to the making of all things, that He should
alone create the only Son2363, and need His ministry and aid for the framing of the rest. For
He lets nothing stand over, which He wills to be done; but He willed only2364, and all things
subsisted, and no one ‘hath resisted His will2365.’ Why then were not all things brought into
being by God alone at that same command, at which the Son came into being? Or let them
tell us, why did all things through Him come to be, who was Himself but originate? How
void of reason! however, they say concerning Him, that ‘God willing to create originate
25. Is not this a full proof of that irreligion, with which they have drugged themselves with much madness, till they blush not to be intoxicate against the truth? For if they shall assign the toil of making all things as the reason why God made the Son only, the whole creation will cry out against them as saying unworthy things of God; and Isaiah too who has said in Scripture, ‘The Everlasting God, the Lord, the Creator of the ends of the earth, fainteth not, neither is weary: there is no searching of His understanding2368.’ And if God made the Son alone, as not deigning to make the rest, but committed them to the Son as an assistant, this on the other hand is unworthy of God, for in Him there is no pride. Nay the Lord reproves the thought, when He says, ‘Are not two sparrows sold for a farthing?’ and ‘one of them shall not fall on the ground without your Father which is in heaven.’ And again, ‘Take no thought for your life, what ye shall eat, nor yet for your body, what ye shall put on. Is not the life more than meat, and the body than raiment? Behold the fowls of the air, for they sow not, neither do they reap, nor gather into barns; yet your heavenly Father feedeth them; are ye not much better than they? Which of you by taking thought, can add one cubit unto his stature? And why take ye thought for raiment? Consider the lilies of the field, how they grow; they toil not, neither do they spin: and yet I say unto you, that even Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of these. Wherefore if God so clothe the grass of the field which to-day is, and to-morrow is cast into the oven, shall He not much more clothe you, O ye of little faith2369?’ If then it be not unworthy of God to exercise His Providence, even down to things so small, a hair of the head, and a sparrow, and the grass of the field, also it was not unworthy of Him to make them. For what things are the subjects of His Providence, of those He is Maker through His proper Word. Nay a worse absurdity lies before the men who thus speak; for they distinguish2370 between the creatures and the framing; and consider the latter the work of the Father, the creatures the work of the Son; whereas either all things must be brought to be by the Father with the Son, or if all that is originate comes to be through the Son, we must not call Him one of the originated things.
26. Next, their folly may be exposed thus:—if even the Word be of originated nature, how, whereas this nature is too feeble to be God’s own handywork, could He alone of all endure to be made by the unoriginate and unmitigated Essence of God, as ye say? for it follows either that, if He could endure it, all could endure it, or, it being endurable by none, it was not endurable by the Word, for you say that He is one of originate things. And again, if because originate nature could not endure to be God’s own handywork, there arose need of a mediator2371, it must follow, that, the Word being originate and a creature, there is need of medium in His framing also, since He too is of that originate nature which endures not to be made of God, but needs a medium. But if some being as a medium be found for Him, then again a fresh mediator is needed for that second, and thus tracing back and following out, we shall invent a vast crowd of accumulating mediators; and thus it will be impossible that the creation should subsist, as ever wanting a mediator, and that medium not coming into being without another mediator; for all of them will be of that originate nature which endures not to be made of God alone, as ye say. How abundant is that folly, which obliges them to hold that what has already come into being, admits not of coming! Or perhaps they opine that they have not even come to be, as still seeking their mediator; for, on the ground of their so irreligious and futile notion2372, what is would not have subsistence, for want of the medium.
27. But again they allege this:—‘Behold, through Moses too did He lead the people from
Egypt, and through him He gave the Law, yet he was a man; so that it is possible for like to
be brought into being by like.’ They should veil their face when they say this, to save their
much shame. For Moses was not sent to frame the world, nor to call into being things which
were not, or to fashion men like himself, but only to be the minister of words to the people,
and to King Pharaoh. And this is a very different thing, for to minister is of things originate
as of servants, but to frame and to create is of God alone, and of His proper Word and His
Wisdom. Wherefore, in the matter of framing, we shall find none but God’s Word; for ‘all
things are made in Wisdom,’ and ‘without the Word was made not one thing.’ But as regards
ministrations there are, not one only, but man out of their whole number, whomever the
Lord will send. For there are many Archangels, many Thrones, and Authorities, and
Dominions, thousands of thousands, and myriads of myriads, standing before Him2373,
28. Behold there are many lights, and not the sun only, nor the moon only, but each is
one in essence, and yet the service of all is one and common; and what each lacks, is supplied
by the other, and the office of lighting is performed by all2377. Thus the sun has authority
to shine throughout the day and no more; and the moon through the night; and the stars
together with them accomplish the seasons and years, and become for signs, each according
to the need that calls for it. Thus too the earth is not for all things, but for the fruits only,
and to be a ground to tread on for the living things that inhabit it. And the firmament is to
divide between waters and waters, and to be a place to set the stars in. So also fire and water,
with other things, have been brought into being to be the constituent parts of bodies; and
in short no one thing is alone, but all things that are made, as if members of each other,
make up as it were one body, namely, the world. If then they thus conceive of the Son, let
all men throw stones2378 at them, considering the Word to be a part of this universe, and
a part insufficient without the rest for the service committed to Him. But if this be manifestly
irreligious, let them acknowledge that the Word is not in the number of things originate,
29. For if the power of framing accrues to anyone from teaching, these insensate men
are ascribing jealousy and weakness2382 to God;—jealousy, in that He has not taught many
how to frame, so that there may be around Him, as Archangels and Angels many, so framers
many; and weakness, in that He could not make by Himself, but needed a fellow-worker,
or under-worker; and that, though it has been already shewn that created nature admits of
being made by God alone, since they consider the Son to be of such a nature and so made.
But God is deficient in nothing: perish the thought! for He has said Himself, ‘I am full2383.’
Nor did the Word become Framer of all from teaching; but being the Image and Wisdom
of the Father, He does the things of the Father. Nor hath He made the Son for the making
of things created; for behold, though the Son exists, still2384 the Father is seen to work, as
the Lord Himself says, ‘My Father worketh hitherto and I work2385.’ If however, as you say,
the Son came into being for the purpose of making the things after Him, and yet the Father
is seen to work even after the Son, you must hold even in this light the making of such a
Son to be superfluous. Besides, why, when He would create us, does He seek for a mediator
at all, as if His will did not suffice to constitute whatever seemed good to Him? Yet the
Scriptures say, ‘He hath done whatsoever pleased Him2386,’ and ‘Who hath resisted His
30. First, the Son appears rather to have been for us brought to be, than we for Him; for
we were not created for Him, but He is made for us2390; so that He owes thanks to us, not
we to Him, as the woman to the man. ‘For the man,’ says Scripture, ‘was not created for the
woman, but the woman for the man.’ Therefore, as ‘the man is the image and glory of God,
and the woman the glory of the man2391,’ so we are made God’s image and to His glory; but
the Son is our image, and exists for our glory. And we were brought into being that we might
be; but God’s Word was made, as you must hold, not that He might be2392; but as an instrument2393
for our need, so that not we from Him, but He is constituted from our need. Are
not men who even conceive such thoughts, more than insensate? For if for us the Word was
made, He has not precedence2394 of us with God; for He did not take counsel about us
having Him within Him, but having us in Himself, counselled, as they say, concerning His
own Word. But if so, perchance the Father had not even a will for the Son at all; for not as
having a will for Him, did He create Him, but with a will for us, He formed Him for our
sake; for He designed Him after designing us; so that, according to these irreligious men,
henceforth the Son, who was made as an instrument, is superfluous, now that they are made
for whom He was created. But if the Son alone was made by God alone, because He could
endure it, but we, because we could not, were made by the Word, why does He not first take
counsel about the Word, who could endure His making, instead of taking counsel about
us? or why does He not make more of Him who was strong, than of us who were weak? or
why making Him first, does He not counsel about Him first? or why counselling about us
first, does He not make us first, His will being sufficient for the constitution of all things?
But He creates Him first, yet counsels first about us; and He wills us before the Mediator;
and when He wills to create us, and counsels about us, He calls us creatures; but Him, whom
31. But the sentiment of Truth2396 in this matter must not be hidden, but must have
high utterance. For the Word of God was not made for us, but rather we for Him, and ‘in
Him all things were created2397.’ Nor for that we were weak, was He strong and made by
the Father alone, that He might frame us by means of Him as an instrument; perish the
thought! it is not so. For though it had seemed good to God not to make things originate,
still had the Word been no less with God, and the Father in Him. At the same time, things
originate could not without the Word be brought to be; hence they were made through
Him,—and reasonably. For since the Word is the Son of God by nature proper to His essence,
and is from Him, and in Him2398, as He said Himself, the creatures could not have come
to be, except through Him. For as the light enlightens all things by its radiance, and without
its radiance nothing would be illuminated, so also the Father, as by a hand2399, in the Word
wrought all things, and without Him makes nothing. For instance, God said, as Moses
relates, ‘Let there be light,’ and ‘Let the waters be gathered together,’ and ‘let the dry land
appear,’ and ‘Let Us make man2400;’ as also Holy David in the Psalm, ‘He spake and they
were made; He commanded and they were created2401.’ And He spoke2402, not that, as in
32. It is plain from this that the Arians are not fighting with us about their heresy; but
while they pretend us, their real fight is against the Godhead Itself. For if the voice were
ours which says, ‘This it My Son2410,’ small were our complaint of them; but if it is the
Father’s voice, and the disciples heard it, and the Son too says of Himself, ‘Before all the
33. These are the evil sophistries of the heterodox; yet, though we have already shewn
their shallowness, the exact sense of these passages themselves and the force of these illustrations
will serve to shew the baseless nature of their loathsome tenet. For we see that
reason is ever, and is from him and proper to his essence, whose reason it is, and does not
admit a before and an after. So again we see that the radiance from the sun is proper to it,
and the sun’s essence is not divided or impaired; but its essence is whole and its radiance
perfect and whole2422, yet without impairing the essence of light, but as a true offspring
from it. We understand in like manner that the Son is begotten not from without but from
the Father, and while the Father remains whole, the Expression of His Subsistence is ever,
and preserves the Father’s likeness and unvarying Image, so that he who sees Him, sees in
Him the Subsistence too, of which He is the Expression. And from the operation of the Expression
we understand the true Godhead of the Subsistence, as the Saviour Himself teaches
when He says, ‘The Father who dwelleth in Me, He doeth the works2423’ which I do; and ‘I
and the Father are one,’ and ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me2424.’ Therefore let this
Christ—opposing heresy attempt first to divide2425 the examples found in things originate,
and say, ‘Once the sun was without his radiance,’ or, ‘Radiance is not proper to the essence
of light,’ or ‘It is indeed proper, but it is a part of light by division; and then let it divide
Reason, and pronounce that it is foreign to mind, or that once it was not, or that it was not
proper to its essence, or that it is by division a part of mind.’ And so of His Expression and
the Light and the Power, let it do violence to these as in the case of Reason and Radiance;
and instead let it imagine what it will2426. But if such extravagance be impossible for them,
34. For if in the case of these originate and irrational things offsprings are found which are not parts of the essences from which they are, nor subsist with passion, nor impair the essences of their originals, are they not mad again in seeking and conjecturing parts and passions in the instance of the immaterial and true God, and ascribing divisions to Him who is beyond passion and change, thereby to perplex the ears of the simple2428 and to pervert them from the Truth? for who hears of a son but conceives of that which is proper to the father’s essence? who heard, in his first catechising2429, that God has a Son and has made all things by His proper Word, but understood it in that sense in which we now mean it? who on the rise of this odious heresy of the Arians, was not at once startled at what he heard, as strange2430, and a second sowing, besides that Word which had been sown from the beginning? For what is sown in every soul from the beginning is that God has a Son, the Word, the Wisdom, the Power, that is, His Image and Radiance; from which it at once follows that He is always; that He is from the Father; that He is like; that He is the eternal offspring of His essence; and there is no idea involved in these of creature or work. But when the man who is an enemy, while men slept, made a second sowing2431, of ‘He is a creature,’ and ‘There was once when He was not,’ and ‘How can it be?’ thenceforth the wicked heresy of Christ’s enemies rose as tares, and forthwith, as bereft of every right thought, they meddle2432 like robbers, and venture to say, ‘How can the Son always exist with the Father?’ for men come of men and are sons, after a time; and the father is thirty years old, when the son begins to be, being begotten; and in short of every son of man, it is true that he was not before his generation. And again they whisper, ‘How can the Son be Word, or the Word be God’s Image? for the word of men is composed of syllables2433, and only signifies the speaker’s will, and then is over2434 and is lost.’
35. They then afresh, as if forgetting the proofs which have been already urged against
them, ‘pierce themselves through2435’ with these bonds of irreligion, and thus argue. But
the word of truth2436 confutes them as follows:—if they were disputing concerning any
man, then let them exercise reason in this human way, both concerning His Word and His
Son; but if of God who created man, no longer let them entertain human thoughts, but
others which are above human nature. For such as he that begets, such of necessity is the
offspring; and such as is the Word’s Father, such must be also His Word. Now man, begotten
in time, in time2437 also himself begets the child; and whereas from nothing he came to be,
therefore his word2438 also is over and continues not. But God is not as man, as Scripture
has said; but is existing and is ever; therefore also His Word is existing2439 and is everlastingly
with the Father, as radiance of light. And man’s word is composed of syllables, and neither
lives nor operates anything, but is only significant of the speaker’s intention, and does but
go forth and go by, no more to appear, since it was not at all before it was spoken; wherefore
the word of man neither lives nor operates anything, nor in short is man. And this happens
to it, as I said before, because man who begets it, has his nature out of nothing. But God’s
Word is not merely pronounced, as one may say, nor a sound of accents, nor by His Son is
meant His command2440; but as radiance of light, so is He perfect offspring from perfect2441.
Hence He is God also, as being God’s Image; for ‘the Word was God2442’ says Scripture.
And man’s words avail not for operation; hence man works not by means of words but of
hands, for they have being, and man’s word subsists not. But the ‘Word of God,’ as the
Apostle says, ‘is living and powerful and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even
to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner
of the thoughts and intents of the heart. Neither is there any creature that is not manifest
in His sight; but all things are naked and opened unto the eyes of Him with whom we have
36. Nor must we ask why the Word of God is not such as our word, considering God
is not such as we, as has been before said; nor again is it right to seek how the word is from
God, or how He is God’s radiance, or how God begets, and what is the manner of His begetting2445.
For a man must be beside himself to venture on such points; since a thing ineffable
and proper to God’s nature, and known to Him alone and to the Son, this he demands to
be explained in words. It is all one as if they sought where God is, and how God is, and of
what nature the Father is. But as to ask such questions is irreligious, and argues an ignorance
of God, so it is not holy to venture such questions concerning the generation of the Son of
God, nor to measure God and His Wisdom by our own nature and infirmity. Nor is a person
at liberty on that account to swerve in his thoughts from the truth, nor, if any one is perplexed
in such inquiries, ought he to disbelieve what is written. For it is better in perplexity to be
silent and believe, than to disbelieve on account of the perplexity: for he who is perplexed
may in some way obtain mercy2446, because, though he has questioned, he has yet kept
quiet; but when a man is led by his perplexity into forming for himself doctrines which beseem
not, and utters what is unworthy of God, such daring recurs a sentence without mercy.
For in such perplexities divine Scripture is able to afford him some relief, so as to take rightly
what is written, and to dwell upon our word as an illustration; that as it is proper to us and
is from us, and not a work external to us, so also God’s Word is proper to Him and from
Him, and is not a work; and yet is not like the word of man, or else we must suppose God
to be man. For observe, many and various are men’s words which pass away day by day;
because those that come before others continue not, but vanish. Now this happens because
their authors are men, and have seasons which pass away, and ideas which are successive;
and what strikes them first and second, that they utter; so that they have many words, and
yet after them all nothing at all remaining; for the speaker ceases, and his word forthwith is
spent. But God’s Word is one and the same, and, as it is written, ‘The Word of God endureth
for ever2447,’ not changed, not before or after other, but existing the same always. For it was
37. Wherefore I am in wonder how, whereas God is One, these men introduce, after
their private notions, many images and wisdoms and words2449, and say that the Father’s
proper and natural Word is other than the Son, by whom He even made the Son2450 and
that He who is really Son is but notionally2451 called Word, as vine, and way, and door, and
tree of life; and that He is called Wisdom also in name, the proper and true Wisdom of the
Father, which coexist ingenerately2452 with Him, being other than the Son, by which He
even made the Son, and named Him Wisdom as partaking of it. This they have not confined
to words, but Arius composed in his Thalia, and the Sophist Asterius wrote, what we have
stated above, as follows: ‘Blessed Paul said not that he preached Christ, the Power of God
or the Wisdom of God,’ but without the addition of the article, ‘God’s power’ and ‘God’s
wisdom2453,’ thus preaching that the proper Power of God Himself which is natural to Him,
and co-existent in Him ingenerately, is something besides, generative indeed of Christ, and
creative of the whole world, concerning which he teaches in his Epistle to the Romans
thus,—‘The invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being
understood by the things that are made, even His eternal Power and Godhead2454.’ For as
no one would say that the Godhead there mentioned was Christ, but the Father Himself,
so, as I think, ‘His eternal Power and Godhead also is not the Only Begotten Son, but the
Father who begat Him2455.’ And he teaches that there is another power and wisdom of God,
38. Now are they not worthy of all hatred for merely uttering this? for if, as they hold,
He is Son, not because He is begotten of the Father and proper to His Essence, but that He
is called Word only because of things rational2456, and Wisdom because of things gifted
with wisdom, and Power because of things gifted with power, surely He must be named a
Son because of those who are made sons: and perhaps because there are things existing, He
has even His existence2457, in our notions only2458. And then after all what is He? for He
is none of these Himself, if they are but His names2459: and He has but a semblance of being,
and is decorated with these names from us. Rather this is some recklessness of the devil, or
worse, if they are not unwilling that they should truly subsist themselves, but think that
God’s Word is but in name. Is not this portentous, to say that Wisdom coexists with the
Father, yet not to say that this is the Christ, but that there are many created powers and
39. For where at all have they found in divine Scripture, or from whom have they heard,
that there is another Word and another Wisdom besides this Son, that they should frame
to themselves such a doctrine? True, indeed, it is written, ‘Are not My words like fire, and
like a hammer that breaketh the rock in pieces2462?’ and in the Proverbs, ‘I will make known
My words unto you2463;’ but these are precepts and commands, which God has spoken to
the saints through His proper and only true Word, concerning which the Psalmist said, ‘I
have refrained my feet from every evil way, that I may keep Thy words2464.’ Such words
accordingly the Saviour signifies to be distinct from Himself, when He says in His own
40. Therefore, if neither in the divine oracles is found another wisdom besides this Son,
nor from the fathers2469 have we heard of any such, yet they have confessed and written of
the Wisdom coexisting with the Father unoriginately, proper to Him, and the Framer of
the world, this must be the Son who even according to them is eternally coexistent with the
Father. For He is Framer of all, as it is written, ‘In Wisdom hast Thou made them all2470.’
Nay, Asterius himself, as if forgetting what he wrote before, afterwards, in Caiaphas’s2471
fashion, involuntarily, when urging the Greeks, instead of naming many wisdoms, or the
caterpillar, confesses but one, in these words;—‘God the Word is one, but many are the
things rational; and one is the essence and nature of Wisdom, but many are the things wise
and beautiful.’ And soon afterwards he says again:—‘Who are they whom they honour with
the title of God’s children? for they will not say that they too are words, nor maintain that
there are many wisdoms. For it is not possible, whereas the Word is one, and Wisdom has
41. But let the other heresies and the Manichees also know that the Father of the Christ
is One, and is Lord and Maker of the creation through His proper Word. And let the Ariomaniacs
know in particular, that the Word of God is One, being the only Son proper and
genuine from His Essence, and having with His Father the oneness of Godhead indivisible,
as we said many times, being taught it by the Saviour Himself. Since, were it not so, wherefore
through Him does the Father create, and in Him reveal Himself to whom He will, and illuminate
them? or why too in the baptismal consecration is the Son named together with the
Father? For if they say that the Father is not all-sufficient, then their answer is irreligious2474,
but if He be, for this it is right to say, what is the need of the Son for framing the worlds, or
for the holy laver? For what fellowship is there between creature and Creator? or why is a
thing made classed with the Maker in the consecration of all of us? or why, as you hold, is
faith in one Creator and in one creature delivered to us? for if it was that we might be joined
to the Godhead, what need of the creature? but if that we might be united to the Son a
creature, superfluous, according to you, is this naming of the Son in Baptism, for God who
made Him a Son is able to make us sons also. Besides, if the Son be a creature, the nature
of rational creatures being one, no help will come to creatures from a creature2475, since
42. Therefore, when He made His promise to the saints, He thus spoke; ‘I and the
Father will come, and make Our abode in him;’ and again, ‘that, as I and Thou are One, so
they may be one in Us.’ And the grace given is one, given from the Father in the Son, as
Paul writes in every Epistle, ‘Grace unto you, and peace from God our Father and the Lord
Jesus Christ2480.’ For the light must be with the ray, and the radiance must be contemplated
together with its own light. Whence the Jews, as denying the Son as well as they, have not
the Father either; for, as having left the ‘Fountain of Wisdom2481,’ as Baruch reproaches
43. There are many other heresies too, which use the words only, but not in a right
sense, as I have said, nor with sound faith2486, and in consequence the water which they
administer is unprofitable, as deficient in piety, so that he who is sprinkled2487 by them is
rather polluted2488 by irreligion than redeemed. So Gentiles also, though the name of God
is on their lips, incur the charge of Atheism2489, because they know not the real and very
God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. So Manichees and Phrygians2490, and the disciples
44. We have gone through thus much before the passage in the Proverbs, resisting the
insensate fables which their hearts have invented, that they may know that the Son of God
ought not to be called a creature, and may learn lightly to read what admits in truth of a
right2496 explanation. For it is written, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways, for
His works2497;’ since, however, these are proverbs, and it is expressed in the way of proverbs,
we must not expound them nakedly in their first sense, but we must inquire into the person,
and thus religiously put the sense on it. For what is said in proverbs, is not said plainly, but
is put forth latently2498, as the Lord Himself has taught us in the Gospel according to John,
saying, ‘These things have I spoken unto you in proverbs, but the time cometh when I shall
no more speak unto you in proverbs, but openly2499.’ Therefore it is necessary to unfold
the sense2500 of what is said, and to seek it as something hidden, and not nakedly to expound
as if the meaning were spoken ‘plainly,’ lest by a false interpretation we wander from the
truth. If then what is written be about Angel, or any other of things originate, as concerning
one of us who are works, let it be said, ‘created me;’ but if it be the Wisdom of God, in whom
all things originate have been framed, that speaks concerning Itself, what ought we to understand
but that ‘He created’ means nothing contrary to ‘He begat?’ Nor, as forgetting that
It is Creator and Framer, or ignorant of the difference between the Creator and the creatures,
does It number Itself among the creatures; but It signifies a certain sense, as in proverbs,
not ‘plainly,’ but latent; which It inspired the saints to use in prophecy, while soon after It
46. That to be called creatures, then, and to be created belongs to things which have by
nature a created essence, these passages are sufficient to remind us, though Scripture is full
already been noticed, supr. i. 45, and passages from this Oration are given in another connexion, supr. p. 70,
note 15. The term is synonymous with the Divine Nature as existing in the Person of the Word. [Cf. Prolegg.
ch. ii. §3 (2) b.] In the passage in the text the οὐσία of the Word is contrasted to the οὐσία of creatures; and it is
observable that it is implied that our Lord has not taken on Him a created οὐσία. ‘He said not, Athan. remarks,
‘I became a creature, for the creatures have a created essence;’ he adds that ‘He created’ signifies, not essence,
but something taking place in Him περὶ ἔκεινον, i.e. some adjunct or accident (e.g. notes on de Decr. 22), or as
he says supr. §8, envelopment or dress. And infr. §51, he contrasts the οὐσία and the ἀνθρώπινον of the Word;
as in Orat. i. 41. οὐσία and ἡ ἀνθρωπότης; and φύσις and σάρξ, iii. 34. init. and λόγος and σάρξ, 38. init. And
He speaks of the Son ‘taking on Him the economy,’ infr. 76, and of the ὑπόστασις τοῦ λόγου being one with ὁ
ἄνθρωπος, iv. 25, c. It is observed, §8, note, how this line of teaching might be wrested to the purposes of the
Apollinarian and Eutychian heresies; and, considering Athan.’s most emphatic protests against their errors in
his later works, as well as his strong statements in Orat. iii. there is no hazard in this admission. His ordinary
use of ἄνθρωπος for the manhood might quite as plausibly be perverted on the other hand into a defence of
Nestorianism. Vid. also the Ed. Ben. on S. Hilary, præf. p. xliii. who uses natura absolutely for our Lord’s Divinity,
as contrasted to the dispensatio, and divides His titles into naturalia and assumpta.
47. For the very passage proves that it is only an invention of your own to call the Lord
creature. For the Lord, knowing His own Essence to be the Only-begotten Wisdom and
Offspring of the Father, and other than things originate and natural creatures, says in love
to man, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways,’ as if to say, ‘My Father hath prepared
for Me a body, and has created Me for men in behalf of their salvation.’ For, as when John
says, ‘The Word was made flesh2520,’ we do not conceive the whole Word Himself to be
flesh2521, but to have put on flesh and become man, and on hearing, ‘Christ hath become
a curse for us,’ and ‘He hath made Him sin for us who knew no sin2522,’ we do not simply
conceive this, that whole Christ has become curse and sin, but that He has taken on Him
the curse which lay against us (as the Apostle has said, ‘Has redeemed us from the curse,’
and ‘has carried,’ as Isaiah has said, ‘our sins,’ and as Peter has written, ‘has borne them in
the body on the wood2523’); so, if it is said in the Proverbs ‘He created,’ we must not conceive
that the whole Word is in nature a creature, but that He put on the created body2524 and
that God created Him for our sakes, preparing for Him the created body, as it is written, for
us, that in Him we might be capable of being renewed and deified. What then deceived you,
O senseless, to call the Creator a creature? or whence did you purchase for you this new
thought, to parade it2525? For the Proverbs say ‘He created,’ but they call not the Son creature,
but Offspring; and, according to the distinction in Scripture aforesaid of ‘He created’ and
‘creature,’ they acknowledge, what is by nature proper to the Son, that He is the Only-begotten
Wisdom and Framer of the creatures, and when they say ‘He created,’ they say it not in respect
of His Essence, but signify that He was becoming a beginning of many ways; so that ‘He
48. For if He is Offspring, how call ye Him creature? for no one says that He begets what He creates, nor calls His proper offspring creatures; and again, if He is Only-begotten, how becomes He ‘beginning of the ways?’ for of necessity, if He was created a beginning of all things, He is no longer alone, as having those who came into being after Him. For Reuben, when he became a beginning of the children2527, was not only-begotten, but in time indeed first, but in nature and relationship one among those who came after him. Therefore if the Word also is ‘a beginning of the ways,’ He must be such as the ways are, and the ways must be such as the Word, though in point of time He be created first of them. For the beginning or initiative of a city is such as the other parts of the city are, and the members too being joined to it, make the city whole and one, as the many members of one body; nor does one part of it make, and another come to be, and is subject to the former, but all the city equally has its government and constitution from its maker. If then the Lord is in such sense created as a ‘beginning’ of all things, it would follow that He and all other things together make up the unity of the creation, and He neither differs from all others, though He become the ‘beginning’ of all, nor is He Lord of them, though older in point of time; but He has the same manner of framing and the same Lord as the rest. Nay, if He be a creature, as you hold, how can He be created sole and first at all, so as to be beginning of all? when it is plain from what has been said, that among the creatures not any is of a constant2528 nature and of prior formation, but each has its origination with all the rest, however it may excel others in glory. For as to the separate stars or the great lights, not this appeared first, and that second, but in one day and by the same command, they were all called into being. And such was the original formation of the quadrupeds, and of birds, and fishes, and cattle, and plants; thus too has the race made after God’s Image come to be, namely men; for though Adam only was formed out of earth, yet in him was involved the succession of the whole race.
49. And from the visible creation, we clearly discern that His invisible things also, ‘being
perceived by the things that are made2529,’ are not independent of each other; for it was not
first one and then another, but all at once were constituted after their kind. For the Apostle
did not number individually, so as to say ‘whether Angel, or Throne, or Dominion, or Authority,’
but he mentions together all according to their kind, ‘whether Angels, or Archangels,
50. Your famous assertion then, that the Son is a creature, is not true, but is your fantasy
only; nay Solomon convicts you of having many times slandered him. For he has not called
Him creature, but God’s Offspring and Wisdom, saying, ‘God in Wisdom established the
earth,’ and ‘Wisdom built her an house2535.’ And the very passage in question proves your
irreligious spirit; for it is written, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways for His
works.’ Therefore if He is before all things, yet says ‘He created me’ (not ‘that I might make
the works,’ but) ‘for the works,’ unless ‘He created’ relates to something later than Himself,
51. (But if, because He was called child, they idly talk, let them know that both Isaac was named Abraham’s child, and the son of the Shunamite was called young child.) Reasonably then, we being servants, when He became as we, He too calls the Father Lord, as we do; and this He has so done from love to man, that we too, being servants by nature, and receiving the Spirit of the Son, might have confidence to call Him by grace Father, who is by nature our Lord. But as we, in calling the Lord Father, do not deny our servitude by nature (for we are His works, and it is ‘He that hath made us, and not we ourselves2539’), so when the Son, on taking the servant’s form, says, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways,’ let them not deny the eternity of His Godhead, and that ‘in the beginning was the Word,’ and ‘all things were made by Him,’ and ‘in Him all things were created2540.’
51 (continued). For the passage in the Proverbs, as I have said before, signifies, not the Essence, but the manhood of the Word; for if He says that He was created ‘for the works,’ He shews His intention of signifying, not His Essence, but the Economy which took place ‘for His works,’ which comes second to being. For things which are in formation and creation are made specially that they may be and exist2541, and next they have to do whatever the Word bids them, as may be seen in the case of all things. For Adam was created, not that He might work, but that first he might be man; for it was after this that he received the command to work. And Noah was created, not because of the ark, but that first he might exist and be a man; for after this he received commandment to prepare the ark. And the like will be found in every case on inquiring into it;—thus the great Moses first was made a man, and next was entrusted with the government of the people. Therefore here too we must suppose the like; for thou seest, that the Word is not created into existence, but, ‘In the beginning was the Word,’ and He is afterwards sent ‘for the works’ and the Economy towards them. For before the works were made, the Son was ever, nor was there yet need that He should be created; but when the works were created and need arose afterwards of the Economy for their restoration, then it was that the Word took upon Himself this condescension and assimilation to the works; which He has shewn us by the word ‘He created.’ And through the Prophet Isaiah willing to signify the like, He says again: ‘And now thus saith the Lord, who formed me from the womb to be His servant, to gather together Jacob unto Him and Israel, I shall be brought together and be glorified before the Lord2542.’
52. See here too, He is formed, not into existence, but in order to gather together the
tribes, which were in existence before He was formed. For as in the former passage stands
‘He created,’ so in this ‘He formed;’ and as there ‘for the works,’ so here ‘to gather together;’
so that in every point of view it appears that ‘He created’ and ‘He formed’ are said after ‘the
Word was.’ For as before His forming the tribes existed, for whose sake He was formed, so
does it appear that the works exist, for which He was created. And when ‘in the beginning
was the Word,’ not yet were the works, as I have said before; but when the works were made
and the need required, then ‘He created’ was said; and as if some son, when the servants
were lost, and in the hands of the enemy by their own carelessness, and need was urgent,
53. ‘He created’ then and ‘He formed’ and ‘He set,’ having the same meaning, do not
denote the beginning of His being, or of His essence as created, but His beneficent renovation
which came to pass for us. Accordingly, though He thus speaks, yet He taught also that He
Himself existed before this, when He said, ‘Before Abraham came to be, I am2549;’ and ‘when
He prepared the heavens, I was present with Him;’ and ‘I was with Him disposing things2550.’
And as He Himself was before Abraham came to be, and Israel had come into being after
Abraham, and plainly He exists first and is formed afterwards, and His forming signifies
not His beginning of being but His taking manhood, wherein also He collects together the
tribes of Israel; so, as ‘being always with the Father,’ He Himself is Framer of the creation,
and His works are evidently later than Himself, and ‘He created’ signifies, not His beginning
of being, but the Economy which took place for the works, which He effected in the flesh.
54. And the Lord Himself has spoken many things in proverbs; but when giving us notices
about Himself, He has spoken absolutely2558; ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me,’ and ‘I
and the Father are one,’ and, ‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father,’ and ‘I am the
Light of the world,’ and, ‘I am the Truth2559;’ not setting down in every case the reason, nor
the wherefore, lest He should seem second to those things for which He was made. For that
reason would needs take precedence of Him, without which not even He Himself had come
into being. Paul, for instance, ‘separated an Apostle for the Gospel, which the Lord had
promised afore by the Prophets2560,’ was thereby made subordinate to the Gospel, of which
he was made minister, and John, being chosen to prepare the Lord’s way, was made subordinate
to the Lord; but the Lord, not being made subordinate to any reason why He should
be Word, save only that He is the Father’s Offspring and Only-begotten Wisdom, when He
becomes man, then assigns the reason why He is about to take flesh. For the need of man
55. To give a witness then, and for our sakes to undergo death, to raise man up and
destroy the works of the devil2566, the Saviour came, and this is the reason of His incarnate
presence. For otherwise a resurrection had not been, unless there had been death; and how
had death been, unless He had had a mortal body? This the Apostle, learning from Him,
thus sets forth, ‘Forasmuch then as the children are partakers of flesh and blood, He also
Himself likewise took part of the same; that through death He might bring to nought him
that had the power of death, that is, the devil, and deliver them who through fear of death
were all their lifetime subject to bondage2567.’ And, ‘Since by man came death, by man came
56. For if, as they hold, the Essence of the Word being of created nature, therefore He
says, ‘The Lord created me,’ being a creature, He was not created for us; but if He was not
created for us, we are not created in Him; and, if not created in Him, we have Him not in
ourselves but externally; as, for instance, as receiving instruction from Him as from a
teacher2574. And it being so with us, sin has not lost its reign over the flesh, being inherent
and not cast out of it. But the Apostle opposes such a doctrine a little before, when he says,
‘For we are His workmanship, created in Christ Jesus2575;’ and if in Christ we are created,
then it is not He who is created, but we in Him; and thus the words ‘He created’ are for our
sake. For because of our need, the Word, though being Creator, endured words which are
used of creatures; which are not proper to Him, as being the Word, but are ours who are
created in Him. And as, since the Father is always, so is His Word, and always being, always
says ‘I was daily His delight, rejoicing always before Him2576,’ and ‘I am in the Father and
the Father in Me2577;’ so, when for our need He became man, consistently does He use
language, as ourselves, ‘The Lord hath created Me,’ that, by His dwelling in the flesh, sin
might perfectly be expelled from the flesh, and we might have a free mind2578. For what
ought He, when made man, to say? ‘In the beginning I was man?’ this were neither suitable
to Him nor true; and as it beseemed not to say this, so it is natural and proper in the case
of man to say, ‘He created’ and ‘He made’ Him. On this account then the reason of ‘He
created’ is added, namely, the need of the works; and where the reason is added, surely the
reason rightly explains the lection. Thus here, when He says ‘He created,’ He sets down the
cause, ‘the works;’ on the other hand, when He signifies absolutely the generation from the
Father, straightway He adds, ‘Before all the hills He begets me2579;’ but He does not add the
‘wherefore,’ as in the case of ‘He created,’ saying, ‘for the works,’ but absolutely, ‘He begets
me,’ as in the text, ‘In the beginning was the Word2580.’ For, though no works had been
57. For had He been a creature, He had not said, ‘He begets me,’ for the creatures are
from without, and are works of the Maker; but the Offspring is not from without nor a work,
but from the Father, and proper to His Essence. Wherefore they are creatures; this God’s
Word and Only-begotten Son. For instance, Moses did not say of the creation, ‘In the beginning
He begat,’ nor ‘In the beginning was,’ but ‘In the beginning God created the heaven
and the earth2581.’ Nor did David say in the Psalm, ‘Thy hands have “begotten me,”’ but
‘made me and fashioned me2582,’ everywhere applying the word ‘made’ to the creatures.
But to the Son contrariwise; for he has not said ‘I made,’ but ‘I begat2583,’ and ‘He begets
me,’ and ‘My heart uttered a good Word2584.’ And in the instance of the creation, ‘In the
beginning He made;’ but in the instance of the Son, ‘In the beginning was the Word2585.’
And there is this difference, that the creatures are made upon the beginning, and have a
beginning of existence connected with an interval; wherefore also what is said of them, ‘In
the beginning He made,’ is as much as saying of them, ‘From the beginning He made:’—as
the Lord, knowing that which He had made, taught, when He silenced the Pharisees, with
the words, ‘He which made them from the beginning, made them male and female2586;’ for
from some beginning, when they were not yet, were originate things brought into being and
created. This too the Holy Spirit has signified in the Psalms, saying, ‘Thou, Lord, at the beginning
hast laid the foundation of the earth2587;’ and again, ‘O think upon Thy congregation
which Thou hast purchased from the beginning2588;’ now it is plain that what takes place
at the beginning, has a beginning of creation, and that from some beginning God purchased
His congregation. And that ‘In the beginning He made,’ from his saying ‘made,’ means
58. Thus does divine Scripture recognise the difference between the Offspring and things
made, and shew that the Offspring is a Son, not begun from any beginning, but eternal; but
that the thing made, as an external work of the Maker, began to come into being. John
therefore delivering divine doctrine2593 about the Son, and knowing the difference of the
phrases, said not, ‘In the beginning has become’ or ‘been made,’ but ‘In the beginning was
the Word;’ that we might understand ‘Offspring’ by ‘was,’ and not account of Him by intervals,
but believe the Son always and eternally to exist. And with these proofs, how, O Arians,
misunderstanding the passage in Deuteronomy, did you venture a fresh act of irreligion2594
against the Lord, saying that ‘He is a work,’ or ‘creature,’ or indeed ‘offspring?’ for offspring
and work you take to mean the same thing; but here too you shall be shewn to be as unlearned
as you are irreligious. Your first passage is this, ‘Is not He thy Father that bought thee? did
He not make thee and create thee2595?’ And shortly after in the same Song he says, ‘God
that begat thee thou didst desert, and forgattest God that nourished thee2596.’ Now the
59. For God not only created them to be men, but called them to be sons, as having begotten
them. For the term ‘begat’ is here as elsewhere expressive of a Son, as He says by the
Prophet, ‘I begat sons and exalted them;’ and generally, when Scripture wishes to signify a
son, it does so, not by the term ‘created,’ but undoubtedly by that of ‘begat.’ And this John
seems to say, ‘He gave to them power to become children of God, even to them that believe
on His Name; which were begotten not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will
of man, but of God2600.’ And here too the cautious distinction2601 is well kept up, for first
he says ‘become,’ because they are not called sons by nature but by adoption; then he says
‘were begotten,’ because they too had received at any rate the name of son. But the People,
as says the Prophet, ‘despised’ their Benefactor. But this is God’s kindness to man, that of
whom He is Maker, of them according to grace He afterwards becomes Father also; becomes,
that is, when men, His creatures, receive into their hearts, as the Apostle says, ‘the Spirit of
His Son, crying, Abba, Father2602.’ And these are they who, having received the Word,
gained power from Him to become sons of God; for they could not become sons, being by
nature creatures, otherwise than by receiving the Spirit of the natural and true Son.
Wherefore, that this might be, ‘The Word became flesh,’ that He might make man capable
of Godhead. This same meaning may be gained also from the Prophet Malachi, who says,
60. And that creature and offspring are not the same, but differ from each other in
nature and the signification of the words, the Lord Himself shews even in the Proverbs. For
having said, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways;’ He has added, ‘But before all
the hills He begat me.’ If then the Word were by nature and in His Essence2607 a creature,
and there were no difference between offspring and creature, He would not have added,
‘He begat me,’ but had been satisfied with ‘He created,’ as if that term implied ‘He begat;’
but, as it is, after saying, ‘He created me a beginning of His ways for His works,’ He has added,
not simply ‘begat me,’ but with the connection of the conjunction ‘But,’ as guarding thereby
the term ‘created,’ when he says, ‘But before all the hills He begat me.’ For ‘begat me’ succeeding
in such close connection to ‘created me,’ makes the meaning one, and shews that
‘created’ is said with an object2608, but that ‘begat me’ is prior to ‘created me.’ For as, if He
had said the reverse, ‘The Lord begat me,’ and went on, ‘But before the hills He created me,’
‘created’ would certainly precede ‘begat,’ so having said first ‘created,’ and then added ‘But
before all the hills He begat me,’ He necessarily shews that ‘begat’ preceded ‘created.’ For
61. Such then being the difference between ‘created’ and ‘begat me,’ and between ‘beginning
of ways’ and ‘before all,’ God, being first Creator, next, as has been said, becomes
Father of men, because of His Word dwelling in them. But in the case of the Word the reverse;
for God, being His Father by nature, becomes afterwards both His Creator and Maker, when
the Word puts on that flesh which was created and made, and becomes man. For, as men,
receiving the Spirit of the Son, become children through Him, so the Word of God, when
He Himself puts on the flesh of man, then is said both to be created and to have been made.
If then we are by nature sons, then is He by nature creature and work; but if we become
sons by adoption and grace, then has the Word also, when in grace towards us He became
man, said, ‘The Lord created me.’ And in the next place, when He put on a created nature
and became like us in body, reasonably was He therefore called both our Brother and ‘Firstborn2613.’
For though it was after us2614 that He was made man for us, and our brother by
similitude of body, still He is therefore called and is the ‘First-born’ of us, because, all men
being lost, according to the transgression of Adam, His flesh before all others was saved and
liberated, as being the Word’s body2615; and henceforth we, becoming incorporate with It,
62. But if He is also called ‘First-born of the creation2618,’ still this is not as if He were
levelled to the creatures, and only first of them in point of time (for how should that be,
since He is ‘Only-begotten?’), but it is because of the Word’s condescension2619 to the
creatures, according to which He has become the ‘Brother’ of ‘many.’ For the term ‘Onlybegotten’
is used where there are no brethren, but ‘First-born2620’ because of brethren. Accordingly
it is nowhere written in the Scriptures, ‘the first-born of God,’ nor ‘the creature
of God;’ but ‘Only-begotten’ and ‘Son’ and ‘Word’ and ‘Wisdom,’ refer to Him as proper
to the Father2621. Thus, ‘We have seen His glory, the glory as of the Only-begotten of the
Father2622;’ and ‘God sent His Only-begotten Son2623;’ and ‘O Lord, Thy Word endureth
for ever2624;’ and ‘In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God;’ and ‘Christ
63. Not then because He was from the Father was He called ‘First-born,’ but because in
Him the creation came to be; and as before the creation He was the Son, through whom
was the creation, so also before He was called the First-born of the whole creation, not the
less was the Word Himself with God and the Word was God. But this also not understanding,
these irreligious men go about saying, ‘If He is First-born of all creation, it is plain that He
64. And I think that the irreligious men themselves will be shamed from such a thought;
for if the case stands not as we have said, but they will rule it that He is ‘First-born of the
whole creation’ as in essence—a creature among creatures, let them reflect that they will be
conceiving Him as brother and fellow of the things without reason and life. For of the whole
creation these also are parts; and the ‘First-born’ must be first indeed in point of time but
only thus, and in kind and similitude2643 must be the same with all. How then can they say
this without exceeding all measures of irreligion? or who will endure them, if this is their
language? or who can but hate them even imagining such things? For it is evident to all, that
neither for Himself, as being a creature, nor as having any connection according to essence
with the whole creation, has He been called ‘First-born’ of it: but because the Word, when
at the beginning He framed the creatures, condescended to things originate, that it might
be possible for them to come to be. For they could not have endured His nature, which was
untempered splendour, even that of the Father, unless condescending by the Father’s love
for man He had supported them and taken hold of them and brought them into existence2644;
and next, because, by this condescension of the Word, the creation too is made a son2645
through Him, that He might be in all respects ‘First-born’ of it, as has been said, both in
creating, and also in being brought for the sake of all into this very world. For so it is written,
‘When He bringeth the First-born into the world, He saith, Let all the Angels of God worship
Him2646.’ Let Christ’s enemies hear and tear themselves to pieces, because His coming into
65. And thus since the truth declares that the Word is not by nature a creature, it is fitting
now to say, in what sense He is ‘beginning of ways.’ For when the first way, which was
through Adam, was lost, and in place of paradise we deviated unto death, and heard the
words, ‘Dust thou art, and unto dust2651 shalt thou return,’ therefore the Word of God, who
loves man, puts on Him created flesh at the Father’s will2652, that whereas the first man had
made it dead through the transgression, He Himself might quicken it in the blood of His
own body2653, and might open ‘for us a way new and living,’ as the Apostle says, ‘through
the veil, that is to say, His flesh2654;’ which he signifies elsewhere thus, ‘Wherefore, if any
man be in Christ, he is a new creation; old things are passed away, behold all things are be-
66. For if, as has been said, because of the resurrection from the dead He is called a beginning,
and then a resurrection took place when He, bearing our flesh, had given Himself
to death for us, it is evident that His words, ‘He created me a beginning of ways,’ is indicative
not of His essence2656, but of His bodily presence. For to the body death was proper2657;
and in like manner to the bodily presence are the words proper, ‘The Lord created me a
beginning of His ways.’ For since the Saviour was thus created according to the flesh, and
had become a beginning of things new created, and had our first fruits, viz. that human flesh
which He took to Himself, therefore after Him, as is fit, is created also the people to come,
David saying, ‘Let this be written for another generation, and the people that shall be created
shall praise the Lord2658.’ And again in the twenty-first Psalm, ‘The generation to come
shall declare unto the Lord, and they shall declare His righteousness, unto a people that
shall be born whom the Lord made2659.’ For we shall no more hear, ‘In the day that thou
eatest thereof, thou shalt surely die2660,’ but ‘Where I am, there ye’ shall ‘be also;’ so that we
67. When then received He the works to perfect, O God’s enemies? for from this also
‘He created’ will be understood. If ye say, ‘At the beginning when He brought them into
being out of what was not,’ it is an untruth; for they were not yet made; whereas He appears
to speak as taking what was already in being. Nor is it pious to refer to the time which preceded
the Word’s becoming flesh, lest His coming should thereupon seem superfluous,
since for the sake of these works that coming took place. Therefore it remains for us to say
that when He has become man, then He took the works. For then He perfected them, by
healing our wounds and vouchsafing to us the resurrection from the dead. But if, when the
Word became flesh, then were given to Him the works, plainly when He became man, then
also is He created for the works. Not of His essence then is ‘He created’ indicative, as has
many times been said, but of His bodily generation. For then, because the works were become
imperfect and mutilated from the transgression, He is said in respect to the body to be created;
that by perfecting them and making them whole, He might present the Church unto the
Father, as the Apostle says, ‘not having spot or wrinkle or any such thing, but holy and
without blemish2667.’ Mankind then is perfected in Him and restored, as it was made at the
68. ‘Yet,’ they say, ‘though the Saviour were a creature, God was able to speak the word
only and undo the curse.’ And so another will tell them in like manner, ‘Without His coming
among us at all, God was able just to speak and undo the curse;’ but we must consider what
was expedient for mankind, and not what simply is possible with God2673. He could have
destroyed, before the ark of Noah, the then transgressors; but He did it after the ark. He
could too, without Moses, have spoken the word only and have brought the people out of
Egypt; but it profited to do it through Moses. And God was able without the judges to save
His people; but it was profitable for the people that for a season judges should be raised up
to them. The Saviour too might have come among us from the beginning, or on His coming
69. Again, if the Son were a creature, man had remained mortal as before, not being
joined to God; for a creature had not joined creatures to God, as seeking itself one to join
it2680; nor would a portion of the creation have been the creation’s salvation, as needing
salvation itself. To provide against this also, He sends His own Son, and He becomes Son
of Man, by taking created flesh; that, since all were under sentence of death, He, being other
than them all, might Himself for all offer to death His own body; and that henceforth, as if
all had died through Him, the word of that sentence might be accomplished (for ‘all died2681’
70. But this would not have come to pass, had the Word been a creature; for with a
creature, the devil, himself a creature, would have ever continued the battle, and man, being
between the two, had been ever in peril of death, having none in whom and through whom
he might be joined to God and delivered from all fear. Whence the truth shews us that the
Word is not of things originate, but rather Himself their Framer. For therefore did He assume
the body originate and human, that having renewed it as its Framer, He might deify it2688
in Himself, and thus might introduce us all into the kingdom of heaven after His likeness.
For man had not been deified if joined to a creature, or unless the Son were very God; nor
had man been brought into the Father’s presence, unless He had been His natural and true
Word who had put on the body. And as we had not been delivered from sin and the curse,
71. The Word then is neither creature nor work; for creature, thing made, work, are all
one; and were He creature and thing made, He would also be work. Accordingly He has not
said, ‘He created Me a work,’ nor ‘He made Me with the works,’ lest He should appear to
be in nature and essence2693 a creature; nor, ‘He created Me to make works,’ lest, on the
other hand, according to the perverseness of the irreligious, He should seem as an instrument2694
made for our sake. Nor again has He declared, ‘He created Me before the works,’
lest, as He really is before all, as an Offspring, so, if created also before the works, He should
give ‘Offspring’ and ‘He created’ the same meaning. But He has said with exact discrimination2695,
‘for the works;’ as much as to say, ‘The Father has made Me, into flesh, that I might
72. But if the Word were a work, then certainly He as others had been made in Wisdom; nor would Scripture distinguish Him from the works, nor while it named them works, preach Him as Word and own Wisdom of God. But, as it is, distinguishing Him from the works, He shews that Wisdom is Framer of the works, and not a work. This distinction Paul also observes, writing to the Hebrews, ‘The Word of God is quick and powerful, and sharper than any two-edged sword, reaching even to the dividing of soul and spirit, joints and marrow, and a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart, neither is there any creature hidden before Him, but all things are naked and open unto the eyes of Him with whom is our account2707.’ For behold he calls things originate ‘creature;’ but the Son he recognises as the Word of God, as if He were other than the creatures. And again saying, ‘All things are naked and open to the eyes of Him with whom is our account,’ he signifies that He is other than all of them. For hence it is that He judges, but each of all things originate is bound to give account to Him. And so also, when the whole creation is groaning together with us in order to be set free from the bondage of corruption, the Son is thereby shewn to be other than the creatures. For if He were creature, He too would be one of those who groan, and would need one who should bring adoption and deliverance to Himself as well as others. But if the whole creation groans together, for the sake of freedom from the bondage of corruption, whereas the Son is not of those that groan nor of those who need freedom, but He it is who gives sonship and freedom to all, saying to the Jews of His time2708, ‘The servant remains not in the house for ever, but the Son remaineth for ever; if then the Son shall make you free, ye shall be free indeed2709;’ it is clearer than the light from these considerations also, that the Word of God is not a creature but true Son, and by nature genuine, of the Father. Concerning then ‘The Lord hath created me a beginning of the ways,’ this is sufficient, as I think, though in few words, to afford matter to the learned to frame more ample refutations of the Arian heresy.
But since the heretics, reading the next verse, take a perverse view of that also, because it is written, ‘He founded me before the world2710,’ namely, that this is said of the Godhead of the Word and not of His incarnate Presence2711, it is necessary, explaining this verse also, to shew their error.
73. It is written, ‘The Lord in Wisdom founded the earth2712;’ if then by Wisdom the
earth is founded, how can He who founds be founded? nay, this too is said after the manner
of proverbs2713, and we must in like manner investigate its sense; that we may know that,
while by Wisdom the Father frames and founds the earth to be firm and steadfast2714,
Wisdom Itself is founded for us, that It may become beginning and foundation of our new
creation and renewal. Accordingly here as before, He says not, ‘Before the world He hath
made me Word or Son,’ lest there should be as it were a beginning of His making. For this
we must seek before all things, whether He is Son2715, ‘and on this point specially search
the Scriptures2716;’ for this it was, when the Apostles were questioned, that Peter answered,
74. For He says not, ‘Before the world He founded me as Word or Son,’ but simply, ‘He
founded me,’ to shew again, as I have said, that not for His own sake2723 but for those who
are built upon Him does He here also speak, after the way of proverbs. For this knowing,
the Apostle also writes, ‘Other foundation can no man lay than that is laid, which is Jesus
Christ; but let every man take heed how he buildeth thereupon2724.’ And it must be that the
foundation should be such as the things built on it, that they may admit of being well compacted
together. Being then the Word, He has not, as Word2725, any such as Himself, who
may be compacted with Him; for He is Only-begotten; but having become man, He has the
like of Him, those namely the likeness of whose flesh He has put on. Therefore according
to His manhood He is founded, that we, as precious stones, may admit of building upon
Him, and may become a temple of the Holy Ghost who dwelleth in us. And as He is a
foundation, and we stones built upon Him, so again He is a Vine and we knit to Him as
branches,—not according to the Essence of the Godhead; for this surely is impossible; but
75. Nor let the words ‘before the world’ and ‘before He made the earth’ and ‘before the
mountains were settled’ disturb any one; for they very well accord with ‘founded’ and ‘created;’
for here again allusion is made to the Economy according to the flesh. For though the
grace which came to us from the Saviour appeared, as the Apostle says, just now, and has
come when He sojourned among us; yet this grace had been prepared even before we came
into being, nay, before the foundation of the world, and the reason why is kindly and wonderful.
It beseemed not that God should counsel concerning us afterwards, lest He should
appear ignorant of our fate. The God of all then,—creating us by His own Word, and
knowing our destinies better than we, and foreseeing that, being made ‘good2728,’ we should
in the event be transgressors of the commandment, and be thrust out of paradise for disobedience,—
being loving and kind, prepared beforehand in His own Word, by whom also
He created us2729, the Economy of our salvation; that though by the serpent’s deceit we fell
from Him, we might not remain quite dead, but having in the Word the redemption and
salvation which was afore prepared for us, we might rise again and abide immortal, what
time He should have been created for us ‘a beginning of the ways,’ and He who was the
‘First-born of creation’ should become ‘first-born’ of the ‘brethren,’ and again should rise
76. How then has He chosen us, before we came into existence, but that, as he says
himself, in Him we were represented2733 beforehand? and how at all, before men were created,
did He predestinate us unto adoption, but that the Son Himself was ‘founded before
the world,’ taking on Him that economy which was for our sake? or how, as the Apostle
goes on to say, have we ‘an inheritance being predestinated,’ but that the Lord Himself was
founded ‘before the world,’ inasmuch as He had a purpose, for our sakes, to take on Him
through the flesh all that inheritance of judgment which lay against us, and we henceforth
were made sons in Him? and how did we receive it ‘before the world was,’ when we were
not yet in being, but afterwards in time, but that in Christ was stored the grace which has
reached us? Wherefore also in the Judgment, when every one shall receive according to his
conduct, He says, ‘Come, ye blessed of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you
from the foundation of the world2734.’ How then, or in whom, was it prepared before we
came to be, save in the Lord who ‘before the world’ was founded for this purpose; that we,
as built upon Him, might partake, as well-compacted stones, the life and grace which is
from Him? And this took place, as naturally suggests itself to the religious mind, that, as I
said, we, rising after our brief death, may be capable of an eternal life, of which we had not
been capable2735, men as we are, formed of earth, but that ‘before the world’ there had been
77. Nor in any other way was it fitting that our life should be founded, but in the Lord
who is before the ages, and through whom the ages were brought to be; that, since it was in
Him, we too might be able to inherit that everlasting life. For God is good; and being good
always, He willed this, as knowing that our weak nature needed the succour and salvation
which is from Him. And as a wise architect, proposing to build a house, consults also about
repairing it, should it at any time become dilapidated after building, and, as counselling
about this, makes preparation and gives to the workmen materials for a repair; and thus the
means of the repair are provided before the house; in the same way prior to us is the repair
of our salvation founded in Christ, that in Him we might even be new-created. And the will
and the purpose were made ready ‘before the world,’ but have taken effect when the need
required, and the Saviour came among us. For the Lord Himself will stand us in place of all
things in the heavens, when He receives us into everlasting life. This then suffices to prove
that the Word of God is not a creature, but that the sense of the passage is right2738. But
since that passage, when scrutinized, has a right sense in every point of view, it may be well
to state what it is; perhaps many words may bring these senseless men to shame. Now here
I must recur to what has been said before, for what I have to say relates to the same proverb
and the same Wisdom. The Word has not called Himself a creature by nature, but has said
in proverbs, ‘The Lord created me;’ and He plainly indicates a sense not spoken ‘plainly’
but latent2739, such as we shall be able to find by taking away the veil from the proverb. For
who, on hearing from the Framing Wisdom, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways,’
Pius V. condemned the assertion of Baius, Immortalitas primi hominis non erat gratiæ beneficium sed naturalis
conditio. His decision of course is here referred to only historically.
78. Now the Only-begotten and very Wisdom2742 of God is Creator and Framer of all
things; for ‘in Wisdom hast Thou made them all2743,’ he says, and ‘the earth is full of Thy
creation.’ But that what came into being might not only be, but be good2744, it pleased God
that His own Wisdom should condescend2745 to the creatures, so as to introduce an impress
and semblance of Its Image on all in common and on each, that what was made might be
manifestly wise works and worthy of God2746. For as of the Son of God, considered as the
Word, our word is an image, so of the same Son considered as Wisdom is the wisdom which
is implanted in us an image; in which wisdom we, having the power of knowledge and
thought, become recipients of the All-framing Wisdom; and through It we are able to know
Its Father. ‘For he who hath the Son,’ saith He, ‘hath the Father also;’ and ‘he that receiveth
Me, receiveth Him that sent Me2747.’ Such an impress then of Wisdom being created in us,
and being in all the works, with reason does the true and framing Wisdom take to Itself
what belongs to its own impress, and say, ‘The Lord created me for His works;’ for what the
wisdom in us says, that the Lord Himself speaks as if it were His own; and, whereas He is
not Himself created, being Creator, yet because of the image of Him created in the works2748,
He says this as if of Himself. And as the Lord Himself has said, ‘He that receiveth you, receiveth
Me2749,’ because His impress is in us, so, though He be not among the creatures,
79. But if this too fails to persuade them, let them tell us themselves, whether there is
any wisdom in the creatures or not2752? If not how is it that the Apostle complains, ‘For
after that in the Wisdom of God the world by wisdom knew not God2753?’ or how is it if
there is no wisdom, that a ‘multitude of wise men2754’ are found in Scripture? for ‘a wise
man feareth and departeth from evil2755;’ and ‘through wisdom is a house builded2756;’ and
the Preacher says, ‘A man’s wisdom maketh his face to shine;’ and he blames those who are
headstrong thus, ‘Say not thou, what is the cause that the former days were better than these?
for thou dost not inquire in wisdom concerning this2757.’ But if, as the Son of Sirach says,
‘He poured her out upon all His works; she is with all flesh according to His gift, and He
hath given her to them that love Him2758,’ and this outpouring is a note, not of the Essence
of the Very2759 Wisdom and Only-begotten, but of that wisdom which is imaged in the
world, how is it incredible that the All-framing and true Wisdom Itself, whose impress is
the wisdom and knowledge poured out in the world, should say, as I have already explained,
as if of Itself, ‘The Lord created me for His works?’ For the wisdom in the world is not creative,
but is that which is created in the works, according to which ‘the heavens declare the
glory of God, and the firmament sheweth His handywork2760.’ This if men have within
them2761, they will acknowledge the true Wisdom of God; and will know that they are made
80. Moreover, that the Son should be speaking of the impress that is within us as if it
were Himself, should not startle any one, considering (for we must not shrink from repetition2764)
that, when Saul was persecuting the Church, in which was His impress and image,
He said, as if He were Himself under persecution, ‘Saul, why persecutest thou Me2765?’
Therefore (as has been said), as, supposing the impress itself of Wisdom which is in the
works had said, ‘The Lord created me for the works,’ no one would have been startled, so,
if He, the True and Framing Wisdom, the Only-begotten Word of God, should use what
belongs to His image as about Himself, namely, ‘The Lord created me for the works,’ let no
one, overlooking the wisdom created in the world and in the works, think that ‘He created’
is said of the Substance of the Very2766 Wisdom, lest, diluting the wine with water2767, he
be judged a defrauder of the truth. For It is Creative and Framer; but Its impress is created
in the works, as the copy of the image. And He says, ‘Beginning of ways,’ since such wisdom
becomes a sort of beginning. and, as it were, rudiments of the knowledge of God; for a man
entering, as it were, upon this way first, and keeping it in the fear of God (as Solomon
says2768, ‘The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom’), then advancing upwards in his
81. But since He proceeds to say, ‘When He prepared the heaven, I was present with
Him2772,’ we ought to know that He says not this as if without Wisdom the Father prepared
the heaven or the clouds above (for there is no room to doubt that all things are created in
Wisdom, and without It was made not even one2773 thing); but this is what He says, ‘All
things took place in Me and through Me, and when there was need that Wisdom should be
created in the works, in My Essence indeed I was with the Father, but by a condescension2774
to things originate, I was disposing over the works My own impress, so that the whole world
as being in one body, might not be at variance but in concord with itself.’ All those then
who with an upright understanding, according to the wisdom given unto them, come to
contemplate the creatures, are able to say for themselves, ‘By Thy appointment all things
continue2775;’ but they who make light of this must be told, ‘Professing themselves to be
wise, they became fools;’ for ‘that which may be known of God is manifest in them; for God
has revealed it unto them; for the invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are
clearly seen, being perceived by the things that are made, even His eternal Power and God-
82. Hence the whole earth is filled with the knowledge of Him; for the knowledge of
Father through Son and of Son from Father is one and the same, and the Father delights in
Him, and in the same joy the Son rejoices in the Father, saying, ‘I was by Him, daily His
delight, rejoicing always before Him2780.’ And this again proves that the Son is not foreign,
but proper to the Father’s Essence. For behold, not because of us has He come to be, as the
irreligious men say, nor is He out of nothing (for not from without did God procure for
Himself a cause of rejoicing), but the words denote what is His own and like. When then
was it, when the Father rejoiced not? but if He ever rejoiced, He was ever, in whom He rejoiced.
And in whom does the Father rejoice, except as seeing Himself in His own Image,
which is His Word? And though in sons of men also He had delight, on finishing the world,
as it is written in these same Proverbs2781, yet this too has a consistent sense. For even thus
He had delight, not because joy was added to Him, but again on seeing the works made after
His own Image; so that even this rejoicing of God is on account of His Image. And how too
has the Son delight, except as seeing Himself in the Father? for this is the same as saying,
‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father,’ and ‘I am in the Father and the Father in
Me2782.’ Vain then is your vaunt as is on all sides shewn, O Christ’s enemies, and vainly did
1. The Ario-maniacs, as it appears, having once made up their minds to transgress and
revolt from the Truth, are strenuous in appropriating the words of Scripture, ‘When the
impious cometh into a depth of evils, he despiseth2786;’ for refutation does not stop them,
nor perplexity abash them; but, as having ‘a whore’s forehead,’ they ‘refuse to be ashamed2787’
before all men in their irreligion. For whereas the passages which they alleged, ‘The Lord
created me2788,’ and ‘Made better than the Angels2789,’ and ‘First-born2790,’ and ‘Faithful
to Him that made Him2791’ have a right sense2792, and inculcate religiousness towards
Christ, so it is that these men still, as if bedewed with the serpent’s poison, not seeing what
they ought to see, nor understanding what they read, as if in vomit from the depth of their
irreligious heart, have next proceeded to disparage our Lord’s words, ‘I in the Father and
the Father in Me2793;’ saying, ‘How can the One be contained in the Other and the Other
in the One?’ or ‘How at all can the Father who is the greater be contained in the Son who is
the less?’ or ‘What wonder, if the Son is in the Father,’ considering it is written even of us,
‘In Him we live and move and have our being2794?’ And this state of mind is consistent with
2. But now let us see what Asterius the Sophist says, the retained pleader2799 for the
heresy. In imitation then of the Jews so far, he writes as follows; ‘It is very plain that He has
said, that He is in the Father and the Father again in Him, for this reason, that neither the
word on which He was discoursing is, as He says, His own, but the Father’s, nor the works
belong to Him, but to the Father who gave Him the power.’ Now this, if uttered at random
by a little child, had been excused from his age; but when one who bears the title of Sophist,
and professes universal knowledge2800, is the writer, what a serious condemnation does he
deserve! And does he not shew himself a stranger to the Apostle2801, as being puffed up
with persuasive words of wisdom, and thinking thereby to succeed in deceiving, not understanding
himself what he says nor whereof he affirms2802? For what the Son has said as
proper and suitable to a Son only, who is Word and Wisdom and Image of the Father’s Essence,
that he levels to all the creatures, and makes common to the Son and to them; and
he says, lawless2803 man, that the Power of the Father receives power, that from this his irreligion
it may follow to say that in a son2804 the Son was made a son, and the Word received
a word’s authority; and, far from granting that He spoke this as a Son, He ranks Him with
all things made as having learned it as they have. For if the Son said, ‘I am in the Father and
the Father in Me,’ because His discourses were not His own words but the Father’s, and so
of His works, then,—since David says, ‘I will hear what the Lord God shall say in me2805,’
3. But if the Lord said this, His words would not rightly have been, ‘I in the Father and
the Father in Me,’ but rather, ‘I too am in the Father, and the Father is in Me too,’ that He
may have nothing of His own and by prerogative2808, relatively to the Father, as a Son, but
the same grace in common with all. But it is not so, as they think; for not understanding
that He is genuine Son from the Father, they belie Him who is such, whom alone it befits
to say, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me.’ For the Son is in the Father, as it is allowed us
to know, because the whole Being of the Son is proper to the Father’s essence2809, as radiance
from light, and stream from fountain; so that whoso sees the Son, sees what is proper to the
Father, and knows that the Son’s Being, because from the Father, is therefore in the Father.
For the Father is in the Son, since the Son is what is from the Father and proper to Him, as
in the radiance the sun, and in the word the thought, and in the stream the fountain: for
whoso thus contemplates the Son, contemplates what is proper to the Father’s Essence, and
4. On this account and reasonably, having said before, ‘I and the Father are One,’ He
added, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me,2812’ by way of shewing the identity2813 of
Godhead and the unity of Essence. For they are one, not2814 as one thing divided into two
parts, and these nothing but one, nor as one thing twice named, so that the Same becomes
at one time Father, at another His own Son, for this Sabellius holding was judged an heretic.
But They are two, because the Father is Father and is not also Son, and the Son is Son and
not also Father2815; but the nature is one; (for the offspring is not unlike2816 its parent, for
it is his image), and all that is the Father’s, is the Son’s2817. Wherefore neither is the Son
another God, for He was not procured from without, else were there many, if a godhead be
procured foreign from the Father’s2818; for if the Son be other, as an Offspring, still He is
the Same as God; and He and the Father are one in propriety and peculiarity of nature, and
in the identity of the one Godhead, as has been said. For the radiance also is light, not second
to the sun, nor a different light, nor from participation of it, but a whole and proper offspring
of it. And such an offspring is necessarily one light; and no one would say that they are two
lights2819, but sun and radiance two, yet one the light from the sun enlightening in its radi-
5. And on hearing the attributes of the Father spoken of a Son, we shall thereby see the
Father in the Son; and we shall contemplate the Son in the Father, when what is said of the
Son is said of the Father also. And why are the attributes of the Father ascribed to the Son,
except that the Son is an Offspring from Him? and why are the Son’s attributes proper to
the Father, except again because the Son is the proper Offspring of His Essence? And the
Son, being the proper Offspring of the Father’s Essence, reasonably says that the Father’s
attributes are His own also; whence suitably and consistently with saying, ‘I and the Father
are One,’ He adds, ‘that ye may know that I am in the Father and the Father in Me2828.’
Moreover, He has added this again, ‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father2829;’ and
there is one and the same sense in these three2830 passages. For he who in this sense understands
that the Son and the Father are one, knows that He is in the Father and the Father
6. And this is what is said, ‘Who being in the form of God2834,’ and ‘the Father in Me.’
Nor is this Form2835 of the Godhead partial merely, but the fulness of the Father’s Godhead
is the Being of the Son, and the Son is whole God. Therefore also, being equal to God, He
‘thought it not a prize to be equal to God;’ and again since the Godhead and the Form of
7. Now that this is the sense of the Prophet is clear and manifest to all; but since the irreligious men, alleging such passages also, dishonour the Lord and reproach us, saying, ‘Behold God is said to be One and Only and First; how say ye that the Son is God? for if He were God, He had not said, “I Alone,” nor “God is One2845;”’ it is necessary to declare the sense of these phrases in addition, as far as we can, that all may know from this also that the Arians are really contending with God2846. If there then is rivalry of the Son towards the Father, then be such words uttered against Him; and if according to what is said to David concerning Adonijah and Absalom2847, so also the Father looks upon the Son, then let Him utter and urge such words against Himself, lest He the Son, calling Himself God, make any to revolt from the Father. But if he who knows the Son, on the contrary, knows the Father, the Son Himself revealing Him to him, and in the Word he shall rather see the Father, as has been said, and if the Son on coming, glorified not Himself but the Father, saying to one who came to Him, ‘Why callest thou Me good? none is good save One, that is, God2848;’ and to one who asked, what was the great commandment in the Law, answering, ‘Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is One Lord2849;’ and saying to the multitudes, ‘I came down from heaven, not to do My own will, but the will of Him that sent Me2850;’ and teaching the disciples, ‘My Father is greater than I,’ and ‘He that honoureth Me, honoureth Him that sent Me2851;’ if the Son is such towards His own Father, what is the difficulty2852, that one must need take such a view of such passages? and on the other hand, if the Son is the Father’s Word, who is so wild, besides these Christ-opposers, as to think that God has thus spoken, as traducing and denying His own Word? This is not the mind of Christians; perish the thought; for not with reference to the Son is it thus written, but for the denial of those falsely called gods, invented by men.
8. And this account of the meaning of such passages is satisfactory; for since those who
are devoted to gods falsely so called, revolt from the True God, therefore God, being good
and careful for mankind, recalling the wanderers, says, ‘I am Only God,’ and ‘I Am,’ and
‘Besides Me there is no God,’ and the like; that He may condemn things which are not, and
may convert all men to Himself. And as, supposing in the daytime when the sun was shining,
a man were rudely to paint a piece of wood, which had not even the appearance of light,
and call that image the cause of light, and if the sun with regard to it were to say, ‘I alone
am the light of the day, and there is no other light of the day but I,’ he would say this, with
regard, not to his own radiance, but to the error arising from the wooden image and the
dissimilitude of that vain representation; so it is with ‘I am,’ and ‘I am Only God,’ and ‘There
is none other besides Me,’ viz. that He may make men renounce falsely called gods, and that
they may recognise Him the true God instead. Indeed when God said this, He said it through
His own Word, unless forsooth the modern2853 Jews add this too, that He has not said this
through His Word; but so hath He spoken, though they rave, these followers of the devil2854.
For the Word of the Lord came to the Prophet, and this was what was heard; nor is there a
thing which God says or does, but He says and does it in the Word. Not then with reference
to Him is this said, O Christ’s enemies, but to things foreign to Him and not from2855 Him.
For according to the aforesaid illustration, if the sun had spoken those words, he would
have been setting right the error and have so spoken, not as having his radiance without
him, but in the radiance shewing his own light. Therefore not for the denial of the Son, nor
with reference to Him, are such passages, but to the overthrow of falsehood. Accordingly
God spoke not such words to Adam at the beginning, though His Word was with Him, by
whom all things came to be; for there was no need, before idols came in; but when men
made insurrection against the truth and named for themselves gods such as they would2856,
then it was that need arose of such words, for the denial of gods that were not. Nay I would
add, that they were said even in anticipation of the folly of these Christ-opposers2857, that
9. If then the Father be called the only true God, this is said not to the denial of Him
who said, ‘I am the Truth2858,’ but of those on the other hand who by nature are not true,
as the Father and His Word are. And hence the Lord Himself added at once, ‘And Jesus
Christ whom Thou didst send2859.’ Now had He been a creature, He would not have added
this, and ranked Himself with His Creator (for what fellowship is there between the True
and the not true?); but as it is, by adding Himself to the Father, He has shewn that He is of
the Father’s nature; and He has given us to know that of the True Father He is True Offspring.
And John too, as he had learned2860, so he teaches this, writing in his Epistle, ‘And we are
in the True, even in His Son Jesus Christ; This is the True God and eternal life2861.’ And
when the Prophet says concerning the creation, ‘That stretcheth forth the heavens alone2862,’
and when God says, ‘I only stretch out the heavens,’ it is made plain to every one, that in
the Only is signified also the Word of the Only, in whom ‘all things were made,’ and without
whom ‘was made not one thing.’ Therefore, if they were made through the Word, and yet
He says, ‘I Only,’ and together with that Only is understood the Son, through whom the
heavens were made, so also then, if it be said, ‘One God,’ and ‘I Only,’ and ‘I the First,’ in
that One and Only and First is understood the Word coexisting, as in the Light the Radiance.
And this can be understood of no other than the Word alone. For all other things subsisted
out of nothing through the Son, and are greatly different in nature; but the Son Himself is
natural and true Offspring from the Father; and thus the very passage which these insensates
have thought fit to adduce, ‘I the First,’ in defence of their heresy, doth rather expose their
perverse spirit. For God says, ‘I the First and I the Last;’ if then, as though ranked with the
things after Him, He is said to be first of them, so that they come next to Him, then certainly
you will have shewn that He Himself precedes the works in time only2863; which, to go no
further, is extreme irreligion; but if it is in order to prove that He is not from any, nor any
before Him, but that He is Origin and Cause of all things, and to destroy the Gentile fables,
that He has said ‘I the First,’ it is plain also, that when the Son is called First-born, this is
done not for the sake of ranking Him with the creation, but to prove the framing and adop-
10. However here too they introduce their private fictions, and contend that the Son
and the Father are not in such wise ‘one,’ or ‘like,’ as the Church preaches, but, as they
themselves would have it2866. For they say, since what the Father wills, the Son wills also,
and is not contrary either in what He thinks or in what He judges, but is in all respects
concordant2867 with Him, declaring doctrines which are the same, and a word consistent
and united with the Father’s teaching, therefore it is that He and the Father are One; and
some of them have dared to write as well as say this2868. Now what can be more unseemly
or irrational than this? for if therefore the Son and the Father are One and if in this way the
Word is like the Father, it follows forthwith2869 that the Angels2870 too, and the other beings
above us, Powers and Authorities, and Thrones and Dominions, and what we see, Sun and
Moon, and the Stars, should be sons also, as the Son; and that it should be said of them too,
that they and the Father are one, and that each is God’s Image and Word. For what God
wills, that will they; and neither in judging nor in doctrine are they discordant, but in all
things are obedient to their Maker. For they would not have remained in their own glory,
unless, what the Father willed, that they had willed also. He, for instance, who did not remain,
11. This their notion then being evidently unseemly and irrational as well as the rest,
the likeness and the oneness must be referred to the very Essence of the Son; for unless it
be so taken, He will not be shown to have anything beyond things originate, as has been
said, nor will He be like the Father, but He will be like the Father’s doctrines; and He differs
from the Father, in that the Father is Father2878, but the doctrines and teaching are the
Father’s. If then in respect to the doctrines and the teaching the Son is like the Father, then
the Father according to them will be Father in name only, and the Son will not be an exact
12. For if there were no unity, nor the Word the own Offspring of the Father’s Essence,
as the radiance of the light, but the Son were divided in nature from the Father, it were suf
13. Therefore it was none other than God Himself that David too besought concerning
his deliverance, ‘When I was in trouble, I called upon the Lord, and He heard me; deliver
my soul, O Lord, from lying lips and from a deceitful tongue2890.’ To Him also giving thanks
he spoke the words of the Song in the seventeenth Psalm, in the day in which the Lord delivered
him from the hand of all his enemies and from the hand of Saul, saying, ‘I will love
Thee, O Lord my strength; the Lord is my strong rock and my defence and deliverer2891.’
And Paul, after enduring many persecutions, to none other than God gave thanks, saying,
‘Out of them all the Lord delivered me; and He will deliver in Whom we trust2892.’ And
none other than God blessed Abraham and Isaac; and Isaac praying for Jacob, said, ‘May
God bless thee and increase thee and multiply thee, and thou shalt be for many companies
of nations, and may He give thee the blessing of Abraham my father2893.’ But if it belong
to none other than God to bless and to deliver, and none other was the deliverer of Jacob
than the Lord Himself and Him that delivered him the Patriarch besought for his grandsons,
evidently none other did he join to God in his prayer, than God’s Word, whom therefore
he called Angel, because it is He alone who reveals the Father. Which the Apostle also did
when he said, ‘Grace unto you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ2894.’
For thus the blessing was secure, because of the Son’s indivisibility from the Father, and for
that the grace given by Them is one and the same. For though the Father gives it, through
the Son is the gift; and though the Son be said to vouchsafe it, it is the Father who supplies
it through and in the Son; for ‘I thank my God,’ says the Apostle writing to the Corinthians,
‘always on your behalf, for the grace of God which is given you in Christ Jesus2895.’ And
this one may see in the instance of light and radiance; for what the light enlightens, that the
radiance irradiates; and what the radiance irradiates, from the light is its enlightenment. So
14. But this is not so with things originate and creatures; for when the Father works, it
is not that any Angel works, or any other creature; for none of these is an efficient cause2896,
but they are of things which come to be; and moreover being separate and divided from the
only God, and other in nature, and being works, they can neither work what God works,
nor, as I said before, when God gives grace, can they give grace with Him. Nor, on seeing
an Angel would a man say that he had seen the Father; for Angels, as it is written, are ‘ministering
spirits sent forth to minister2897,’ and are heralds of gifts given by Him through the
Word to those who receive them. And the Angel on his appearance, himself confesses that
he has been sent by his Lord; as Gabriel confessed in the case of Zacharias, and also in the
case of Mary, bearer of God2898. And he who beholds a vision of Angels, knows that he has
seen the Angel and not God. For Zacharias saw an Angel; and Isaiah saw the Lord. Manoah,
the father of Samson, saw an Angel; but Moses beheld God. Gideon saw an Angel, but to
Abraham appeared God. And neither he who saw God, beheld an Angel, nor he who saw
an Angel, considered that he saw God; for greatly, or rather wholly, do things by nature
originate differ from God the Creator. But if at any time, when the Angel was seen, he who
saw it heard God’s voice, as took place at the bush; for ‘the Angel of the Lord was seen in a
flame of fire out of the bush, and the Lord called Moses out of the bush, saying, I am the
God of thy father, the God of Abraham and the God of Isaac and the God of Jacob2899,’ yet
15. For divine Scripture wishing us thus to understand the matter, has given such illustrations,
as we have said above, from which we are able both to press the traitorous Jews,
and to refute the allegation of Gentiles who maintain and think, on account of the Trinity,
that we profess many gods2901. For, as the illustration shows, we do not introduce three
Origins or three Fathers, as the followers of Marcion and Manichæus; since we have not
suggested the image of three suns, but sun and radiance. And one is the light from the sun
in the radiance; and so we know of but one origin; and the All-framing Word we profess to
have no other manner of godhead, than that of the Only God, because He is born from Him.
Rather then will the Ario-maniacs with reason incur the charge of polytheism or else of
atheism2902, because they idly talk of the Son as external and a creature, and again the
Spirit as from nothing. For either they will say that the Word is not God; or saying that He
is God2903, because it is so written, but not proper to the Father’s Essence, they will introduce
many because of their difference of kind (unless forsooth they shall dare to say that by participation
only, He, as all things else, is called God; though, if this be their sentiment, their
irreligion is the same, since they consider the Word as one among all things). But let this
never even come into our mind. For there is but one form2904 of Godhead, which is also in
the Word; and one God, the Father, existing by Himself according as He is above all, and
appearing in the Son according as He pervades all things, and in the Spirit according as in
Him He acts in all things through the Word2905. For thus we confess God to be one through
16. For if it be not so, but the Word is a creature and a work out of nothing, either He
is not True God because He is Himself one of the creatures, or if they name Him God from
regard for the Scriptures, they must of necessity say that there are two Gods2907, one Creator,
the other creature, and must serve two Lords, one Unoriginate, and the other originate and
a creature; and must have two faiths, one in the True God, and the other in one who is made
and fashioned by themselves and called God. And it follows of necessity in so great blindness,
that, when they worship the Unoriginate, they renounce the originate, and when they come
to the creature, they turn from the Creator. For they cannot see the One in the Other, because
their natures and operations are foreign and distinct2908. And with such sentiments, they
will certainly be going on to more gods, for this will be the essay2909 of those who revolt
from the One God. Wherefore then, when the Arians have these speculations and views, do
they not rank themselves with the Gentiles? for they too, as these, worship the creature
rather than God the Creator of all2910, and though they shrink from the Gentile name, in
order to deceive the unskilful, yet they secretly hold a like sentiment with them. For their
subtle saying which they are accustomed to urge, We say not two ‘Unoriginates2911,’ they
plainly say to deceive the simple; for in their very professing ‘We say not two Unoriginates,’
they imply two Gods, and these with different natures, one originate and one Unoriginate.
And though the Greeks worship one Unoriginate and many originate, but these one Unori-
ginate and one originate, this is no difference from them; for the God whom they call originate
is one out of many, and again the many gods of the Greeks have the same nature with
this one, for both he and they are creatures. Unhappy are they, and the more for that their
hurt is from thinking against Christ; for they have fallen from the truth, and are greater
traitors than the Jews in denying the Christ, and they wallow2912 with the Gentiles, hateful2913
17. The Arians, however, not even thus abashed, reply, ‘Not as you say, but as we will2918;’ for, whereas you have overthrown our former expedients, we have invented a new one, and it is this:—So are the Son and the Father One, and so is the Father in the Son and the Son in the Father, as we too may become one in Him. For this is written in the Gospel according to John, and Christ desired it for us in these words, ‘Holy Father, keep through Thine own Name, those whom Thou hast given Me, that they may be one, as We are2919.’ And shortly after; ‘Neither pray I for these alone, but for them also which shall believe on Me through their Word; that they all may be one, as Thou, Father, art in Me, and I in Thee, that they also may be one in Us, that the world may believe that Thou hast sent Me. And the glory which Thou gavest Me I have given them, that they may be one, even as We are one; I in them, and Thou in Me, that they may be made perfect in one, and that the world may know that Thou didst send Me2920.’ Then, as having found an evasion, these men of craft2921 add, ‘If, as we become one in the Father, so also He and the Father are one, and thus He too is in the Father, how pretend you from His saying, “I and the Father are One,” and “I in the Father and the Father in Me,” that He is proper and like2922 the Father’s Essence? for it follows either that we too are proper to the Father’s Essence, or He foreign to it, as we are foreign.’ Thus they idly babble; but in this their perverseness I see nothing but unreasoning audacity and recklessness from the devil2923, since it is saying after his pattern, ‘We will ascend to heaven, we will be like the Most High.’ For what is given to man by grace, this they would make equal to the Godhead of the Giver. Thus hearing that men are called sons, they thought themselves equal to the True Son by nature such2924. And now again hearing from the Saviour, ‘that they may be one as We are2925,’ they deceive themselves, and are arrogant enough to think that they may be such as the Son is in the Father and the Father in the Son; not considering the fall of their ‘father the devil2926,’ which happened upon such an imagination.
18. If then, as we have many times said, the Word of God is the same with us, and nothing differs from us except in time, let Him be like us, and have the same place with the Father as we have; nor let Him be called Only-begotten, nor Only Word or Wisdom of the Father; but let the same name be of common application to all us who are like Him. For it is right, that they who have one nature, should have their name in common, though they differ from each other in point of time. For Adam was a man, and Paul a man, and he who is now born is a man, and time is not that which alters the nature of the race2927. If then the Word also differs from us only in time, then we must be as He. But in truth neither we are Word or Wisdom, nor is He creature or work; else why are we all sprung from one, and He the Only Word? but though it be suitable in them thus to speak, in us at least it is unsuitable to entertain their blasphemies. And yet, needless2928 though it be to refine upon2929 these passages, considering their so clear and religious sense, and our own orthodox belief, yet that their irreligion may be shewn here also, come let us shortly, as we have received from the fathers, expose their heterodoxy from the passage. It is a custom2930 with divine Scripture to take the things of nature as images and illustrations for mankind; and this it does, that from these physical objects the moral impulses of man may be explained; and thus their conduct shewn to be either bad or righteous. For instance, in the case of the bad, as when it charges, ‘Be ye not like to horse and mule which have no understanding2931.’ Or as when it says, complaining of those who have become such, ‘Man, being in honour, hath no understanding, but is compared unto the beasts that perish.’ And again, ‘They were as wanton horses2932.’ And the Saviour to expose Herod said, ‘Tell that fox2933;’ but, on the other hand, charged His disciples, ‘Behold I send you forth as sheep in the midst of wolves; be ye therefore wise as serpents and harmless as doves2934.’ And He said this, not that we may become in nature beasts of burden, or become serpents and doves; for He hath not so made us Himself, and therefore nature does not allow of it; but that we might eschew the irrational motions of the one, and being aware of the wisdom of that other animal, might not be deceived by it, and might take on us the meekness of the dove.
19. Again, taking patterns for man from divine subjects, the Saviour says; ‘Be ye merciful,
as your Father which is in heaven is merciful2935;’ and, ‘Be ye perfect, as your heavenly
20. For it is as ‘sons,’ not as the Son; as ‘gods,’ not as He Himself; and not as the Father, but ‘merciful as the Father.’ And, as has been said, by so becoming one, as the Father and the Son, we shall be such, not as the Father is by nature in the Son and the Son in the Father, but according to our own nature, and as it is possible for us thence to be moulded and to learn how we ought to be one, just as we learned also to be merciful. For like things are naturally one with like; thus all flesh is ranked together in kind2945; but the Word is unlike us and like the Father. And therefore, while He is in nature and truth one with His own Father, we, as being of one kind with each other (for from one were all made, and one is the nature of all men), become one with each other in good disposition2946, having as our copy the Son’s natural unity with the Father. For as He taught us meekness from Himself, saying, ‘Learn of Me for I am meek and lowly in heart2947,’ not that we may become equal to Him, which is impossible, but that looking towards Him, we may remain meek continually, so also here wishing that our good disposition towards each other should be true and firm and indissoluble, from Himself taking the pattern, He says, ‘that they may be one as We are,’ whose oneness is indivisible; that is, that they learning from us of that indivisible Nature, may preserve in like manner agreement one with another. And this imitation of natural conditions is especially safe for man, as has been said; for, since they remain and never change, whereas the conduct of men is very changeable, one may look to what is unchangeable by nature, and avoid what is bad and remodel himself on what is best.
21. And for this reason also the words, ‘that they may be one in Us,’ have a right sense.
If, for instance, it were possible for us to become as the Son in the Father, the words ought
to run, ‘that they may be one in Thee,’ as the Son is in the Father; but, as it is, He has not
said this; but by saying ‘in Us’ He has pointed out the distance and difference; that He indeed
22. The Word then has the real and true identity of nature with the Father; but to us it
is given to imitate it, as has been said; for He immediately adds, ‘I in them and Thou in Me;
that they may be made perfect in one.’ Here at length the Lord asks something greater and
more perfect for us; for it is plain that the Word has come to be in us2953, for He has put
on our body. ‘And Thou Father in Me;’ ‘for I am Thy Word, and since Thou art in Me, because
I am Thy Word, and I in them because of the body, and because of Thee the salvation
of men is perfected in Me, therefore I ask that they also may become one, according to the
body that is in Me and according to its perfection; that they too may become perfect, having
oneness with It, and having become one in It; that, as if all were carried by Me, all may be
one body and one spirit, and may grow up unto a perfect man2954.’ For we all, partaking of
23. Indeed we may learn also from the Saviour Himself, when He says, ‘For as Jonah
was three days and three nights in the whale’s belly, so shall the Son of man be three days
and three nights in the heart of the earth2958.’ For Jonah was not as the Saviour, nor did
Jonah go down to hades; nor was the whale hades; nor did Jonah, when swallowed up, bring
up those who had before been swallowed by the whale, but he alone came forth, when the
whale was bidden. Therefore there is no identity nor equality signified in the term ‘as,’ but
one thing and another; and it shews a certain kind2959 of parallel in the case of Jonah, on
account of the three days. In like manner then we too, when the Lord says ‘as,’ neither become
as the Son in the Father, nor as the Father is in the Son. For we become one as the Father
and the Son in mind and agreement2960 of spirit, and the Saviour will be as Jonah in the
earth; but as the Saviour is not Jonah, nor, as he was swallowed up, so did the Saviour descend
into hades, but it is but a parallel, in like manner, if we too become one, as the Son in the
Father, we shall not be as the Son, nor equal to Him; for He and we are but parallel. For on
this account is the word ‘as’ applied to us; since things differing from others in nature, become
as they, when viewed in a certain relation2961. Wherefore the Son Himself, simply and
24. We then, by way of giving a rude view of the expressions in this passage, have been
led into many words, but blessed John will shew from his Epistle the sense of the words,
concisely and much more perfectly than we can. And he will both disprove the interpretation
of these irreligious men, and will teach how we become in God and God in us; and how
again we become One in Him, and how far the Son differs in nature from us, and will stop
the Arians from any longer thinking that they shall be as the Son, lest they hear it said to
them, ‘Thou art a man and not God,’ and ‘Stretch not thyself, being poor, beside a rich
man2966.’ John then thus writes; ‘Hereby know we that we dwell in Him and He in us, because
He hath given us of His Spirit2967.’ Therefore because of the grace of the Spirit which has
been given to us, in Him we come to be, and He in us2968; and since it is the Spirit of God,
therefore through His becoming in us, reasonably are we, as having the Spirit, considered
to be in God, and thus is God in us. Not then as the Son in the Father, so also we become
in the Father; for the Son does not merely partake the Spirit, that therefore He too may be
in the Father; nor does He receive the Spirit, but rather He supplies It Himself to all; and
the Spirit does not unite the Word to the Father2969, but rather the Spirit receives from the
25. The Saviour, then, saying of us, ‘As Thou, Father, art in Me, and I in Thee, that they
too may be one in Us,’ does not signify that we were to have identity with Him; for this was
shewn from the instance of Jonah; but it is a request to the Father, as John has written, that
the Spirit should be vouchsafed through Him to those who believe, through whom we are
found to be in God, and in this respect to be conjoined in Him. For since the Word is in the
Father, and the Spirit is given from2973 the Word, He wills that we should receive the Spirit,
that, when we receive It, thus having the Spirit of the Word which is in the Father, we too
may be found on account of the Spirit to become One in the Word, and through Him in
the Father. And if He say, ‘as we,’ this again is only a request that such grace of the Spirit as
is given to the disciples may be without failure or revocation2974. For what the Word has
by nature2975, as I said, in the Father, that He wishes to be given to us through the Spirit
irrevocably; which the Apostle knowing, said, ‘Who shall separate us from the love of Christ?’
for ‘the gifts of God’ and ‘grace of His calling are without repentance2976.’ It is the Spirit
then which is in God, and not we viewed in our own selves; and as we are sons and gods2977
because of the Word in us2978, so we shall be in the Son and in the Father, and we shall be
26. For behold, as if not wearied in their words of irreligion, but hardened with Pharaoh,
while they hear and see the Saviour’s human attributes in the Gospels2982, they have utterly
forgotten, like the Samosatene, the Son’s paternal Godhead2983, and with arrogant and audacious
tongue they say, ‘How can the Son be from the Father by nature, and be like Him
in essence,’ who says, ‘All power is given unto Me;’ and ‘The Father judgeth no man, but
hath committed all judgment unto the Son;’ and ‘The Father loveth the Son, and hath given
all things into His hand; he that believeth in the Son hath everlasting life;’ and again, ‘All
things were delivered unto Me of My Father, and no one knoweth the Father save the Son,
and he to whomsoever the Son will reveal Him;’ and again, ‘All that the Father hath given
unto Me, shall come to Me2984.’ On this they observe, ‘If He was, as ye say, Son by nature,
He had no need to receive, but He had by nature as a Son.’ “Or how can He be the natural
and true Power of the Father, who near upon the season of the passion says, ‘Now is My
soul troubled, and what shall I say? Father, save Me from this hour; but for this came I unto
this hour. Father, glorify Thy Name. Then came there a voice from heaven, saying, I have
both glorified it, and will glorify it again2985.’ And He said the same another time; ‘Father,
if it be possible, let this cup pass from Me;’ and ‘When Jesus had thus said, He was troubled
in spirit and testified and said, Verily, verily, I say unto you, that one of you shall betray
Me2986.’” Then these perverse men argue; ‘If He were Power, He had not feared, but rather
He had supplied power to others.’ Further they say; ‘If He were by nature the true and own
Wisdom of the Father,’ how is it written, ‘And Jesus increased in wisdom and stature, and
in favour with God and man2987?’ In like manner, when He had come into the parts of
Cæsarea Philippi, He asked the disciples whom men said that He was; and when He was at
Bethany He asked where Lazarus lay; and He said besides to His disciples, ‘How many loaves
27. This then is what the irreligious men allege in their discourses; and if they thus argue,
they might consistently speak yet more daringly; ‘Why did the Word become flesh at all?’
and they might add; ‘For how could He, being God, become man?’ or, ‘How could the Immaterial
bear a body?’ or they might speak with Caiaphas still more Judaically, ‘Wherefore
at all did Christ, being a man, make Himself God2991?’ for this and the like the Jews then
muttered when they saw, and now the Ario-maniacs disbelieve when they read, and have
fallen away into blasphemies. If then a man should carefully parallel the words of these and
those, he will of a certainty find them both arriving at the same unbelief, and the daring of
their irreligion equal, and their dispute with us a common one. For the Jews said; ‘How,
being a man, can He be God?’ And the Arians, ‘If He were very God from God, how could
He become man?’ And the Jews were offended then and mocked, saying, ‘Had He been Son
of God, He had not endured the Cross;’ and the Arians standing over against them, urge
upon us, ‘How dare ye say that He is the Word proper to the Father’s Essence, who had a
body, so as to endure all this?’ Next, while the Jews sought to kill the Lord, because He said
that God was His own Father and made Himself equal to Him, as working what the Father
works, the Arians also, not only have learned to deny, both that He is equal to God and that
God is the own and natural Father of the Word, but those who hold this they seek to kill.
Again, whereas the Jews said, ‘Is not this the Son of Joseph, whose father and mother we
28. Such error then being Judaic, and Judaic after the mind of Judas the traitor, let them
openly confess themselves scholars of Caiaphas and Herod, instead of cloking Judaism with
the name of Christianity, and let them deny outright, as we have said before, the Saviour’s
appearance in the flesh, for this doctrine is akin to their heresy; or if they fear openly to
Judaize and be circumcised2994, from servility towards Constantius and for their sake whom
they have beguiled, then let them not say what the Jews say; for if they disown the name, let
them in fairness renounce the doctrine. For we are Christians, O Arians, Christians we; our
privilege is it well to know the Gospels concerning the Saviour, and neither, with Jews to
stone Him, if we hear of His Godhead and Eternity, nor with you to stumble at such lowly
sayings as He may speak for our sakes as man. If then you would become Christians2995,
put off Arius’s madness, and cleanse2996 with the words of religion those ears of yours which
blaspheming has defiled; knowing that, by ceasing to be Arians, you will cease also from the
malevolence of the present Jews. Then at once will truth shine on you out of darkness, and
ye will no longer reproach us with holding two Eternals2997, but ye will yourselves acknow-
29. Now the scope and character of Holy Scripture, as we have often said, is this,—it
contains a double account of the Saviour; that He was ever God, and is the Son, being the
Father’s Word and Radiance and Wisdom3003; and that afterwards for us He took flesh of
a Virgin, Mary Bearer of God3004, and was made man. And this scope is to be found
30. The reader then of divine Scripture may acquaint himself with these passages from
the ancient books; and from the Gospels on the other hand he will perceive that the Lord
became man; for ‘the Word,’ he says, ‘became flesh, and dwelt among us3012.’ And He became
man, and did not come into man; for this it is necessary to know, lest perchance these irreligious
men fall into this notion also, and beguile any into thinking, that, as in former times
the Word was used to come into each of the Saints, so now He sojourned in a man, hallowing
him also, and manifesting3013 Himself as in the others. For if it were so, and He only appeared
31. Of old time He was wont to come to the Saints individually, and to hallow those
who rightly3018 received Him; but neither, when they were begotten was it said that He had
become man, nor, when they suffered, was it said that He Himself suffered. But when He
came among us from Mary once at the end of the ages for the abolition of sin (for so it was
pleasing to the Father, to send His own Son ‘made of a woman, made under the Law’), then
it is said, that He took flesh and became man, and in that flesh He suffered for us (as Peter
says, ‘Christ therefore having suffered for us in the flesh3019,’ that it might be shewn, and
that all might believe, that whereas He was ever God, and hallowed those to whom He came,
and ordered all things according to the Father’s will3020, afterwards for our sakes He became
32. Whence it was that, when the flesh suffered, the Word was not external to it; and
therefore is the passion said to be His: and when He did divinely His Father’s works, the
flesh was not external to Him, but in the body itself did the Lord do them. Hence, when
made man, He said3029, ‘If I do not the works of the Father, believe Me not; but if I do,
though ye believe not Me, believe the works, that ye may know that the Father is in Me and
I in Him.’ And thus when there was need to raise Peter’s wife’s mother, who was sick of a
fever, He stretched forth His hand humanly, but He stopped the illness divinely. And in the
case of the man blind from the birth, human was the spittle which He gave forth from the
flesh, but divinely did He open the eyes through the clay. And in the case of Lazarus, He
gave forth a human voice as man; but divinely, as God, did He raise Lazarus from the
dead3030. These things were so done, were so manifested, because He had a body, not in
appearance, but in truth3031; and it became the Lord, in putting on human flesh, to put it
on whole with the affections proper to it; that, as we say that the body was His own, so also
we may say that the affections of the body were proper to Him alone, though they did not
touch Him according to His Godhead. If then the body had been another’s, to him too had
been the affections attributed; but if the flesh is the Word’s (for ‘the Word became flesh’),
of necessity then the affections also of the flesh are ascribed to Him, whose the flesh is. And
to whom the affections are ascribed, such namely as to be condemned, to be scourged, to
thirst, and the cross, and death, and the other infirmities of the body, of Him too is the triumph
and the grace. For this cause then, consistently and fittingly such affections are ascribed
33. Who will not admire this? or who will not agree that such a thing is truly divine?
for if the works of the Word’s Godhead had not taken place through the body, man had not
been deified; and again, had not the properties of the flesh been ascribed to the Word, man
had not been thoroughly delivered from them3035; but though they had ceased for a little
while, as I said before, still sin had remained in him and corruption, as was the case with
mankind before Him; and for this reason:—Many for instance have been made holy and
clean from all sin; nay, Jeremiah was hallowed3036 even from the womb, and John, while
yet in the womb, leapt for joy at the voice of Mary Bearer of God3037; nevertheless ‘death
reigned from Adam to Moses, even over those that had not sinned after the similitude of
Adam’s transgression3038;’ and thus man remained mortal and corruptible as before, liable
to the affections proper to their nature. But now the Word having become man and having
appropriated3039 what pertains to the flesh, no longer do these things touch the body, because
34. And that one may attain to a more exact knowledge of the impassibility of the Word’s
nature and of the infirmities ascribed to Him because of the flesh, it will be well to listen to
the blessed Peter; for he will be a trustworthy witness concerning the Saviour. He writes
then in his Epistle thus; ‘Christ then having suffered for us in the flesh3045.’ Therefore also
when He is said to hunger and thirst and to toil and not to know, and to sleep, and to weep,
and to ask, and to flee, and to be born, and to deprecate the cup, and in a word to undergo
Let no one then stumble at what belongs to man, but rather let a man know that in nature the Word Himself is impassible, and yet because of that flesh which He put on, these things are ascribed to Him, since they are proper to the flesh, and the body itself is proper to the Saviour. And while He Himself, being impassible in nature, remains as He is, not harmed3048 by these affections, but rather obliterating and destroying them, men, their passions as if changed and abolished3049 in the Impassible, henceforth become themselves also impassible and free3050 from them for ever, as John taught, saying, ‘And ye know that He was manifested to take away our sins, and in Him is no sin3051.’ And this being so, no heretic shall object, ‘Wherefore rises the flesh, being by nature mortal? and if it rises, why not hunger too and thirst, and suffer, and remain mortal? for it came from the earth, and how can its natural condition pass from it?’ since the flesh is able now to make answer to this so contentious heretic, ‘I am from earth, being by nature mortal, but afterwards I have become the Word’s flesh,’ and He ‘carried’ my affections, though He is without them; and so I became free from them, being no more abandoned to their service because of the Lord who has made me free from them. For if you object to my being rid of that corruption which is by nature, see that you object not to God’s Word having taken my form of servitude; for as the Lord, putting on the body, became man, so we men are deified by the Word as being taken to Him through His flesh, and henceforward inherit life ‘everlasting.’
35. These points we have found it necessary first to examine, that, when we see Him doing or saying aught divinely through the instrument3052 of His own body, we may know that He so works, being God, and also, if we see Him speaking or suffering humanly, we may not be ignorant that He bore flesh and became man, and hence He so acts and so speaks. For if we recognise what is proper to each, and see and understand that both these things and those are done by One3053, we are right in our faith, and shall never stray. But if a man looking at what is done divinely by the Word, deny the body, or looking at what is proper to the body, deny the Word’s presence in the flesh, or from what is human entertain low thoughts concerning the Word, such a one, as a Jewish vintner3054, mixing water with the wine, shall account the Cross an offence, or as a Gentile, will deem the preaching folly. This then is what happens to God’s enemies the Arians; for looking at what is human in the Saviour, they have judged Him a creature. Therefore they ought, looking also at the divine works of the Word, to deny3055 the origination of His body, and henceforth to rank themselves with Manichees3056. But for them, learn they, however tardily, that ‘the Word became flesh;’ and let us, retaining the general scope3057 of the faith, acknowledge that what they interpret ill, has a right interpretation3058.
35 (continued). For, ‘The Father loveth the Son, and hath given all things into His hand;’ and, ‘All things were given unto Me of My Father;’ and, ‘I can do nothing of Myself, but as I hear, I judge3059;’ and the like passages do not shew that the Son once had not these prerogatives—(for had not He eternally what the Father has, who is the Only Word and Wisdom of the Father in essence, who also says, ‘All that the Father hath are Mine3060,’ and what are Mine, are the Father’s? for if the things of the Father are the Son’s and the Father hath them ever, it is plain that what the Son hath, being the Father’s, were ever in the Son),—not then because once He had them not, did He say this, but because, whereas the Son hath eternally what He hath, yet He hath them from the Father.
36. For lest a man, perceiving that the Son has all that the Father hath, from the exact
likeness and identity of that He hath, should wander into the irreligion of Sabellius, considering
Him to be the Father, therefore He has said ‘Was given unto Me,’ and ‘I received,’ and
‘Were delivered to Me3061,’ only to shew that He is not the Father, but the Father’s Word,
and the Eternal Son, who because of His likeness to the Father, has eternally what He has
from Him, and because He is the Son, has from the Father what He has eternally. Moreover
that ‘Was given’ and ‘Were delivered,’ and the like, do not impair3062 the Godhead of the
Son, but rather shew Him to be truly3063 Son, we may learn from the passages themselves.
For if all things are delivered unto Him, first, He is other than that all which He has received;
next, being Heir of all things, He alone is the Son and proper according to the Essence of
the Father. For if He were one of all, then He were not ‘heir of all3064,’ but every one had
received according as the Father willed and gave. But now, as receiving all things, He is
other than them all, and alone proper to the Father. Moreover that ‘Was given’ and ‘Were
delivered’ do not shew that once He had them not, we may conclude from a similar passage,
and in like manner concerning them all; for the Saviour Himself says, ‘As the Father hath
37. And while such is the sense of expressions like these, those which speak humanly concerning the Saviour admit of a religious meaning also. For with this end have we examined them beforehand, that, if we should hear Him asking where Lazarus is laid3069, or when He asks on coming into the parts of Cæsarea, ‘Whom do men say that I am?’ or, ‘How many loaves have ye?’ and, ‘What will ye that I shall do unto you3070?’ we may know, from what has been already said, the right3071 sense of the passages, and may not stumble as Christ’s enemies the Arians. First then we must put this question to the irreligious, why they consider Him ignorant? for one who asks, does not for certain ask from ignorance; but it is possible for one who knows, still to ask concerning what He knows. Thus John was aware that Christ, when asking, ‘How many loaves have ye?’ was not ignorant, for he says, ‘And this He said to prove him, for He Himself knew what He would do3072.’ But if He knew what He was doing, therefore not in ignorance, but with knowledge did He ask. From this instance we may understand similar ones; that, when the Lord asks, He does not ask in ignorance, where Lazarus lies, nor again, whom men do say that He is; but knowing the thing which He was asking, aware what He was about to do. And thus with ease is their clever point exploded; but if they still persist3073 on account of His asking, then they must be told that in the Godhead indeed ignorance is not, but to the flesh ignorance is proper, as has been said. And that this is really so, observe how the Lord who inquired where Lazarus lay, Himself said, when He was not on the spot but a great way off, ‘Lazarus is dead3074,’ and where he was dead; and how that He who is considered by them as ignorant, is He Himself who foreknew the reasonings of the disciples, and was aware of what was in the heart of each, and of ‘what was in man,’ and, what is greater, alone knows the Father and says, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me.3075’
38. Therefore this is plain to every one, that the flesh indeed is ignorant, but the Word
Himself, considered as the Word, knows all things even before they come to be. For He did
not, when He became man, cease to be God3076; nor, whereas He is God does He shrink
from what is man’s; perish the thought; but rather, being God, He has taken to Him the
flesh, and being in the flesh deifies the flesh. For as He asked questions in it, so also in it did
39. If then (as has many times been said) the Word has not become man, then ascribe
to the Word, as you would have it, to receive, and to need glory, and to be ignorant; but if
He has become man (and He has become), and it is man’s to receive, and to need, and to
be ignorant, wherefore do we consider the Giver as receiver, and the Dispenser to others
do we suspect to be in need, and divide the Word from the Father as imperfect and needy,
while we strip human nature of grace? For if the Word Himself, considered as Word, has
received and been glorified for His own sake, and if He according to His Godhead is He
who is hallowed and has risen again, what hope is there for men? for they remain as they
were, naked, and wretched, and dead, having no interest in the things given to the Son. Why
too did the Word come among us, and become flesh? if that He might receive these things,
which He says that He has received, He was without them before that, and of necessity will
rather owe thanks Himself to the body3080, because, when He came into it, then He receives
these things from the Father, which He had not before His descent into the flesh. For on
this shewing He seems rather to be Himself promoted because of the body3081, than the
body promoted because of Him. But this notion is Judaic. But if that He might redeem
40. Also the power which He said He received after the resurrection, that He had before
He received it, and before the resurrection. For He of Himself rebuked Satan, saying, ‘Get
thee behind Me, Satan3087;’ and to the disciples He gave the power against him, when on
their return He said, ‘I beheld Satan, as lightning, fall from heaven3088.’ And again, that
what He said that He had received, that He possessed before receiving it, appears from His
driving away the demons, and from His unbinding what Satan had bound, as He did in the
case of the daughter of Abraham; and from His remitting sins, saying to the paralytic, and
to the woman who washed His feet, ‘Thy sins be forgiven thee3089;’ and from His both
raising the dead, and repairing the first nature of the blind, granting to him to see. And all
this He did, not waiting till He should receive, but being ‘possessed of power3090.’ From all
this it is plain that what He had as Word, that when He had become man and was risen
again, He says that He received humanly3091; that for His sake men might henceforward
upon earth have power against demons, as having become partakers of a divine nature; and
in heaven, as being delivered from corruption, might reign everlastingly. Thus we must ac-
41. Cease then, O abhorred of God3094, and degrade not the Word; nor detract from His Godhead, which is the Father’s3095, as though He needed or were ignorant; lest ye be casting your own arguments against the Christ, as the Jews who once stoned Him. For these belong not to the Word, as the Word; but are proper to men and, as when He spat, and stretched forth the hand, and called Lazarus, we did not say that the triumphs were human, though they were done through the body, but were God’s, so, on the other hand, though human things are ascribed to the Saviour in the Gospel, let us, considering the nature of what is said and that they are foreign to God, not impute them to the Word’s Godhead, but to His manhood. For though ‘the Word became flesh,’ yet to the flesh are the affections proper; and though the flesh is possessed by God in the Word, yet to the Word belong the grace and the power. He did then the Father’s works through the flesh; and as truly contrariwise were the affections of the flesh displayed in Him; for instance, He inquired and He raised Lazarus, He chid3096 His Mother, saying, ‘My hour is not yet come,’ and then at once He made the water wine. For He was Very God in the flesh, and He was true flesh in the Word. Therefore from His works He revealed both Himself as Son of God, and His own Father, and from the affections of the flesh He shewed that He bore a true body, and that it was His own.
42. These things being so, come let us now examine into ‘But of that day and that hour
knoweth no man, neither the Angels of God, nor the Son3097;’ for being in great ignorance
as regards these words, and being stupefied3098 about them, they think they have in them
an important argument for their heresy. But I, when the heretics allege it and prepare
themselves with it, see in them the giants3099 again fighting against God. For the Lord of
heaven and earth, by whom all things were made, has to litigate before them about day and
hour; and the Word who knows all things is accused by them of ignorance about a day; and
the Son who knows the Father is said to be ignorant of an hour of a day; now what can be
spoken more contrary to sense, or what madness can be likened to this? Through the Word
all things have been made, times and seasons and night and day and the whole creation;
and is the Framer of all said to be ignorant of His work? And the very context of the lection
shews that the Son of God knows that hour and that day, though the Arians fall headlong
in their ignorance. For after saying, ‘nor the Son,’ He relates to the disciples what precedes
the day, saying, ‘This and that shall be, and then the end.’ But He who speaks of what precedes
43. Now why it was that, though He knew, He did not tell His disciples plainly at that
time, no one may be curious3100 where He has been silent; for ‘Who hath known the mind
of the Lord, or who hath been His counsellor3101?’ but why, though He knew, He said, ‘no,
not the Son knows,’ this I think none of the faithful is ignorant, viz. that He made this as
those other declarations as man by reason of the flesh. For this as before is not the Word’s
deficiency3102, but of that human nature3103 whose property it is to be ignorant. And this
again will be well seen by honestly examining into the occasion, when and to whom the
Saviour spoke thus. Not then when the heaven was made by Him, nor when He was with
the Father Himself, the Word ‘disposing all things3104,’ nor before He became man did He
say it, but when ‘the Word became flesh3105.’ On this account it is reasonable to ascribe to
His manhood everything which, after He became man, He speaks humanly. For it is proper
to the Word to know what was made, nor be ignorant either of the beginning or of the end
of these (for the works are His), and He knows how many things He wrought, and the limit
of their consistence. And knowing of each the beginning and the end, He knows surely the
general and common end of all. Certainly when He says in the Gospel concerning Himself
in His human character, ‘Father, the hour is come, glorify Thy Son3106,’ it is plain that He
knows also the hour of the end of all things, as the Word, though as man He is ignorant of
it, for ignorance is proper to man3107, and especially ignorance of these things. Moreover
44. On this account, He alludes to the Angels, but He did not go further and say, ‘not
the Holy Ghost;’ but He was silent, with a double intimation; first that if the Spirit knew,
much more must the Word know, considered as the Word, from whom the Spirit receives3110;
and next by His silence about the Spirit, He made it clear, that He said of His
human ministry, ‘no, not the Son.’ And a proof of it is this; that, when He had spoken hu
45. But for them, when they thus blaspheme the Spirit, they must expect no remission
ever of such irreligion, as the Lord has said3116; but let us, who love Christ and bear Christ
within us, know that the Word, not as ignorant, considered as Word, has said ‘I know not,’
for He knows, but as shewing His manhood3117, in that to be ignorant is proper to man,
46. Moreover, after narrating the parable of the Virgins, again He shews more clearly
who they are who are ignorant of the day and the hour, saying, ‘Watch therefore, for ye
know neither the day nor the hour3122.’ He who said shortly before, ‘No one knoweth, no
not the Son,’ now says not ‘I know not,’ but ‘ye know not.’ In like manner then, when His
disciples asked about the end, suitably said He then, ‘no, nor the Son,’ according to the flesh
because of the body; that He might shew that, as man, He knows not; for ignorance is
47. This is sufficient to confute them; but to shew still further that they are hostile to
the truth and Christ’s enemies, I could wish to ask them a question. The Apostle in the
Second Epistle to the Corinthians writes, ‘I knew a man in Christ, above fourteen years ago,
whether in the body I do not know, or whether out of the body I do not know; God
knoweth3128.’ What now say ye? Knew the Apostle what had happened to him in the vision,
48. Therefore He who gave to Paul to know, much rather knew Himself; for since He
spoke of the antecedents of the day, He also knew, as I said before, when the Day and when
the Hour, and yet though knowing, He says, ‘No, not the Son knoweth.’ Why then said He
at that time ‘I know not,’ what He as Lord3131, knew? as we may by searching conjecture,
for our profit3132, as I think at least, did He this; and may He grant to what we are now
49. The Son then did know, as being the Word; for He implied this in what He said,—‘I
know but it is not for you to know;’ for it was for your sakes that sitting also on the mount
I said according to the flesh, ‘No, not the Son knoweth,’ for the profit of you and all. For it
is profitable to you to hear so much both of the Angels and of the Son, because of the deceivers
which shall be afterwards; that though demons should be transfigured as Angels, and
should attempt to speak concerning the end, you should not believe, since they are ignorant;
and that, if Antichrist too, disguising himself, should say, ‘I am Christ,’ and should try in
his turn to speak of that day and end, to deceive the hearers, ye, having these words from
Me, ‘No, not the Son,’ may disbelieve him also. And further, not to know when the end is,
or when the day of the end, is expedient for man, lest knowing, they might become negligent
of the time between, awaiting the days near the end; for they will argue that then only must
they attend to themselves3136. Therefore also has He been silent of the time when each shall
50. The Lord then, knowing what is good for us beyond ourselves, thus secured the
disciples; and they, being thus taught, set right those of Thessalonica3139 when likely on this
point to run into error. However, since Christ’s enemies do not yield even to these considerations,
I wish, though knowing that they have a heart harder than Pharaoh, to ask them
again concerning this. In Paradise God asks, ‘Adam, where art Thou3140’ and He inquires
of Cain also, ‘Where is Abel thy brother3141?’ What then say you to this? for if you think
Him ignorant and therefore to have asked, you are already of the party of the Manichees,
for this is their bold thought; but if, fearing the open name, ye force yourselves to say, that
He asks knowing, what is there extravagant or strange in the doctrine, that ye should thus
fall, on finding that the Son, in whom God then inquired, that same Son who now is clad
in flesh, inquires of the disciples as man? unless forsooth, having become Manichees, you
51. Now Luke says, ‘And Jesus advanced in wisdom and stature, and in grace with God
and man3146.’ This then is the passage, and since they stumble in it, we are compelled to
ask them, like the Pharisees and the Sadducees, of the person concerning whom Luke speaks.
And the case stands thus. Is Jesus Christ man, as all other men, or is He God bearing flesh?
If then He is an ordinary3147 man as the rest, then let Him, as a man, advance; this however
is the sentiment of the Samosatene, which virtually indeed you entertain also, though in
name you deny it because of men. But if He be God bearing flesh, as He truly is, and ‘the
Word became flesh,’ and being God descended upon earth, what advance had He who existed
equal to God? or how had the Son increase, being ever in the Father? For if He who was
ever in the Father, advanced, what, I ask, is there beyond the Father from which His advance
might be made? Next it is suitable here to repeat what was said upon the point of His receiving
and being glorified. If He advanced3148 when He became man, it is plain that, before He
became man, He was imperfect; and rather the flesh became to Him a cause of perfection,
than He to the flesh. And again, if, as being the Word, He advances, what has He more to
become than Word and Wisdom and Son and God’s Power? For the Word is all these, of
which if one can anyhow partake as it were one ray, such a man becomes all perfect among
men, and equal to Angels. For Angels, and Archangels, and Dominions, and all the Powers,
and Thrones, as partaking the Word, behold always the face of His Father. How then does
He who to others supplies perfection, Himself advance later than they? For Angels even
ministered to His human birth, and the passage from Luke comes later than the ministration
of the Angels. How then at all can it even come into thought of man? or how did Wisdom
advance in wisdom? or how did He who to others gives grace (as Paul says in every Epistle,
knowing that through Him grace is given, ‘The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ be with you
all’), how did He advance in grace? for either let them say that the Apostle is untrue, and
presume to say that the Son is not Wisdom, or else if He is Wisdom as Solomon said, and
52. For men, creatures as they are, are capable in a certain way of reaching forward and
advancing in virtue3149. Enoch, for instance, was thus translated, and Moses increased and
was perfected; and Isaac ‘by advancing became great3150;’ and the Apostle said that he
‘reached forth3151’ day by day to what was before him. For each had room for advancing,
looking to the step before him. But the Son of God, who is One and Only, what room had
He for reaching forward? for all things advance by looking at Him; and He, being One and
Only, is in the Only Father, from whom again He does not reach forward, but in Him
abideth ever3152. To men then belongs advance; but the Son of God, since He could not
advance, being perfect in the Father, humbled Himself for us, that in His humbling we on
the other hand might be able to increase. And our increase is no other than the renouncing
things sensible, and coming to the Word Himself; since His humbling is nothing else than
His taking our flesh. It was not then the Word, considered as the Word, who advanced; who
is perfect from the perfect Father3153, who needs nothing, nay brings forward others to an
advance; but humanly is He here also said to advance, since advance belongs to man3154.
Hence the Evangelist, speaking with cautious exactness3155, has mentioned stature in the
advance; but being Word and God He is not measured by stature, which belongs to bodies.
Of the body then is the advance; for, it advancing, in it advanced also the manifestation3156
of the Godhead to those who saw it. And, as the Godhead was more and more revealed, by
so much more did His grace as man increase before all men. For as a child He was carried
to the Temple; and when He became a boy, He remained there, and questioned the priests
about the Law. And by degrees His body increasing, and the Word manifesting Himself3157
53. (What moreover is this advance that is spoken of, but, as I said before, the deifying
and grace imparted from Wisdom to men, sin being obliterated in them and their inward
corruption, according to their likeness and relationship to the flesh of the Word?) For thus,
the body increasing in stature, there developed in it the manifestation of the Godhead also,
and to all was it displayed that the body was God’s Temple3160, and that God was in the
body. And if they urge, that ‘The Word become flesh’ is called Jesus, and refer to Him the
term ‘advanced,’ they must be told that neither does this impair3161 the Father’s Light3162,
which is the Son, but that it still shews that the Word has become man, and bore true flesh.
And as we said3163 that He suffered in the flesh, and hungered in the flesh, and was fatigued
in the flesh, so also reasonably may He be said to have advanced in the flesh; for neither did
the advance, such as we have described it, take place with the Word external to the flesh,
for in Him was the flesh which advanced and His is it called, and that as before, that man’s
advance might abide3164 and fail not, because of the Word which is with it. Neither then
was the advance the Word’s, nor was the flesh Wisdom, but the flesh became the body of
Wisdom3165. Therefore, as we have already said, not Wisdom, as Wisdom, advanced in respect
of Itself; but the manhood advanced in Wisdom, transcending by degrees human
nature, and being deified, and becoming and appearing to all as the organ3166 of Wisdom
54. Therefore as, when the flesh advanced, He is said to have advanced, because the
body was His own, so also what is said at the season of His death, that He was troubled, that
He wept, must be taken in the same sense3168. For they, going up and down3169, as if thereby
recommending their heresy anew, allege; “Behold, ‘He wept,’ and said, ‘Now is My soul
troubled,’ and He besought that the cup might pass away; how then, if He so spoke, is He
God, and Word of the Father?” Yea, it is written that He wept, O God’s enemies, and that
He said, ‘I am troubled,’ and on the Cross He said, ‘Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani,’ that is,
‘My God, My God, why hast Thou forsaken Me?’ and He besought that the cup might pass
away3170. Thus certainly it is written; but again I would ask you (for the same rejoinder
must of necessity be made to each of your objections3171), If the speaker is mere man, let
him weep and fear death, as being man; but if He is the Word in flesh3172 (for one must not
be reluctant to repeat), whom had He to fear being God? or wherefore should He fear death,
who was Himself Life, and was rescuing others from death? or how, whereas He said, ‘Fear
not him that kills the body3173,’ should He Himself fear? And how should He who said to
Abraham, ‘Fear not, for I am with thee,’ and encouraged Moses against Pharaoh, and said
to the son of Nun, ‘Be strong, and of a good courage3174,’ Himself feel terror before Herod
and Pilate? Further, He who succours others against fear (for ‘the Lord,’ says Scripture, ‘is
on my side, I will not fear what man shall do unto me3175’), did He fear governors, mortal
men? did He who Himself was come against death, feel terror of death? Is it not both unseemly
and irreligious to say that He was terrified at death or hades, whom the keepers of
the gates of hades3176 saw and shuddered? But if, as you would hold, the Word was in terror
wherefore, when He spoke long before of the conspiracy of the Jews, did He not flee, nay
said when actually sought, ‘I am He?’ for He could have avoided death, as He said, ‘I have
55. But these affections were not proper to the nature of the Word, as far as He was Word; but in the flesh which was thus affected was the Word, O Christ’s enemies and unthankful Jews! For He said not all this prior to the flesh; but when the ‘Word became flesh,’ and has become man, then is it written that He said this, that is, humanly. Surely He of whom this is written was He who raised Lazarus from the dead, and made the water wine, and vouchsafed sight to the man born blind, and said, ‘I and My Father are one3178.’ If then they make His human attributes a ground for low thoughts concerning the Son of God, nay consider Him altogether man from the earth, and not3179 from heaven, wherefore not from His divine works recognise the Word who is in the Father, and henceforward renounce their self-willed3180 irreligion? For they are given to see, how He who did the works is the same as He who shewed that His body was passible by His permitting3181 it to weep and hunger, and to shew other properties of a body. For while by means of such He made it known that, though God impassible, He had taken a passible flesh; yet from the works He shewed Himself the Word of God, who had afterwards become man, saying, Though ye believe not Me, beholding Me clad in a human body, yet believe the works, that ye may know that “I am in the Father, and the Father in Me.3182” ‘And Christ’s enemies seem to me to shew plain shamelessness and blasphemy;’ for, when they hear ‘I and the Father are one3183,’ they violently distort the sense, and separate the unity of the Father and the Son; but reading of His tears or sweat or sufferings, they do not advert to His body, but on account of these rank in the creation Him by whom the creation was made. What then is left for them to differ from the Jews in? for as the Jews blasphemously ascribed God’s works to Beelzebub, so also will these, ranking with the creatures the Lord who wrought those works, undergo the same condemnation as theirs without mercy.
56. But they ought, when they hear ‘I and the Father are one,’ to see in Him the oneness of the Godhead and the propriety of the Father’s Essence; and again when they hear, ‘He wept’ and the like, to say that these are proper to the body; especially since on each side they have an intelligible ground, viz. that this is written as of God and that with reference to His manhood. For in the incorporeal, the properties of body had not been, unless He had taken a body corruptible and mortal3184; for mortal was Holy Mary, from whom was His body. Wherefore of necessity when He was in a body suffering, and weeping, and toiling, these things which are proper to the flesh, are ascribed to Him together with the body. If then He wept and was troubled, it was not the Word, considered as the Word, who wept and was troubled, but it was proper to the flesh; and if too He besought that the cup might pass away, it was not the Godhead that was in terror, but this affection too was proper to the manhood. And that the words ‘Why hast Thou forsaken Me?’ are His, according to the foregoing explanations (though He suffered nothing, for the Word was impassible), is notwithstanding declared by the Evangelists; since the Lord became man, and these things are done and said as from a man, that He might Himself lighten3185 these very sufferings of the flesh, and free it from them3186. Whence neither can the Lord be forsaken by the Father, who is ever in the Father, both before He spoke, and when He uttered this cry. Nor is it lawful to say that the Lord was in terror, at whom the keepers of hell’s gates shuddered3187 and set open hell, and the graves did gape, and many bodies of the saints arose and appeared to their own people3188. Therefore be every heretic dumb, nor dare to ascribe terror to the Lord whom death, as a serpent, flees, at whom demons tremble, and the sea is in alarm; for whom the heavens are rent and all the powers are shaken. For behold when He says, ‘Why hast Thou forsaken Me?’ the Father shewed that He was ever and even then in Him; for the earth knowing its Lord3189 who spoke, straightway trembled, and the vail was rent, and the sun was hidden, and the rocks were torn asunder, and the graves, as I have said, did gape, and the dead in them arose; and, what is wonderful, they who were then present and had before denied Him, then seeing these signs, confessed that ‘truly He was the Son of God3190.’
57. And as to His saying, ‘If it be possible, let the cup pass,’ observe how, though He
thus spake, He rebuked3191 Peter, saying, ‘Thou savourest not the things that be of God,
58. Idle then is the excuse for stumbling, and petty the notions concerning the Word,
of these Ario-maniacs, because it is written, ‘He was troubled,’ and ‘He wept.’ For they seem
not even to have human feeling, if they are thus ignorant of man’s nature and properties;
which do but make it the greater wonder, that the Word should be in such a suffering flesh,
and neither prevented those who were conspiring against Him, nor took vengeance of those
who were putting Him to death, though He was able, He who hindered some from dying,
and raised others from the dead. And He let His own body suffer, for therefore did He come,
as I said before, that in the flesh He might suffer, and thenceforth the flesh might be made
impassible and immortal3199, and that, as we have many times said, contumely and other
troubles might determine upon Him and come short of others after Him, being by Him
annulled utterly; and that henceforth men might for ever abide3200 incorruptible, as a temple
of the Word3201. Had Christ’s enemies thus dwelt on these thoughts, and recognised the
ecclesiastical scope as an anchor for the faith, they would not have made shipwreck of the
58. (continued). But3203, as it seems, a heretic is a wicked thing in truth, and in every respect his heart is depraved3204 and irreligious. For behold, though convicted on all points, and shewn to be utterly bereft of understanding, they feel no shame; but as the hydra of Gentile fable, when its former serpents were destroyed, gave birth to fresh ones, contending against the slayer of the old by the production of new, so also they, hostile3205 and hateful to God3206, as hydras3207, losing their life in the objections which they advance, invent for themselves other questions Judaic and foolish, and new expedients, as if Truth were their enemy, thereby to shew the rather that they are Christ’s opponents in all things.
59. After so many proofs against them, at which even the devil who is their father3208
had himself been abashed and gone back, again as from their perverse heart they mutter
forth other expedients, sometimes in whispers, sometimes with the drone3209 of gnats; ‘Be
it so,’ say they; ‘interpret these places thus, and gain the victory in reasonings and proofs;
still you must say that the Son has received being from the Father at His will and pleasure;’
for thus they deceive many, putting forward the will and the pleasure of God. Now if any
60. All everywhere tell us of the being of the Word, but none of His being ‘by will,’ nor
at all of His making; but they, where, I ask, did they find will or pleasure ‘precedent3219’ to
the Word of God, unless forsooth, leaving the Scriptures, they simulate the perverseness of
Valentinus? For Ptolemy the Valentinian said that the Unoriginate had a pair of attributes,
Thought and Will, and first He thought and then He willed; and what He thought, He could
not put forth3220, unless when the power of the Will was added. Thence the Arians taking
a lesson, wish will and pleasure to precede the Word. For them then, let them rival the
doctrine of Valentinus; but we, when we read the divine discourses, found ‘He was’ applied
to the Son, but of Him only did we hear as being in the Father and the Father’s Image; while
in the case of things originate only, since also by nature these things once were not, but afterwards
came to be3221, did we recognise a precedent will and pleasure, David saying in
the hundred and thirteenth Psalm, ‘As for our God He is in heaven, He hath done whatsoever
pleased Him,’ and in the hundred and tenth, ‘The works of the Lord are great, sought out
61. Therefore if He be other than all things, as has been above shewn3224, and through
Him the works rather came to be, let not ‘by will’ be applied to Him, or He has similarly
come to be as the things consist which through Him come to be. For Paul, whereas he was
not before, became afterwards an Apostle ‘by the will of God3225;’ and our own calling, as
itself once not being, but now taking place afterwards, is preceded by will, and, as Paul
himself says again, has been made ‘according to the good pleasure of His will3226.’ And what
Moses relates, ‘Let there be light,’ and ‘Let the earth appear,’ and ‘Let Us make man,’ is, I
think, according to what has gone before3227, significant of the will of the Agent. For things
which once were not but happened afterwards from external causes, these the Framer
counsels to make; but His own Word begotten from Him by nature, concerning Him He
did not counsel beforehand; for in Him the Father makes, in Him frames, other things
whatever He counsels; as also James the Apostle teaches, saying, ‘Of His own will begat He
us with the Word of truth3228.’ Therefore the Will of God concerning all things, whether
they be begotten again or are brought into being at the first, is in His Word, in whom He
both makes and begets again what seems right to Him; as the Apostle3229 again signifies,
writing to Thessalonica; ‘for this is the will of God in Christ Jesus concerning you.’ But if,
62. If then there is another Word of God, then be the Son originated by a word; but if
there be not, as is the case, but all things by Him have come to be, which the Father has
willed, does not this expose the many-headed3230 craftiness of these men? that feeling shame
at saying ‘work,’ and ‘creature,’ and ‘God’s Word was not before His generation,’ yet in another
way they assert that He is a creature, putting forward ‘will,’ and saying, ‘Unless He
has by will come to be, therefore God had a Son by necessity and against His good pleasure.’
And who is it then who imposes necessity on Him, O men most wicked, who draw everything
to the purpose of your heresy? for what is contrary to will they see; but what is greater and
transcends it has escaped their perception. For as what is beside purpose is contrary to will,
so what is according to nature transcends and precedes counselling3231. A man by counsel
builds a house, but by nature he begets a son; and what is in building began to come into
being at will, and is external to the maker; but the son is proper offspring of the father’s essence,
and is not external to him; wherefore neither does he counsel concerning him, lest
he appear to counsel about himself. As far then as the Son transcends the creature, by so
63. Moreover let them answer us this:—(for against their shamelessness I wish to urge
a further question, bold indeed, but with a religious intent; be propitious, O Lord3233!)—the
Father Himself, does He exist, first having counselled, then being pleased, or before counselling?
For since they are so bold in the instance of the Word, they must receive the like
answer, that they may know that this their presumption reaches even to the Father Himself.
If then they shall themselves take counsel about will, and say that even He is from will, what
then was He before He counselled, or what gained He, as ye consider, after counselling? But
if such a question be unseemly and self-destructive, and shocking even to ask (for it is enough
only to hear God’s Name for us to know and understand that He is He that Is), will it not
also be against reason to have parallel thoughts concerning the Word of God, and to make
pretences of will and pleasure? for it is enough in like manner only to hear the Name of the
64. Therefore if the works subsist ‘by will and favour,’ and the whole creature is made
‘at God’s good pleasure,’ and Paul was called to be an Apostle ‘by the will of God,’ and our
calling has come about ‘by His good pleasure and will,’ and all things have come into being
through the Word, He is external to the things which have come to be by will, but rather is
65. Moreover, if they say that the Son is by will, they should say also that He came to be
by understanding; for I consider understanding and will to be the same. For what a man
counsels, about that also he has understanding; and what he has in understanding, that also
he counsels. Certainly the Saviour Himself has made them correspond, as being cognate,
66. Since then the Son is by nature and not by will, is He without the pleasure of the
Father and not with the Father’s will? No, verily; but the Son is with the pleasure of the
Father, and, as He says Himself, ‘The Father loveth the Son, and sheweth Him all things3259.’
For as not ‘from will’ did He begin to be good, nor yet is good without will and pleasure (for
what He is, that also is His pleasure), so also that the Son should be, though it came not
‘from will,’ yet it is not without His pleasure or against His purpose. For as His own Subsistence
is by His pleasure, so also the Son, being proper to His Essence, is not without His
pleasure. Be then the Son the object of the Father’s pleasure and love; and thus let every one
religiously account of3260 the pleasure and the not-unwillingness of God. For by that good
pleasure wherewith the Son is the object of the Father’s pleasure, is the Father the object of
the Son’s love, pleasure, and honour; and one is the good pleasure which is from Father in
Son, so that here too we may contemplate the Son in the Father and the Father in the Son.
Let no one then, with Valentinus, introduce a precedent will; nor let any one, by this pretence
of ‘counsel,’ intrude between the Only Father and the Only Word; for it were madness to
place will and consideration between them. For it is one thing to say, ‘Of will He came to
be,’ and another, that the Father has love and good pleasure towards His Son who is His
own by nature. For to say, ‘Of will He came to be,’ in the first place implies that once He
was not; and next it implies an inclination two ways, as has been said, so that one might
suppose that the Father could even not will the Son. But to say of the Son, ‘He might not
have been,’ is an irreligious presumption reaching even to the Essence of the Father, as if
what is His own might not have been. For it is the same as saying, ‘The Father might not
have been good.’ And as the Father is always good by nature, so He is always generative3261
by nature; and to say, ‘The Father’s good pleasure is the Son,’ and ‘The Word’s good pleasure
is the Father,’ implies, not a precedent will, but genuineness of nature, and propriety and
likeness of Essence. For as in the case of the radiance and light one might say, that there is
no will preceding radiance in the light, but it is its natural offspring, at the pleasure of the
67. Therefore call not the Son a work of good pleasure; nor bring in the doctrine of
Valentinus into the Church; but be He the Living Counsel, and Offspring in truth and nature,
as the Radiance from the Light. For thus has the Father spoken, ‘My heart uttered a good
Word;’ and the Son conformably, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me3262.’ But if the Word
be in the heart, where is will? and if the Son in the Father, where is good pleasure? and if
He be Will Himself, how is counsel in Will? it is unseemly; lest the Word come into being
in a word, and the Son in a son, and Wisdom in a wisdom, as has been repeatedly3263 said.
For the Son is the Father’s All; and nothing was in the Father before the Word; but in the
Word is will also, and through Him the objects of will are carried into effect, as holy Scriptures
have shewn. And I could wish that the irreligious men, having fallen into such want of
reason3264 as to be considering about will, would now ask their childbearing women no
more, whom they used to ask, ‘Hadst thou a son before conceiving him3265?’ but the father,
‘Do ye become fathers by counsel, or by the natural law of your will?’ or ‘Are your children
like your nature and essence3266?’ that, even from fathers they may learn shame, from whom
they assumed this proposition3267 about birth, and from whom they hoped to gain knowledge
in point. For they will reply to them, ‘What we beget, is like, not our good pleasure3268, but
like ourselves; nor become we parents by previous counsel, but to beget is proper to our
nature; since we too are images of our fathers.’ Either then let them condemn themselves3269,
and cease asking women about the Son of God, or let them learn from them, that the Son
is begotten not by will, but in nature and truth. Becoming and suitable to them is a refutation
from human instances3270, since the perverse-minded men dispute in a human way concerning
the Godhead. Why then are Christ’s enemies still mad? for this, as well as their
other pretences, is shewn and proved to be mere fantasy and fable; and on this account, they
ought, however late, contemplating the precipice of folly down which they have fallen, to
rise again from the depth and to flee the snare of the devil, as we admonish them. For Truth
The fourth Discourse, as has been already observed (p. 304), stands on a footing of its own. To begin with, it is not quoted in antiquity, as the first three are, as part of the work of Ath. against the Arians (details in Newman, p. 499). Again, the fact that not only the Ep. Æg., but even the dubious de Incar. c. Arian., are in some mss. included in the Orationes, while our present oration appears sometimes as the ‘fifth’ sometimes as the ‘sixth,’ cast a shade of doubt upon its claim to be included in the ‘Pentabiblus against the Arians’ referred to by Photius. In addition to these external considerations, Newman lays stress on the apparent want of continuity in its argument; on its non-conformity to the structural plan of Orat. i.–iii., on the use of the term ὁμοούσιον (§§10, 22, contrast Orat. i. §9, p. 311, note 12); on certain peculiarities of style which seem characteristic of disjointed notes rather than of a systematic treatise; on the reference to ‘Eusebius’ (of Cæsarea) as apparently still living (§8); and on the general absence of personal reference to opponents, while yet a definite and extant system seems to be combated.
Now a comparison with the works of Eusebius against Marcellus leaves little doubt that the system combated by Athan. is that of the latter (described briefly Prolegg. ch. ii. §3 (2) c).
After laying down as a thesis (§1) the substantive existence of the divine Word or Wisdom,
Athan. proceeds to combat the idea that the Word has no personality distinct from
that of the Father. Setting aside the alternative errors of Sabellius (§2) and Arius (§3), he
taxes with the consequence of involving two ᾽Αρχαί a view that the Word had a substantive
existence and was then united to the Father (cf. Euseb. c. Marcell. 32 A, 108 A, 106 C, D).
This consequence can only be avoided by falling into the Sabellian alternative of a θεὸς
διφυής (cf. Tertullian’s ‘Deum versipellem’), unless the true solution, that of the eternal divine
γέννησις, be accepted (§3 worked out in 4, 5). The argument, apparently interrupted by an
anti-Arian digression §§6, 7, is resumed §8, whence it proceeds without break to §24. Eusebius,
insisting against Marcellus on the eternity of Christ’s Kingdom, inconsistently defends
Such is the course of the argument in the Fourth Oration; and with the exception of §§6, 7, and again possibly §25, it forms a homogeneous, if not a finished and elaborated piece of argument. Its date and composition may be left an open question; but its purpose as an appendix to Orat. i.–iii., is we think open to little doubt (supr. p. 304). Of Sabellius, who left no writings3274, the age of Athanasius knew little, except that he identified Father and Son (υἱοπατώρ), and denied the Trinity of Persons. Most that is told us of Sabellius from the fourth century onwards requires careful sifting, in order to eliminate what really belongs to Marcellus, Photinus, or others who were taxed with Sabellianism, and combated as ‘Sabellians.’ But with the simple patri-passianism which is the one undoubted element in the teaching of Sabellius, Marcellus had little or nothing in common. The criticism of Marcellus that Sabellius ‘knew not the Word’ reveals the true difference between them. To Sabellius, creation and redemption were the work of the one God under successive changes of manifestation; to Marcellus, they were the realisation of a process eternally latent in God; but both Marcellus and apparently Sabellius referred to the divine Nature what the theology of the Church has consistently referred to the divine Will.
The following table will make the foregoing scheme clear.
§1. Introductory. Thesis: the co-eternal personality of the Son or Word.
§§2–5. Those who, while rejecting Arianism, would avoid Sabellianism, must accept the eternal divine Generation of the Son.
§§6, 7. Digression: the humiliation of the Word explained against the Arians.
§8. The eternity of Christ’s Kingdom and of His Person implied each in the other.
§§9–12. In what sense Christ and the Father are, and are not, one. The divine γέννησις.
§§13, 14. The doctrine of divine dilatation and contraction denies true personal distinctions in the Godhead.
§§15–24. The Son and the Word identical. Refutation of the three alternative suppositions, and of the argument alleged from the O.T. in support of them.
§25. Final refutation of the doctrine of dilatation.
§§26–36. The Scriptural identification of Son and Word refutes the restriction of the former title to the man Jesus.
1. The Word is God from God; for ‘the Word was God3275,’ and again, ‘Of whom are
the Fathers, and of whom Christ, who is God over all, blessed for ever. Amen3276.’ And
since Christ is God from God, and God’s Word, Wisdom, Son, and Power, therefore but
One God is declared in the divine Scriptures. For the Word, being Son of the One God, is
referred to Him of whom also He is; so that Father and Son are two, yet the Monad of the
Godhead is indivisible and inseparable. And thus too we preserve One Beginning of Godhead
and not two Beginnings, whence there is strictly a Monarchy. And of this very Beginning
the Word is by nature Son, not as if another beginning, subsisting by Himself, nor having
come into being externally to that Beginning, lest from that diversity a Dyarchy and Polyarchy
should ensue; but of the one Beginning He is own Son, own Wisdom, own Word, existing
from It. For, according to John, ‘in’ that ‘Beginning was the Word, and the Word was with
God,’ for the Beginning was God; and since He is from It, therefore also ‘the Word was
God.’ And as there is one Beginning and therefore one God, so one is that Essence and
Subsistence which indeed and truly and really is, and which said ‘I am that I am3277,’ and
not two, that there be not two Beginnings; and from the One, a Son in nature and truth, is
Its own Word, Its Wisdom, Its Power, and inseparable from It. And as there is not another
essence, lest there be two Beginnings, so the Word which is from that One Essence has no
dissolution, nor is a sound significative, but is an essential Word and essential Wisdom,
which is the true Son. For were He not essential, God will be speaking into the air3278, and
having a body, in nothing differently from men; but since He is not man, neither is His
Word according to the infirmity of man3279. For as the Beginning is one Essence, so Its
Word is one, essential, and subsisting, and Its Wisdom. For as He is God from God, and
2. Since were He not essential Wisdom and substantive Word, and Son existing, but simply Wisdom and Word and Son in the Father, then the Father Himself would have a nature compounded of Wisdom and Word. But if so, the forementioned absurdities would follow; and He will be His own Father, and the Son begetting and begotten by Himself; or Word, Wisdom, Son, is a name only, and He does not subsist who owns, or rather who is, these titles. If then He does not subsist, the names are idle and empty, unless we say that God is Very Wisdom3280 and Very Word. But if so, He is His own Father and Son; Father, when Wise, Son, when Wisdom; but these things are not in God as a certain quality; away with the dishonourable3281 thought; for it will issue in this, that God is compounded of essence and quality3282. For whereas all quality is in essence, it will clearly follow that the Divine Monad, indivisible as it is, must be compound, being severed into essence and accident3283. We must ask then these headstrong men; The Son was proclaimed as God’s Wisdom and Word; how then is He such? if as a quality, the absurdity has been shewn; but if God is that Very Wisdom, then it is the absurdity of Sabellius; therefore He is so, as an Offspring in a proper sense from the Father Himself, according to the illustration of light. For as there is light from fire, so from God is there a Word, and Wisdom from the Wise, and from the Father a Son. For in this way the Monad remains undivided and entire, and Its Son, Word not unessential, nor not subsisting, but essential truly. For were it not so, all that is said would be said notionally3284 and verbally3285. But if we must avoid that absurdity, then is a true Word essential. For as there is a Father truly, so Wisdom truly. In this respect then they are two; not because, as Sabellius said, Father and Son are the same, but because the Father is Father and the Son Son, and they are one, because He is Son of the Essence of the Father by nature, existing as His own Word. This the Lord said, viz. ‘I and the Father are One3286;’ for neither is the Word separated from the Father, nor was or is the Father ever Wordless; on this account He says, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me3287.’
3. And again, Christ is the Word of God. Did He then subsist by Himself, and subsisting,
has He become joined to the Father, or did God make Him or call Him His Word? If the
4. But the Arians we must ask contrariwise: (for the Sabellianisers must be confuted
from the notion of a Son, and the Arians from that of a Father:) let us say then—Is God wise
and not word-less: or on the contrary, is He wisdom-less and word-less3288? if the latter,
there is an absurdity at once; if the former, we must ask, how is He wise and not word-less?
does He possess the Word and the Wisdom from without, or from Himself? If from without,
there must be one who first gave to Him, and before He received He was wisdom-less and
word-less. But if from Himself, it is plain that the Word is not from nothing, nor once was
not; for He was ever; since He of whom He is the Image, exists ever. But if they say that He
is indeed wise and not word-less, but that He has in Himself His own wisdom and own
word, and that, not Christ, but that by which He made Christ, we must answer that, if Christ
in that word was brought to be, plainly so were all things; and it must be He of whom John
says, ‘All things were made by Him,’ and the Psalmist, ‘In Wisdom hast Thou made them
all3289.’ And Christ will be found to speak untruly, ‘I in the Father,’ there being another in
the Father. And ‘the Word became flesh3290’ is not true according to them. For if He in
whom ‘all things came to be,’ Himself became flesh, but Christ is not in the Father, as Word
5. From Deuteronomy; ‘But ye that did attach yourselves unto the Lord your God are
alive every one of you this day3299.’ From this we may see the difference, and know that the
Son of God is not a creature. For the Son says, ‘I and the Father are One,’ and, ‘I in the
Father, and the Father in Me;’ but things originate, when they make advance, are attached
unto the Lord. The Word then is in the Father as being His own; but things originate, being
external, are attached, as being by nature foreign, and attached by free choice. For a son
which is by nature, is one3300 with him who begat him; but he who is from without, and is
made a son, will be attached to the family. Therefore he immediately adds, ‘What nation is
there so great who hath God drawing nigh unto them3301?’ and elsewhere, ‘I a God drawing
6. But in answer to the weak and human notion of the Arians, their supposing that the
Lord is in want, when He says, ‘Is given unto Me,’ and ‘I received,’ and if Paul says,
‘Wherefore He highly exalted Him,’ and ‘He set Him at the right hand3304,’ and the like, we
must say that our Lord, being Word and Son of God, bore a body, and became Son of Man,
that, having become Mediator between God, and men, He might minister the things of God
to us, and ours to God. When then He is said to hunger and weep and weary, and to cry
Eloi, Eloi, which are our human affections, He receives them from us and offers to the
Father3305, interceding for us, that in Him they may be annulled3306. And when it is said,
‘All power is given unto Me,’ and ‘I received,’ and ‘Wherefore God highly exalted Him,’
these are gifts given from God to us through Him. For the Word was never in want3307, nor
has come into being3308; nor again were men sufficient to minister these things for themselves,
but through the Word they are given to us; therefore, as if given to Him, they are
imparted to us. For this was the reason of His becoming man, that, as being given to Him,
they might pass on to us3309. For of such gifts mere man had not become worthy; and again
the mere Word had not needed them3310; the Word then was united to us, and then imparted
to us power, and highly exalted us3311. For the Word being in man, highly exalted man
himself; and, when the Word was in man, man himself received. Since then, the Word being
in flesh, man himself was exalted, and received power, therefore these things are referred
to the Word, since they were given on His account; for on account of the Word in man were
these gifts given. And as ‘the Word became flesh3312,’ so also man himself received the gifts
which came through the Word. For all that man himself has received, the Word is said to
have received3313; that it might be shewn, that man himself, being unworthy to receive, as
far as his own nature is concerned, yet has received because of the Word become flesh.
Wherefore if anything be said to be given to the Lord, or the like, we must consider that it
is given, not to Him as needing it, but to man himself through the Word. For every one in-
7. For as He takes our infirmities, not being infirm3314, and hungers not hungering, but sends up what is ours that it may be abolished, so the gifts which come from God instead of our infirmities, doth He too Himself receive, that man, being united to Him, may be able to partake them. Hence it is that the Lord says, ‘All things whatsoever Thou hast given Me, I have given them,’ and again, ‘I pray for them3315.’ For He prayed for us, taking on Him what is ours, and He was giving what He received. Since then, the Word being united to man himself, the Father, regarding Him, vouchsafed to man to be exalted, to have all power and the like; therefore are referred to the Word Himself, and are as if given to Him, all things which through Him we receive. For as He for our sake became man, so we for His sake are exalted. It is no absurdity then, if, as for our sake He humbled Himself, so also for our sake He is said to be highly exalted. So ‘He gave to Him,’ that is, ‘to us for His sake;’ ‘and He highly exalted Him3316,’ that is, ‘us in Him.’ And the Word Himself, when we are exalted, and receive, and are succoured, as if He Himself were exalted and received and were succoured, gives thanks to the Father, referring what is ours to Himself, and saying, ‘All things, whatsoever Thou hast given Me, I have given unto them3317.’
8. Eusebius and his fellows, that is, the Ario-maniacs, ascribing a beginning of being to the Son, yet pretend not to wish Him to have a beginning of kingship3318. But this is ridiculous; for he who ascribes to the Son a beginning of being, very plainly ascribes to Him also a beginning of reigning; so blind are they, confessing what they deny. Again, those who say that the Son is only a name, and that the Son of God, that is, the Word of the Father, is unessential and non-subsistent, pretend to be angry with those who say, ‘Once He was not.’ This is ridiculous also; for they who give Him no being at all, are angry with those who at least grant Him to be in time. Thus these also confess what they deny, in the act of censuring the others. And again Eusebius and his fellows, confessing a Son, deny that He is the Word by nature, and would have the Son called Word notionally; and the others confessing Him to be Word, deny Him to be Son, and would have the Word called Son notionally, equally void of footing.
9. ‘I and the Father are One3319.’ You say that the two things are one, or that the one has two names, or again that the one is divided into two. Now if the one is divided into two, that which is divided must need be a body, and neither part perfect, for each is a part and not a whole. But if again the one have two names, this is the expedient of Sabellius, who said that Son and Father were the same, and did away with either, the Father when there is a Son, and the Son when there is a Father. But if the two are one, then of necessity they are two, but one according to the Godhead, and according to the Son’s coessentiality with the Father, and the Word’s being from the Father Himself; so that there are two, because there is Father, and Son, namely the Word; and one because one God. For if not, He would have said, ‘I am the Father,’ or ‘I and the Father am;’ but, in fact, in the ‘I’ He signifies the Son, and in the ‘And the Father,’ Him who begat Him; and in the ‘One’ the one Godhead and His coessentiality3320. For the Same is not, as the Gentiles hold, Wise and Wisdom, or the Same Father and Word; for it were unfit for Him to be His own Father, but the divine teaching knows Father and Son, and Wise and Wisdom, and God and Word; while it ever guards Him indivisible and inseparable and indissoluble in all respects.
10. But if any one, on hearing that the Father and the Son are two, misrepresent us as preaching two Gods (for this is what some feign to themselves, and forthwith mock, saying, ‘You hold two Gods’), we must answer to such, If to acknowledge Father and Son, is to hold two Gods, it instantly3321 follows that to confess but one we must deny the Son and Sabellianise. For if to speak of two is to fall into Gentilism, therefore if we speak of one, we must fall into Sabellianism. But this is not so; perish the thought! but, as when we say that Father and Son are two, we still confess one God, so when we say that there is one God, let us consider Father and Son two, while they are one in the Godhead, and in the Father’s Word being indissoluble and indivisible and inseparable from Him. And let the fire and the radiance from it be a similitude of man, which are two in being and in appearance, but one in that its radiance is from it indivisibly.
11. They fall into the same folly with the Arians; for Arians also say that He was created for us, that He might create us, as if God waited till our creation for His issue, as the one party say, or His creation, as the other. Arians then are more bountiful to us than to the Son; for they say, not we for His sake, but He for ours, came to be; that is, if He was therefore created, and subsisted, that God through Him might create us. And these, as irreligious or more so, give to God less than to us. For we oftentimes, even when silent, yet are active in thinking, so as to form the results of our thoughts into images; but God they would have inactive when silent, and when He speaks then to exert strength; if, that is, when silent He could not make, and when speaking He began to create. For it is just to ask them, whether the Word, when He was in God, was perfect, so as to be able to make. If on the one hand He was imperfect, when in God, but by being begotten became perfect3322, we are the cause of His perfection, that is, if He has been begotten for us; for on our behalf He has received the power of making. But if He was perfect in God, so as to be able to make, His generation is superfluous; for He, even when in the Father, could frame the world; so that either He has not been begotten, or He was begotten, not for us, but because He is ever from the Father. For His generation evidences, not that we were created, but that He is from God; for He was even before our creation.
12. And the same presumption will be proved against them concerning the Father; for
if, when silent, He could not make, of necessity He has gained power by begetting, that is,
by speaking. And whence has He gained it? and wherefore? If, when He had the Word
within Him, He could make, He begets needlessly, being able to make even in silence. Next,
if the Word was in God before He was begotten, then being begotten He is without and external
to Him. But if so, how says He now, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me3323?’ but if
He is now in the Father, then always was He in the Father, as He is now, and needless is it
to say, ‘For us was He begotten, and He reverts after we are formed, that He may be as He
was.’ For He was not anything which He is not now, nor is He what He was not; but He is
as He ever was, and in the same state and in the same respects; otherwise He will seem to
be imperfect and alterable. For if, what He was, that He shall be afterwards, as if now He
were not so, it is plain, He is not now what He was and shall be. I mean, if He was before in
God, and afterwards shall be again, it follows that now the Word is not in God. But the Lord
refutes such persons when He says, ‘I in the Father and the Father in Me;’ for so is He now
13. This perhaps he3329 borrowed from the Stoics, who maintain that their God contracts and again expands with the creation, and then rests without end. For what is dilated is first straitened; and what is expanded is at first contracted; and it is what it was, and does but undergo an affection. If then the Monad being dilated became a Triad, and the Monad was the Father3330, and the Triad is Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, first the Monad being dilated, underwent an affection and became what it was not; for it was dilated, whereas it had not been dilate. Next, if the Monad itself was dilated into a Triad, and that, Father and Son and Holy Ghost, then Father and Son and Spirit prove the same, as Sabellius held, unless the Monad which he speaks of is something besides the Father, and then he ought not to speak of dilatation, since the Monad was to make Three, so that there was a Monad, and then Father, Son, and Spirit. For if the Monad were dilated, and expanded itself, it must itself be that which was expanded. And a Triad when dilated is no longer a Monad, and when a Monad it is not yet a Triad. And so, He that was Father was not yet Son and Spirit; but, when become These, is no longer only Father. And a man who thus should lie, must ascribe a body to God, and represent Him as passible; for what is dilatation, but an affection of that which is dilated? or what the dilated, but what before was not so, but was strait indeed; for it is the same, in time only differing from itself.
14. And this the divine Apostle knows, when he writes to the Corinthians, ‘Be ye not
straitened in us, but be ye yourselves dilated, O Corinthians3331;’ for he advises identical
persons to change from straitness to dilatation. And as, supposing the Corinthians being
straitened were in turn dilated, they had not been others, but still Corinthians, so if the
Father was dilated into a Triad, the Triad again is the Father alone. And he says again the
same thing, ‘Our heart is dilated3332;’ and Noah says, ‘May God dilate for Japheth3333,’ for
the same heart and the same Japheth is in the dilatation. If then the Monad dilated, it would
dilate for others; but if it dilated for itself, then it would be that which was dilated; and what
is that but the Son and Holy Spirit? And it is well to ask him, when thus speaking, what was
the action3334 of this dilatation? or, in very truth, wherefore at all it took place? for what
does not remain the same, but is in course of time dilated, must necessarily have a cause of
dilatation. If then it was in order that Word and Spirit should be with Him, it is beside the
15. Such absurdities will be the consequence of saying that the Monad is dilated into a Triad. But since those who say so venture to separate Word and Son, and to say that the Word is one and the Son another, and that first was the Word and then the Son, come let us consider this doctrine also. Now their presumption takes various forms; for some say that the man whom the Saviour assumed is the Son3336; and others both that the man and the Word then became Son, when they were united3337. And others say that the Word Himself then became Son when He became man3338; for from being Word, they say, He has become Son, not being Son before, but only Word. Now both are Stoic3339 doctrines, whether to say that God was dilated or to deny the Son, but especially is it absurd to name the Word, yet deny Him to be Son. For if the Word be not from God, reasonably might they deny Him to be Son; but if He is from God, how see they not that what exists from anything is son of him from whom it is? Next, if God is Father of the Word, why is not the Word Son of His own Father? for one is and is called father, whose is the son; and one is and is called son of another, whose is the father. If then God is not Father of Christ, neither is the Word Son; but if God be Father, then reasonably also the Word is Son. But if afterwards there is Father, and first God, this is an Arian thought3340. Next, it is absurd that God should change; for that belongs to bodies; but if they argue that in the instance of creation He became afterwards a Maker, let them know that the change is in the things3341 which afterwards came to be, and not in God.
16. If then the Son too were a work, well might God begin to be a Father towards Him
as others; but if the Son is not a work, then ever was the Father and ever the Son3342. But if
the Son was ever, He must be the Word; for if the Word be not Son, and this is what a man
waxes bold to say, either he holds that Word to be Father or the Son superior to the Word.
17. The Jews then, when they heard ‘One,’ thought like Sabellius that He said that He
was the Father, but our Saviour shews their sin by this argument: ‘Though I had said “God,”
you should have remembered what is written, “I said, Ye are gods;”’ then to clear up ‘I and
the Father are One,’ He has explained the Son’s oneness with the Father in the words, ‘Because
I said, I am the Son of God.’ For if He did not say it in words, still He has referred the sense
of ‘are One’ to the Son. For nothing is one with the Father, but what is from Him. What is
that which is from Him but the Son? And therefore He adds, ‘that ye may know that I am
in the Father, and the Father in Me.’ For, when expounding the ‘One,’ He said that the
union and the inseparability lay, not in This being That, with which It was One, but in His
being in the Father and the Father in the Son. For thus He overthrows both Sabellius, in
saying, ‘I am’ not, “the Father,” but, ‘the Son of God;’ and Arius, in saying, ‘are One.’ If then
the Son and the Word are not the same, it is not that the Word is one with the Father, but
18. Perhaps they will have so little shame as to say, that this utterance belongs not to
the Son but to the Word; but from what preceded it appeared plainly that the speaker was
the Son. For He who here says, ‘I came not to judge the world but to save3348,’ is shewn to
be no other than the Only-begotten Son of God, by the same John’s saying before3349, ‘For
God so loved the world that He gave His Only-begotten Son, that whosoever believeth on
Him should not perish, but have everlasting life. For God sent not His Son into the world
to condemn the world, but that the world through Him might be saved. He that believeth
on Him is not condemned, but he that believeth not is condemned already, because he hath
not believed in the Name of the Only-begotten Son of God. And this is the condemnation,
that light is come into the world, and men loved darkness rather than light, because their
deeds are evil3350.’ If He who says, ‘For I came not to judge the world, but that I might save
it,’ is the Same as says, ‘He that seeth Me, seeth Him that sent Me3351,’ and if He who came
to save the world and not judge it is the Only-begotten Son of God, it is plain that it is the
same Son who says, ‘He that seeth Me, seeth Him that sent Me.’ For He who said, ‘He that
believeth on Me,’ and, ‘If any one hear My words, I judge him not,’ is the Son Himself, of
whom Scripture says, ‘He that believeth on Him is not condemned, but He that believeth
not is condemned already, because He hath not believed in the Name of the Only-begotten
Son of God.’ And again: ‘And this is the condemnation’ of him who believeth not on the
19. This then being shewn, it follows that the Word is the Son. But if the Son is the Light,
which has come into the world, beyond all dispute the world was made by the Son. For in
the beginning of the Gospel, the Evangelist, speaking of John the Baptist, says, ‘He was not
that Light, but that he might bear witness concerning that Light3354.’ For Christ Himself
was, as we have said before, the True Light that lighteth every man that cometh into the
world. For if ‘He was in the world, and the world was made by Him3355,’ of necessity He is
the Word of God, concerning whom also the Evangelist witnesses that all things were made
by Him. For either they will be compelled to speak of two worlds, that the one may have
come into being by the Son and the other by the Word, or, if the world is one and the creation
one, it follows that Son and Word are one and the same before all creation, for by Him it
came into being. Therefore if as by the Word, so by the Son also all things came to be, it will
not be contradictory, but even identical to say, for instance, ‘In the beginning was the Word,’
or, ‘In the beginning was the Son.’ But if because John did not say, ‘In the beginning was
the Son,’ they shall maintain that the attributes of the Word do not suit with the Son, it at
once follows that the attributes of the Son do not suit with the Word. But it was shewn that
to the Son belongs, ‘I and the Father are One,’ and that it is He ‘Who is in the bosom of the
Father,’ and, ‘He that seeth Me, seeth Him that sent Me3356;’ and that ‘the world was brought
into being by Him,’ is common to the Word and the Son; so that from this the Son is shewn
to be before the world; for of necessity the Framer is before the things brought into being.
And what is said to Philip must belong, according to them, not to the Word, but to the Son.
For, ‘Jesus said,’ says Scripture, ‘Have I been so long time with you, and yet thou hast not
known Me, Philip? He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father. And how sayest thou then,
Shew us the Father? Believest thou not, that I am in the Father and the Father in Me? the
words that I speak unto you, I speak not of Myself, but the Father that dwelleth in Me, He
doeth the works. Believe Me that I am in the Father and the Father in Me, or else, believe
Me for the very works’ sake. Verily, verily, I say unto you, he that believeth on Me, the works
that I do shall he do also, and greater works than these shall he do, because I go unto the
20. If then they say that the Man whom the Word wore, and not the Word, is the Son of God the Only-begotten, the Man must be by consequence He who is in the Father, in whom also the Father is; and the Man must be He who is One with the Father, and who is in the bosom of the Father, and the True Light. And they will be compelled to say that through the Man Himself the world came into being, and that the Man was He who came not to judge the world but to save it; and that He it was who was in being before Abraham came to be. For, says Scripture, Jesus said to them, ‘Verily, verily, I say unto you, before Abraham was, I am3358.’ And is it not absurd to say, as they do, that one who came of the seed of Abraham after two and forty generations3359, should exist before Abraham came to be? is it not absurd, if the flesh, which the Word bore, itself is the Son, to say that the flesh from Mary is that by which the world was made? and how will they retain ‘He was in the world?’ for the Evangelist, by way of signifying the Son’s antecedence to the birth according to the flesh, goes on to say, ‘He was in the world.’ And how, if not the Word but the Man is the Son, can He save the world, being Himself one of the world? And if this does not shame them, where shall be the Word, the Man being in the Father? And where will the Word stand to the Father, the Man and the Father being One? But if the Man be Only-begotten, what will be the place of the Word? Either one must say that He comes second, or, if He be above the Only-begotten, He must be the Father Himself. For as the Father is One, so also the Only-begotten from Him is One; and what has the Word above the Man, if the Word is not the Son? For, while Scripture says that through the Son and the Word the world was brought to be, and it is common to the Word and to the Son to frame the world, yet Scripture proceeds to place the sight of the Father, not in the Word but in the Son, and to attribute the saving of the world, not to the Word, but to the Only-begotten Son. For, saith it, Jesus said, ‘Have I been so long while with you, and yet hast thou not known Me, Philip? He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father.’ Nor does Scripture say that the Word knows the Father, but the Son; and that not the Word sees the Father, but the Only-begotten Son who is in the bosom of the Father.
21. And what more does the Word contribute to our salvation than the Son, if, as they
hold, the Son is one, and the Word another? for the command is that we should believe, not
22. For if, while He is not Son, we are sons, God is our Father and not His. How then
does He appropriate the name instead, saying, ‘My Father,’ and ‘I from the Father3362?’ for
if He be common Father of all, He is not His Father only, nor did He alone come out from
the Father. But he says, that He is sometimes called our Father also, because He has Himself
become partaker in our flesh. For on this account the Word has become flesh, that, since
the Word is Son, therefore, because of the Son dwelling in us3363, He may be called our
Father also; for ‘He sent forth,’ says Scripture, ‘the Spirit of His Son into our hearts, crying,
Abba, Father3364.’ Therefore the Son in us, calling upon His own Father, causes Him to be
named our Father also. Surely in whose hearts the Son is not, of them neither can God be
called Father. But if because of the Word the Man is called Son, it follows necessarily, since
23. For if simply, when made Man, He has become Son, the becoming Man is the cause.
And if the Man is cause of His being Son, or both together, then the same absurdities result.
Next, if He is first Word and then Son, it will appear that He knew the Father afterwards,
not before; for not as being Word does He know Him, but as Son. For ‘No one knoweth the
Father but the Son.’ And this too will result, that He has come afterwards to be ‘in the bosom
of the Father3368,’ and afterwards He and the Father have become One; and afterwards is,
‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father3369.’ For all these things are said of the Son.
Hence they will be forced to say, The Word was nothing but a name. For neither is it He
who is in us with the Father, nor whoso has seen the Word, hath seen the Father, nor was
the Father known to any one at all, for through the Son is the Father known (for so it is
written, ‘And he to whomsoever the Son will reveal Him’), and, the Word not being yet Son,
not yet did any know the Father. How then was He seen by Moses, how by the fathers? for
He says Himself in the Kingdoms, ‘Was I not plainly revealed to the house of thy father3370?’
But if God was revealed, there must have been a Son to reveal, as He says Himself, ‘And he
to whomsoever the Son will reveal Him.’ It is irreligious then and foolish to say that the
Word is one and the Son another, and whence they gained such an idea it were well to ask
them. They answer, Because no mention is made in the Old Testament of the Son, but of
the Word; and for this reason they are positive in their opinion that the Son came later than
24. But it is not so; for in truth much is said in the Old also about the Son, as in the
second Psalm, ‘Thou art My Son, this day have I begotten Thee3373;’ and in the ninth the
title3374, Unto the ‘end concerning the hidden things of the Son, a Psalm of David;’ and in
the forty-fourth, ‘Unto the end, concerning the things that shall be changed to the Sons of
Korah for understanding, a song about the Well-beloved;’ and in Isaiah, ‘I will sing to my
Well-beloved a song of my Well-beloved touching my vineyard. My Well-beloved hath a
vineyard3375;’ Who is this ‘Well-beloved’ but the Only-begotten Son? as also in the hundred
and ninth, ‘From the womb I begat Thee before the morning star3376,’ concerning which I
shall speak afterwards; and in the Proverbs, ‘Before the hills He begat me;’ and in Daniel,
‘And the form of the Fourth is like the Son of God3377;’ and many others. If then from the
Old be ancientness, ancient must be the Son, who is clearly described in the Old Testament
in many places. ‘Yes,’ they say, ‘so it is, but it must be taken prophetically.’ Therefore also
the Word must be said to be spoken of prophetically; for this is not to be taken one way,
that another. For if ‘Thou art My Son’ refer to the future, so does ‘By the Word of the Lord
were the heavens established;’ for it is not said ‘were brought to be,’ nor ‘He made.’ But that
‘established’ refers to the future, it states elsewhere: ‘The Lord reigned3378,’ followed by ‘He
so established the earth that it can never be moved.’ And if the words in the forty-fourth
Psalm ‘for My Well-beloved’ refer to the future, so does what follows upon them, ‘My heart
uttered a good Word.’ And if ‘From the womb’ relates to a man, therefore also ‘From the
heart.’ For if the womb is human, so is the heart corporeal. But if what is from the heart is
eternal, then what is ‘From the womb’ is eternal. And if the ‘Only-begotten’ is ‘in the bosom,’
therefore the ‘Well-beloved’ is ‘in the bosom.’ For ‘Only-begotten’ and ‘Well-beloved’ are
25. Arius then raves in saying that the Son is from nothing, and that once He was not, while Sabellius also raves in saying that the Father is Son, and again, the Son Father3381, in subsistence3382 One, in name Two; and he3383 raves also in using as an example the grace of the Spirit. For he says, ‘As there are “diversities of gifts, but the same Spirit,” so also the Father is the same3384, but is dilated into Son and Spirit.’ Now this is full of absurdity; for if as with the Spirit, so it is with God, the Father will be Word and Holy Spirit, to one becoming Father, to another Son, to another Spirit, accommodating himself to the need of each, and in name indeed Son and Spirit, but in reality Father only; having a beginning in that He becomes a Son, and then ceasing to be called Father, and made man in name, but in truth not even coming among us; and untrue in saying ‘I and the Father,’ but in reality being Himself the Father, and the other absurdities which result in the instance of Sabellius. And the name of the Son and the Spirit will necessarily cease, when the need has been supplied; and what happens will altogether be but make-belief, because it has been displayed, not in truth, but in name. And the Name of Son ceasing, as they hold, then the grace of Baptism will cease too; for it was given in the Son3385. Nay, what will follow but the annihilation of the creation? for if the Word came forth that we might be created3386, and when He was come forth, we were, it is plain that when He retires into the Father, as they say, we shall be no longer. For He will be as He was; so also we shall not be, as then we were not; for when He is no more gone forth, there will no more be a creation. This then is absurd.
26. But that the Son has no beginning of being, but before He was made man was ever
with the Father, John makes clear in his first Epistle, writing thus: ‘That which was from the
beginning, which we have heard, which we have seen with our eyes, which we have looked
upon, and our hands have handled of the Word of Life; and the Life was manifested, and
we have seen it; and we bear witness and declare unto you that Eternal Life, which was with
the Father, and was manifested unto us3387.’ While he says here that ‘the Life,’ not ‘became,’
but ‘was with the Father,’ in the end of his Epistle he says the Son is the Life, writing, ‘And
we are in Him that is True, even in His Son, Jesus Christ; this is the True God and Eternal
Life3388.’ But if the Son is the Life, and the Life was with the Father, and if the Son was with
the Father, and the same Evangelist says, ‘And the Word was with God3389,’ the Son must
be the Word, which is ever with the Father. And as the ‘Son’ is ‘Word,’ so ‘God’ must be
‘the Father.’ Moreover, the Son, according to John, is not merely ‘God’ but ‘True God;’ for
according to the same Evangelist, ‘And the Word was God;’ and the Son said, ‘I am the
Life3390.’ Therefore the Son is the Word and Life which is with the Father. And again, what
is said in the same John, ‘The Only-begotten Son which is in the bosom of the Father3391,’
shews that the Son was ever. For whom John calls Son, Him David mentions in the Psalm
as God’s Hand3392, saying, ‘Why stretchest Thou not forth Thy Right Hand out of Thy
bosom3393?’ Therefore if the Hand is in the bosom, and the Son in the bosom, the Son will
be the Hand, and the Hand will be the Son, through whom the Father made all things; for
it is written, ‘Thy Hand made all these things,’ and ‘He led out His people with His Hand3394;’
therefore through the Son. And if ‘this is the changing of the Right Hand of the Most Highest,’
and again, ‘Unto the end, concerning the things that shall be changed, a song for My Wellbeloved3395;’
the Well-beloved then is the Hand that was changed; concerning whom the
27. But since there are ill-instructed men who, while resisting the doctrine of a Son, think little of the words, ‘From the womb before the morning star I begat Thee3396;’ as if this referred to His relation to Mary, alleging that He was born of Mary ‘before the morning star,’ for that to say ‘womb’ could not refer to His relation towards God, we must say a few words here. If then, because the ‘womb’ is human, therefore it is foreign to God, plainly ‘heart’ too has a human meaning3397, for that which has heart has womb also. Since then both are human, we must deny both, or seek to explain both. Now as a word is from the heart, so is an offspring from the womb; and as when the heart of God is spoken of, we do not conceive of it as human, so if Scripture says ‘from the womb,’ we must not take it in a corporeal sense. For it is usual with divine Scripture to speak and signify in the way of man what is above man. Thus speaking of the creation it says, ‘Thy hands made me and fashioned me,’ and, ‘Thy hand made all these things,’ and, ‘He commanded and they were created3398.’ Suitable then is its language about everything; attributing to the Son ‘propriety’ and ‘genuineness,’ and to the creation ‘the beginning of being.’ For the one God makes and creates; but Him He begets from Himself, Word or Wisdom. Now ‘womb’ and ‘heart’ plainly declare the proper and the genuine; for we too have this from the womb; but our works we make by the hand.
28. What means then, say they, ‘Before the morning star?’ I would answer, that if ‘Before
the morning star’ shews that His birth from Mary was wonderful, many others besides have
been born before the rising of the star. What then is said so wonderful in His instance, that
He should record it as some choice prerogative3399, when it is common to many? Next, to
beget differs from bringing forth; for begetting involves the primary foundation, but to bring
forth is nothing else than the production of what exists. If then the term belongs to the body,
let it be observed that He did not then receive a beginning of coming to be when he was
evangelized to the shepherds by night, but when the Angel spoke to the Virgin. And that
was not night, for this is not said; on the contrary, it was night when He issued from the
womb. This difference Scripture makes, and says on the one hand that He was begotten
before the morning star, and on the other speaks of His proceeding from the womb, as in
the twenty-first Psalm, ‘Thou art he that drew Me from the womb3400.’ Besides, He did not
say, ‘before the rising of the morning star,’ but simply ‘before the morning star.’ If then the
29. Thus in the Old also, statements are plainly made concerning the Son; at the same
time it is superfluous to argue the point; for if what is not stated in the Old is of later date,
let them who are thus disputatious, say where in the Old is mention made of the Spirit, the
Paraclete? for of the Holy Spirit there is mention, but nowhere of the Paraclete. Is then the
Holy Spirit one, and the Paraclete another, and the Paraclete the later, as not mentioned in
the Old? but far be it to say that the Spirit is later, or to distinguish the Holy Ghost as one
and the Paraclete as another; for the Spirit is one and the same, then and now hallowing
and comforting those who are His recipients; as one and the same Word and Son led even
then to adoption of sons those who were worthy3402. For sons under the Old were made
such through no other than the Son. For unless even before Mary there were a Son who was
of God, how is He before all, when they are sons before Him? and how also ‘First-born,’ if
He comes second after many? But neither is the Paraclete second, for He was before all, nor
the Son later; for ‘in the beginning was the Word3403.’ And as the Spirit and Paraclete are
the same, so the Son and Word are the same; and as the Saviour says concerning the Spirit,
‘But the Paraclete which is the Holy Ghost, whom the Father will send in My Name3404,’
speaking of One and Same, and not distinguishing, so John describes similarly when he
says, ‘And the Word became flesh, and dwelt among us, and we beheld His glory, glory as
of one Only-begotten from the Father3405.’ For here too he does not distinguish but witnesses
30. Some of the followers of the Samosatene, distinguishing the Word from the Son, pretend that the Son is Christ, and the Word another; and they ground this upon Peter’s words in the Acts, which he spoke well, but they explain badly3407. It is this: ‘The Word He sent to the children of Israel, preaching peace by Jesus Christ; this is Lord of all3408.’ For they say that since the Word spoke through Christ, as in the instance of the Prophets, ‘Thus saith the Lord,’ the prophet was one and the Lord another. But to this it is parallel to oppose the words in the first to the Corinthians, ‘waiting for the revelation of our Lord Jesus Christ, who shall also confirm you unto the end unblameable in the day of our Lord Jesus Christ3409.’ For as one Christ does not confirm the day of another Christ, but He Himself confirms in His own day those who wait for Him, so the Father sent the Word made flesh, that being made man He might preach by means of Himself. And therefore he straightway adds, ‘This is Lord of all;’ but Lord of all is the Word.
31. ‘And Moses said unto Aaron, Go unto the altar and offer thy sin-offering, and thy
burnt-offering, and make an atonement for thyself and for the people; and offer the offering
of the people, and make an atonement for them, as the Lord commanded Moses3410.’ See
now here, though Moses be one, Moses himself speaks as if about another Moses, ‘as the
Lord commanded Moses.’ In like manner then, if the blessed Peter speak of the Divine Word
also, as sent to the children of Israel by Jesus Christ, it is not necessary to understand that
32. For in the same way that John here preaches that incomprehensible union. ‘the
mortal being swallowed up of life3415,’ nay, of Him who is Very Life (as the Lord said to
Martha, ‘I am the Life3416’), so when the blessed Peter says that through Jesus Christ the
Word was sent, he implies the divine union also. For as when a man heard ‘The Word became
flesh,’ he would not think that the Word ceased to be, which is absurd, as has been said before,
so also hearing of the Word which has been united to the flesh, let him understand the divine
mystery one and simple. More clearly however and indisputably than all reasoning does
what was said by the Archangel to the Bearer of God herself, shew the oneness of the Divine
Word and Man. For he says, ‘The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the Power of the
Highest shall overshadow thee: therefore also that Holy Thing which shall be born of thee,
shall be called the Son of God3417.’ Irrationally then do the followers of the Samosatene
separate the Word who is clearly declared to be made one with the Man from Mary. He is
33. And this is usual with Scripture3419, to express itself in inartificial and simple phrases. For so also in Numbers we shall find, Moses said to Raguel the Midianite, the father-in-law of Moses; for there was not one Moses who spoke, and another whose father-in-law was Raguel, but Moses was one. And if in like manner the Word of God is called Wisdom and Power and Right-Hand and Arm and the like, and if in His love to man He has become one with us, putting on our first-fruits and blended with it, therefore the other titles also have, as was natural, become the Word’s portions. For that John has said, that in the beginning was the Word, and He with God and Himself God, and all things through Him, and without Him nothing made, shews clearly that even man is the formation of God the Word. If then after taking him, when enfeebled3420, into Himself, He renews him again through that sure renewal unto endless permanence, and therefore is made one with him in order to raise him to a diviner lot, how can we possibly say that the Word was sent through the Man who was from Mary, and reckon Him, the Lord of Apostles, with the other Apostles, I mean prophets, who were sent by Him? And how can Christ be called a mere man? on the contrary, being made one with the Word, He is with reason called Christ and Son of God, the prophet having long since loudly and clearly ascribed the Father’s subsistence to Him, and said, ‘And I will send My Son Christ3421,’ and in the Jordan, ‘This is My Well-beloved Son.’ For when He had fulfilled His promise, He shewed, as was suitable, that He was He whom He said He had sent.
34. Let us then consider Christ in both ways, the divine Word made one in Mary with
Him which is from Mary. For in her womb the Word fashioned for Himself His house, as
at the beginning He formed Adam from the earth; or rather more divinely, concerning
whom Solomon too says openly, knowing that the Word was also called Wisdom, ‘Wisdom
builded herself an house3422;’ which the Apostle interprets when he says, ‘Which house are
we3423,’ and elsewhere calls us a temple, as far as it is fitting to God to inhabit a temple, of
which the image, made of stones, He by Solomon commanded the ancient people to build;
whence, on the appearance of the Truth, the image ceased. For when the ruthless men wished
to prove the image to be the truth, and to destroy that true habitation which we surely believe
His union with us to be, He threatened them not; but knowing that their crime was against
35. But if Scripture often calls even the body by the name of Christ, as in the blessed
Peter’s words to Cornelius, when he teaches him of ‘Jesus of Nazareth, whom God anointed
with the Holy Ghost,’ and again to the Jews, ‘Jesus of Nazareth, a Man approved of God for
you3430,’ and again the blessed Paul to the Athenians, ‘By that Man, whom He ordained,
giving assurance to all men, in that He raised Him from the dead3431’ (for we find the appointment
and the mission often synonymous with the anointing; from which any one who
will may learn, that there is no discordance in the words of the sacred writers, but that they
but give various names to the union of God the Word with the Man from Mary, sometimes
as anointing, sometimes as mission, sometimes as appointment), it follows that what the
blessed Peter says is right3432, and he proclaims in purity the Godhead of the Only begotten,
without separating the subsistence of God the Word from the Man from Mary (perish the
thought! for how should he, who had heard in so many ways, ‘I and the Father are one,’ and
‘He that hath seen Me, hath seen the Father3433?)’ In which Man, after the resurrection also,
when the doors were shut, we know of His coming to the whole band3434 of the Apostles,
and dispersing all that was hard to believe in it by His words, ‘Handle Me and see, for a
36. And so let Paul of Samosata also stand corrected on hearing the divine voice of Him
who said ‘My body,’ not ‘Christ besides Me who am the Word,’ but ‘Him3440 with Me, and
Me with Him.’ For I the Word am the chrism, and that which has the chrism from Me is
the Man3441; not then without Me could He be called Christ, but being with Me and I in
Him. Therefore the mention of the mission of the Word shews the uniting which took place
with Jesus, born of Mary, Whose Name means Saviour, not by reason of anything else, but
from the Man’s being made one with God the Word. This passage has the same meaning
as ‘the Father that sent Me,’ and ‘I came not of Myself, but the Father sent Me3442.’ For he
has given the name of mission3443 to the uniting with the Man, with Whom the Invisible
nature might be known to men, through the visible. For God changes not place, like us who
are hidden in places, when in the fashion of our littleness He displays Himself in His existence
in the flesh; for how should He, who fills the heaven and the earth? but on account of the
(Written 359, Added to After 361.)
The de Synodis is the last of the great and important group of writings of the third exile. With the exception of §§30, 31, which were inserted at a later recension after the death of Constantius (cf. Hist. Ar. 32 end), the work was all written in 359, the year of the ‘dated’ creed (§4 ἀπὸ τῆς νῦν ὑπατείας) and of the fateful assemblies of Rimini and Seleucia. It was written moreover after the latter council had broken up (Oct. 1), but before the news had reached Athanasius of the Emperor’s chilling reception of the Ariminian deputies, and of the protest of the bishops against their long detention at that place. The documents connected with the last named episode reached him only in time for his postscript (§55). Still less had he heard of the melancholy surrender of the deputies of Ariminum at Niké on Oct. 10, or of the final catastrophe (cf. the allusion in the inserted §30, also Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 (2) fin.).
The first part only (see Table infra) of the letter is devoted to the history3446 of the twin
councils. Athanasius is probably mistaken in ascribing the movement for a great council to
the Acacian or Homoean anxiety to eclipse and finally set aside the Council of Nicæa. The
Semi-Arians, who were ill at ease and anxious to dissociate themselves from the growing
danger of Anomoeanism, and who at this time had the ear of Constantius, were the persons
who desired a doctrinal settlement. It was the last effort of Eastern ‘Conservatism’ (yet see
Gwatkin, Studies, p. 163) to formulate a position which without admitting the obnoxious
ὁμοούσιον should yet condemn Arianism, conciliate the West, and restore peace to the
Christian world. The failure of the attempt, gloomy and ignominious as it was, was yet the
beginning of the end, the necessary precursor of the downfall of Arianism as a power within
the Church. The cause of this failure is to be found in the intrigues of the Homoeans, Valens
in the West, Eudoxius and Acacius in the East. Nicæa was chosen by Constantius for the
venue of the great Synod. But Basil, then in high favour, suggested Nicomedia, and thither
the bishops were summoned. Before they could meet, the city was destroyed by an earthquake,
and the venue was changed to Nicæa again. Now the Homoeans saw their opportunity. Their
one chance of escaping disaster was in the principle ‘divide et impera.’ The Council was divided
into two: the Westerns were to meet at Ariminum, the Easterns at Seleucia in Cilicia,
a place with nothing to recommend it excepting the presence of a strong military force.
without “essence” I suspect.
Turning to subordinate parts of the Letter, we may note the somewhat unfair use made of the unlucky blunder of the Dated Creed, as though its compilers thereby admitted that their faith had no earlier origin. The dating of the creed was doubtless ‘an offence against good taste as well as ecclesiastical propriety’ (as sad a blunder in its way as Macaulay’s celebrated letter to his constituents from ‘Windsor Castle’), and it was only in human nature to make the most of it. More serious is the objection taken to the revolting title Αὐγούστου τοῦ αἰωνίου (which set a bad precedent for later times, Bright, lxxxiv, note 4) in contrast to the denial of the eternity of the Son. At any rate, lending itself as it did to such obvious criticisms, we are not surprised to read (§29) that the copies of the creed were hastily called in and a fresh recension substituted for it.
Lastly it must be remembered that Athanasius does not aim at giving a complete catalogue
of Arian or Arianising creeds, any more than at giving a full history of the double
In the de Synodis we have a worthy conclusion of the anti-Arian writings which are the legacy and the record of the most stirring and eventful period of the noble life of our great bishop.
The translation of this tract by Newman has been more closely revised than those of the ‘de Decretis’ and the first three ‘Discourses,’ as it appeared somewhat less exact in places. In §§10, 11, the Athanasian version has been followed, as, inaccurate as the version certainly is in places, this seemed more suitable to an edition of Athanasius; moreover, it appears to preserve some more original readings than the Hilarian text. The notes have been curtailed to some extent, especially those containing purely historical matter.
Table of Contents.
Part I. History of the Double Council.
§1. The reason of any new council having been called.
§2. The superfluity of such assemblies.
§§3, 4. Monstrosity of a dated creed.
§5. Necessity of the Nicene Council.
§6. Its decisions make any fresh council unnecessary.
§7. The true motives of the promoters of the new councils.
§§8–11. Proceedings of the 400 at Ariminum.
§8. The ‘Dated’ Creed propounded.
§9. Rejection of the Dated Creed and deposition of Valens, U+0026c.
§10. The Council’s Letter to the Emperor.
§11. Decree of the Council.
§12. Proceedings of the 160 at Seleucia Trachea.
Deposition of Acacius, U+0026c., and report to the Emperor.
§13, 14. Reflections on the two councils, especially as to the divergence of the Arians from the Fathers and from each other.
Part II. History of Arian Creeds.
§15. The belief of Arius as expressed in his Thalia.
§16. Letter of Arius to Alexander.
§17. Statements of early partizans of Arius.
§§18, 19. Extracts from Asterius the sophist.
§20. The true character of this doctrine.
Arian Councils and their formularies.
§21. Jerusalem (335). Letter announcing reception of Arius to Communion.
§22. Antioch (‘Dedication’ 341). First creed.
§23. Second (Lucianic) Creed.
§24. Third creed (of Theophronius).
§25. Fourth creed (342; revision of the Nicene).
§26. (344) Fifth creed: the ‘Macrostich’ (the fourth with additions and explanations).
§27. Sirmium (against Photinus, 351, fourth of Antioch with 27 anathemas), the ‘First’ Sirmian.
§28. ‘Second Sirmian’ (357, the ‘blasphemy’).
§29. Creed propounded by the Acacians at Seleucia (359, the ‘Dated’ Creed revised in the Homoean sense).
§30. Creed of Niké and Constantinople (359, 360, a new recension of the ‘Dated’ Creed,
rejecting ‘Hypostasis’ as well as ‘Essence.’)
§31. A further Anomoean creed published under the patronage of Constantius at Antioch
(361).
§32. Reflections on the significance of these many changes.
Part III. Appeal to the Semi-Arians.
a. §§33–40. Homoeans confuted.
§33. The terms objected to give offence only because misunderstood.
§34. The true Divinity of Christ implies ‘Coessential.’
§35. To reject the term implies that Christ is a creature.
§36. The objection to ‘unscriptural’ language condemns the Arians.
§37, 38. If the Son is truly ‘Like’ the Father, he is ‘Coessential.’
§39. The sense, not the occurrence of the terms in Scripture, must be attended to.
§40. Alleged obscurity of the Nicene formula.
b. §§41–54. Semi-Arians conciliated.
§41. The party of Basil of Ancyra are with us on the main question.
§42. ‘Coessential’ conveys a meaning which they would adopt.
§43, 44. Alleged rejection of the term by the 70 bishops at Antioch, subsequent to its recognition by Dionysius of Alexandria.
§45. We must not hastily assume contradictions between the Fathers.
§46, 47. Parallel of the word ‘Unoriginate.’
§48. ‘Coessential’ guards the acknowledged attributes of the Son.
§49. The Son is all that the Father is, except Father.
§50. If the Son is not Coessential, the Unity of the Godhead is lost.
§51. The Son cannot impart to man what is not His own; The oneness of Essence does not imply a common or prior essence.
§52. The Son not an independent God.
§53. ‘Coessential’ why preferable to ‘Like in Essence.’
§54. Appeal for union among those who are really agreed.
Postscript (supplementing Part I.)
§55. Reply of Constantius to the Council of Ariminum, and remonstrance of the bishops upon receipt of it.
Reason why two Councils were called. Inconsistency and folly of calling any; and of the style of the Arian formularies; occasion of the Nicene Council; proceedings at Ariminum; Letter of the Council to Constantius; its decree. Proceedings at Seleucia; reflections on the conduct of the Arians.
1. Perhaps news has reached even yourselves concerning the Council, which is at this time the subject of general conversation; for letters both from the Emperor and the Prefects3450 were circulated far and wide for its convocation. However, you take that interest in the events which have occurred, that I have determined upon giving you an account of what I have seen myself, and accurately ascertained, which may save you from the suspense attendant on the reports of others; and this the more, because there are parties who are in the habit of misrepresenting what has happened. At Nicæa then, which had been fixed upon, the Council has not met, but a second edict was issued, convening the Western Bishops at Ariminum in Italy, and the Eastern at Seleucia the Rugged, as it is called, in Isauria. The professed reason of such a meeting was to treat of the faith touching our Lord Jesus Christ; and those who alleged it, were Ursacius, Valens, and one Germinius3451 from Pannonia; and from Syria, Acacius, Eudoxius, and Patrophilus3452 of Scythopolis. These men who had always been of the Arian party, and ‘understood neither how they believe or whereof they affirm,’ and were silently deceiving first one and then another, and scattering the second sowing3453 of their heresy, influenced some who seemed to be somewhat, and the Emperor Constantius among them, being a heretic3454, on some pretence about the Faith, to call a Council; under the idea that they should be able to put into the shade the Nicene Council, and prevail upon all to turn round, and to establish irreligion everywhere instead of the Truth.
2. Now here I marvel first, and think that I shall carry every sensible man whatever with
me, that, whereas a General Council had been fixed, and all were looking forward to it, it
was all of a sudden divided into two, so that one part met here, and the other there. However,
3. What defect of teaching was there for religious truth in the Catholic Church3456, that
they should enquire concerning faith now, and should prefix this year’s Consulate to their
profession of faith? For Ursacius and Valens and Germinius and their friends have done
what never took place, never was heard of among Christians. After putting into writing
what it pleased them to believe, they prefix to it the Consulate, and the month and the day
of the current year3457; thereby to shew all sensible men, that their faith dates, not from of
old, but now, from the reign of Constantius3458; for whatever they write has a view to their
own heresy. Moreover, though pretending to write about the Lord, they nominate another
master for themselves, Constantius, who has bestowed on them this reign of irreligion3459;
and they who deny that the Son is everlasting, have called him Eternal Emperor; such foes
of Christ are they in addition to irreligion. But perhaps the dates in the holy Prophets form
their excuse for the Consulate; so bold a pretence, however, will serve but to publish more
4. The boldness then of their design shews how little they understand the subject; while
the novelty of their phrase matches the Arian heresy. For thus they shew, when it was they
began their own faith, and that from that same time present they would have it proclaimed.
And as according to the Evangelist Luke, there ‘was made a decree’ (Luke ii. 1) concerning
the taxing, and this decree before was not, but began from those days in which it was made
by its framer, they also in like manner, by writing, ‘The Faith is now published,’ shewed that
the sentiments of their heresy are novel, and were not before. But if they add ‘of the Catholic
Faith,’ they fall before they know it into the extravagance of the Phrygians, and say with
them, ‘To us first was revealed,’ and ‘from us dates the Faith of Christians.’ And as those
inscribe it with the names of Maximilla and Montanus3461, so do these with ‘Constantius,
Master,’ instead of Christ. If, however, as they would have it, the faith dates from the present
Consulate, what will the Fathers do, and the blessed Martyrs? nay, what will they themselves
do with their own catechumens, who departed to rest before this Consulate? how will they
wake them up, that so they may obliterate their former lessons, and may sow in turn the
seeming discoveries which they have now put into writing3462? So ignorant they are on the
5. As to the Nicene Council, it was not a common meeting, but convened upon a pressing necessity, and for a reasonable object. The Syrians, Cilicians, and Mesopotamians, were out of order in celebrating the Feast, and kept Easter with the Jews3463; on the other hand, the Arian heresy had risen up against the Catholic Church, and found supporters in Eusebius and his fellows, who were both zealous for the heresy, and conducted the attack upon religious people. This gave occasion for an Ecumenical Council, that the feast might be everywhere celebrated on one day, and that the heresy which was springing up might be anathematized. It took place then; and the Syrians submitted, and the Fathers pronounced the Arian heresy to be the forerunner of Antichrist3464, and drew up a suitable formula against it. And yet in this, many as they are, they ventured on nothing like the proceedings3465 of these three or four men3466. Without pre-fixing Consulate, month, and day, they wrote concerning Easter, ‘It seemed good as follows,’ for it did then seem good that there should be a general compliance; but about the faith they wrote not, ‘It seemed good,’ but, ‘Thus believes the Catholic Church;’ and thereupon they confessed how they believed, in order to shew that their own sentiments were not novel, but Apostolical; and what they wrote down was no discovery of theirs, but is the same as was taught by the Apostles.3467
6. But the Councils which they are now setting in motion, what colourable pretext have
they3468? If any new heresy has risen since the Arian, let them tell us the positions which it
has devised, and who are its inventors? and in their own formula, let them anathematize
the heresies antecedent to this Council of theirs, among which is the Arian, as the Nicene
Fathers did, that it may appear that they too have some cogent reason for saying what is
novel. But if no such event has happened, and they have it not to shew, but rather they
7. Having therefore no reason on their side, but being in difficulty whichever way they turn, in spite of their pretences, they have nothing left but to say; ‘Forasmuch as we contradict our predecessors, and transgress the traditions of the Fathers, therefore we have thought good that a Council should meet3472; but again, whereas we fear lest, should it meet at one place, our pains will be thrown away, therefore we have thought good that it be divided into two; that so when we put forth our documents to these separate portions, we may overreach with more effect, with the threat of Constantius the patron of this irreligion, and may supersede the acts of Nicæa, under pretence of the simplicity of our own documents.’ If they have not put this into words, yet this is the meaning of their deeds and their disturbances. Certainly, many and frequent as have been their speeches and writings in various Councils, never yet have they made mention of the Arian heresy as objectionable; but, if any present happened to accuse the heresies, they always took up the defence of the Arian, which the Nicene Council had anathematized; nay, rather, they cordially welcomed the professors of Arianism. This then is in itself a strong argument, that the aim of the present Councils was not truth, but the annulling of the acts of Nicæa; but the proceedings of them and their friends in the Councils themselves, make it equally clear that this was the case:—For now we must relate everything as it occurred.
8. When all were in expectation that they were to assemble in one place, whom the
Emperor’s letters convoked, and to form one Council, they were divided into two; and, while
some betook themselves to Seleucia called the Rugged, the others met at Ariminum, to the
number of those four hundred bishops and more, among whom were Germinius, Auxentius,
The Catholic Faith3475 was published in the presence of our Master the most religious and gloriously victorious Emperor, Constantius, Augustus, the eternal and august, in the Consulate of the most illustrious Flavii, Eusebius and Hypatius, in Sirmium on the 11th of the Calends of June3476.
We believe in one Only and True God, the Father Almighty, Creator and Framer of all things:
And in one Only-begotten Son of God, who, before all ages, and before all origin, and before all conceivable time, and before all comprehensible essence, was begotten impassibly from God: through whom the ages were disposed and all things were made; and Him begotten as the Only-begotten, Only from the Only Father, God from God, like to the Father who begat Him, according to the Scriptures; whose origin no one knoweth save the Father alone who begat Him. We know that He, the Only-begotten Son of God, at the Father’s bidding came from the heavens for the abolishment of sin, and was born of the Virgin Mary, and conversed with the disciples, and fulfilled the Economy according to the Father’s will, and was crucified, and died and descended into the parts beneath the earth, and regulated the things there, Whom the gate-keepers of hell saw (Job xxxviii. 17, LXX.) and shuddered; and He rose from the dead the third day, and conversed with the disciples, and fulfilled all the Economy, and when the forty days were full, ascended into the heavens, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, and is coming in the last day of the resurrection in the glory of the Father, to render to every one according to his works.
And in the Holy Ghost, whom the Only-begotten of God Himself, Jesus Christ, had promised to send to the race of men, the Paraclete, as it is written, ‘I go to My Father, and I will ask the Father, and He shall send unto you another Paraclete, even the Spirit of Truth. He shall take of Mine and shall teach and bring to your remembrance all things’ (Job. xiv. 16, 17, 26; xvi. 14).
But whereas the term ‘essence,’ has been adopted by the Fathers in simplicity, and gives
offence as being misconceived by the people, and is not contained in the Scriptures, it has
seemed good to remove it, that it be never in any case used of God again, because the divine
9. When this had been read, the dishonesty of its framers was soon apparent. For on the Bishops proposing that the Arian heresy should be anathematized together with the other heresies too, and all assenting, Ursacius and Valens and those with them refused; till in the event the Fathers condemned them, on the ground that their confession had been written, not in sincerity, but for the annulling of the acts of Nicæa, and the introduction instead of their unhappy heresy. Marvelling then at the deceitfulness of their language and their unprincipled intentions, the Bishops said: ‘Not as if in need of faith have we come hither; for we have within us faith, and that in soundness: but that we may put to shame those who gainsay the truth and attempt novelties. If then ye have drawn up this formula, as if now beginning to believe, ye are not so much as clergy, but are starting with school; but if you meet us with the same views with which we have come hither, let there be a general unanimity, and let us anathematize the heresies, and preserve the teaching of the Fathers. Thus pleas for Councils will not longer circulate about, the Bishops at Nicæa having anticipated them once for all, and done all that was needful for the Catholic Church3478.’ However, even then, in spite of this general agreement of the Bishops, still the above-mentioned refused. So at length the whole Council, condemning them as ignorant and deceitful men, or rather as heretics, gave their suffrages in behalf of the Nicene Council, and gave judgment all of them that it was enough; but as to the forenamed Ursacius and Valens, Germinius, Auxentius, Gaius, and Demophilus, they pronounced them to be heretics, deposed them as not really Christians, but Arians, and wrote against them in Latin what has been translated in its substance into Greek, thus:—
10. Copy of an Epistle from the Council to Constantius Augustus3479.
We believe that what was formerly decreed was brought about both by God’s command
and by order of your piety. For we the bishops, from all the Western cities, assembled together
at Ariminum, both that the Faith of the Catholic Church might be made known, and
that gainsayers might be detected. For, as we have found after long deliberation, it appeared
desirable to adhere to and maintain to the end, that faith which, enduring from antiquity,
we have received as preached by the prophets, the Gospels, and the Apostles through our
Lord Jesus Christ, Who is Keeper of your Kingdom and Patron of your power. For it appeared
wrong and unlawful to make any change in what was rightly and justly defined, and what
definition went abroad and was
proclaimed in the hearing and understanding of all men. For it alone was the conqueror
and destroyer of the heresy of Arius, by which not that only but the other heresies3480 also
were destroyed, to which of a truth it is perilous to add, and full of danger to minish aught
from it, since if either be done, our enemies will be able with impunity to do whatever they
will. Accordingly Ursacius and Valens, since they had been from of old abettors and sympathisers
of the Arian dogma, were properly declared separate from our communion, to be
admitted to which they asked to be allowed a place of repentance and pardon for the transgressions
of which they were conscious, as the documents drawn up by them testify. By
which means forgiveness and pardon on all charges has been obtained. Now the time of
these transactions was when the council was assembled at Milan3481, the presbyters of the
Roman Church being also present. But knowing at the same time that Constantine of worthy
memory had with all accuracy and deliberation published the Faith then drawn up; when
he had been baptized by the hands of men, and had departed to the place which was his
due, we think it unseemly to make a subsequent innovation and to despise so many saints,
confessors, martyrs, who compiled and drew up this decree; who moreover have continued
to hold in all matters according to the ancient law of the Church; whose faith God has imparted
even to the times of your reign through our Master Jesus Christ, through whom also
it is yours to reign and rule over the world in our day3482. Once more then the pitiful men
of wretched mind with lawless daring have announced themselves as the heralds of an impious
opinion, and are attempting to upset every summary of truth. For when according to
your command the synod met, those men laid bare the design of their own deceitfulness.
For they attempted in a certain unscrupulous and disorderly manner to propose to us an
innovation, having found as accomplices in this plot Germinius, Auxentius3483, and Gaius,
the stirrers up of strife and discord, whose teaching by itself has gone beyond every pitch
of blasphemy. But when they perceived that we did not share their purpose, nor agree with
their evil mind, they transferred themselves to our council, alleging that it might be advisable
to compile something instead. But a short time was enough to expose their plans. And lest
the Churches should have a recurrence of these disturbances, and a whirl of discord and
confusion throw everything into disorder, it seemed good to keep undisturbed the ancient
and reasonable institutions, and that the above persons should be separated from our
11. Decree of the Council3485.
As far as it was fitting and possible, dearest brethren, the general Council and the holy
Church have had patience, and have generously displayed the Church’s forbearance towards
Ursacius and Valens, Gaius, Germinius, and Auxentius; who by so often changing what
they had believed, have troubled all the Churches, and still are endeavouring to foist their
heretical spirit upon the faith of the orthodox. For they wish to annul the formulary passed
at Nicæa, which was framed against the Arian heresy. They have presented to us besides a
The Bishops answered with one accord, It seems good that the aforenamed heretics should be condemned, that the Catholic faith may remain in peace.
Matters at Ariminum then had this speedy issue; for there was no disagreement there, but all of them with one accord both put into writing what they decided upon, and deposed the Arians3486.
12. Meanwhile the transactions in Seleucia the Rugged were as follows: it was in the
month called by the Romans September, by the Egyptians Thoth, and by the Macedonians
Gorpiæus, and the day of the month according to the Egyptians the 16th3487, upon which
all the members of the Council assembled together. And there were present about a hundred
and sixty; and whereas there were many who were accused among them, and their accusers
were crying out against them, Acacius, and Patrophilus, and Uranius of Tyre, and Eudoxius,
who usurped the Church of Antioch, and Leontius3488, and Theodotus3489, and Evagrius,
and Theodulus, and George who has been driven from the whole world3490, adopt an unprincipled
course. Fearing the proofs which their accusers had to shew against them, they
coalesced with the rest of the Arian party (who were mercenaries in the cause of irreligion
for this purpose, and were ordained by Secundus, who had been deposed by the great
Council), the Libyan Stephen, and Seras, and Polydeuces, who were under accusation upon
various charges, next Pancratius, and one Ptolemy a Meletian3491. And they made a pre-
13. Who then but must approve of the conscientious conduct of the Bishops at Ariminum?
who endured such labour of journey and perils of sea, that by a sacred and canonical
resolution they might depose the Arians, and guard inviolate the definitions of the Fathers.
For each of them deemed that, if they undid the acts of their predecessors, they were affording
a pretext to their successors to undo what they themselves then were enacting3496. And who
but must condemn the fickleness of Eudoxius, Acacius, and their fellows, who sacrifice the
honour due to their own fathers to partizanship and patronage of the Ario-maniacs3497?
14. The blessed Apostle approves of the Corinthians because, he says, ‘ye remember me
in all things, and keep the traditions as I delivered them to you’ (1 Cor. xi. 2); but they, as
entertaining such views of their predecessors, will have the daring to say just the reverse to
their flocks: ‘We praise you not for remembering your fathers, but rather we make much
of you, when you hold not their traditions.’ And let them go on to accuse their own unfortunate
birth, and say, ‘We are sprung not of religious men but of heretics.’ For such language,
as I said before, is consistent in those who barter their Fathers’ fame and their own salvation
for Arianism, and fear not the words of the divine proverb, ‘There is a generation that curseth
their father’ (Prov. xxx. 11; Ex. xxi. 17), and the threat lying in the Law against such. They
then, from zeal for the heresy, are of this obstinate temper; you, however, be not troubled
at it, nor take their audacity for truth. For they dissent from each other, and, whereas they
have revolted from their Fathers, are not of one and the same mind, but float about with
Arius’s own sentiments; his Thalia and Letter to S. Alexander; corrections by Eusebius and others; extracts from the works of Asterius; letter of the Council of Jerusalem; first Creed of Arians at the Dedication of Antioch; second, Lucian’s on the same occasion; third, by Theophronius; fourth, sent to Constans in Gaul; fifth, the Macrostich sent into Italy; sixth, at Sirmium; seventh, at the same place; and eighth also, as given above in §8; ninth, at Seleucia; tenth, at Constantinople; eleventh, at Antioch.
15. Arius and those with him thought and professed thus: ‘God made the Son out of nothing, and called Him His Son;’ ‘The Word of God is one of the creatures;’ and ‘Once He was not;’ and ‘He is alterable; capable, when it is His Will, of altering.’ Accordingly they were expelled from the Church by the blessed Alexander. However, after his expulsion, when he was with Eusebius and his fellows, he drew up his heresy upon paper, and imitating in the Thalia no grave writer, but the Egyptian Sotades, in the dissolute tone of his metre3502, he writes at great length, for instance as follows:—
Blasphemies of Arius.
God Himself then, in His own nature, is ineffable by all men. Equal or like Himself He
alone has none, or one in glory. And Ingenerate we call Him, because of Him who is generate
by nature. We praise Him as without beginning because of Him who has a beginning. And
adore Him as everlasting, because of Him who in time has come to be. The Unbegun made
the Son a beginning of things originated; and advanced Him as a Son to Himself by adoption.
He has nothing proper to God in proper subsistence. For He is not equal, no, nor one in
16. And what they wrote by letter to the blessed Alexander, the Bishop, runs as follows:— To Our Blessed Pope3509 and Bishop, Alexander, the Presbyters and Deacons send health in the Lord.
Our faith from our forefathers, which also we have learned from thee, Blessed Pope, is
this:—We acknowledge One God, alone Ingenerate, alone Everlasting, alone Unbegun,
alone True, alone having Immortality, alone Wise, alone Good, alone Sovereign; Judge,
Governor, and Providence of all, unalterable and unchangeable, just and good, God of Law
and Prophets and New Testament; who begat an Only-begotten Son before eternal times,
through whom He has made both the ages and the universe; and begat Him, not in semblance,
but in truth; and that He made Him subsist at His own will, unalterable and unchangeable;
perfect creature of God, but not as one of the creatures; offspring, but not as one of things
begotten; nor as Valentinus pronounced that the offspring of the Father was an issue3510;
nor as Manichæus taught that the offspring was a portion of the Father, one in essence3511;
or as Sabellius, dividing the Monad, speaks of a Son-and-Father3512; nor as Hieracas, of one
torch from another, or as a lamp divided into two3513; nor that He who was before, was afterwards
generated or new-created into a Son3514, as thou too thyself, Blessed Pope, in the
This is a part of what Arius and his fellows vomited from their heretical hearts.
17. And before the Nicene Council took place, similar statements were made by Eusebius
and his fellows, Narcissus, Patrophilus, Maris, Paulinus, Theodotus, and Athanasius of
Anazarba3517. And Eusebius of Nicomedia wrote over and above to Arius, to this effect,
‘Since your sentiments are good, pray that all may adopt them; for it is plain to any one,
that what has been made was not before its origination; but what came to be has a beginning
Anazarba
uncloked the heresy still further, saying that the Son of God was one of the hundred
sheep. For writing to Alexander the Bishop, he had the extreme audacity to say: ‘Why
complain of Arius and his fellows, for saying, The Son of God is made as a creature out of
nothing, and one among others? For all that are made being represented in parable by the
hundred sheep, the Son is one of them. If then the hundred are not created and originate,
or if there be beings beside that hundred, then may the Son be not a creature nor one among
others; but if those hundred are all originate, and there is nothing besides the hundred save
God alone, what absurdity do Arius and his fellows utter, when, as comprehending and
reckoning Christ in the hundred, they say that He is one among others?’ And George who
now is in Laodicea, and then was presbyter of Alexandria, and was staying at Antioch, wrote
to Alexander the Bishop; ‘Do not complain of Arius and his fellows, for saying, “Once the
Son of God was not,” for Isaiah came to be son of Amos, and, whereas Amos was before
Isaiah came to be, Isaiah was not before, but came to be afterwards.’ And he wrote to the
Arians, ‘Why complain of Alexander the Pope, saying, that the Son is from the Father? for
you too need not fear to say that the Son was from God.’ For if the Apostle wrote (1 Cor.
xi. 12), ‘All things are from God,’ and it is plain that all things are made of nothing, though
the Son too is a creature and one of things made, still He may be said to be from God in that
sense in which all things are said to be ‘from God.’ From him then those who hold with
Arius learned to simulate the phrase ‘from God,’ and to use it indeed, but not in a good
meaning. And George himself was deposed by Alexander for certain reasons, and among
them for manifest irreligion; for he was himself a presbyter, as has been said before.
18. On the whole then such were their statements, as if they all were in dispute and
rivalry with each other, which should make the heresy more irreligious, and display it in a
more naked form. And as for their letters I had them not at hand, to dispatch them to you;
else I would have sent you copies; but, if the Lord will, this too I will do, when I get possession
of them. And one Asterius3520 from Cappadocia, a many-headed Sophist, one of the fellows
For the Blessed Paul said not that he preached Christ, His, that is, God’s, ‘own Power’ or ‘Wisdom,’ but without the article, ‘God’s Power and God’s Wisdom’ (1 Cor. i. 24), preaching that the own power of God Himself was distinct, which was con-natural and coexistent with Him unoriginately, generative indeed of Christ, creative of the whole world; concerning which he teaches in his Epistle to the Romans, thus, ‘The invisible things of Him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things which are made, even His eternal power and divinity’ (Rom. i. 20). For as no one would say that the Deity there mentioned was Christ, but the Father Himself, so, as I think, His eternal power is also not the Only-begotten God (Joh. i. 18), but the Father who begat Him. And he tells us of another Power and Wisdom of God, namely, that which is manifested through Christ, and made known through the works themselves of His Ministry.
And again:—
Although His eternal Power and Wisdom, which truth argues to be Unbegun and Ingenerate,
would appear certainly to be one and the same, yet many are those powers which
are one by one created by Him, of which Christ is the First-born and Only-begotten. All
however equally depend upon their Possessor, and all His powers are rightly called His, who
created and uses them; for instance, the Prophet says that the locust, which became a divine
punishment of human sin, was called by God Himself, not only a power of God, but a great
power (Joel ii. 25). And the blessed David too in several of the Psalms, invites, not Angels
19. These bold words against the Saviour did not content him, but he went further in his blasphemies, as follows:
The Son is one among others; for He is first of things originate, and one among intellectual natures; and as in things visible the sun is one among phenomena, and it shines upon the whole world according to the command of its Maker, so the Son, being one of the intellectual natures, also enlightens and shines upon all that are in the intellectual world.
And again he says, Once He was not, writing thus:—‘And before the Son’s origination, the Father had pre-existing knowledge how to generate; since a physician too, before he cured, had the science of curing3522.’ And he says again: ‘The Son was created by God’s beneficent earnestness; and the Father made Him by the superabundance of His Power.’ And again: ‘If the will of God has pervaded all the works in succession, certainly the Son too, being a work, has at His will come to be and been made.’ Now though Asterius was the only person to write all this, Eusebius and his fellows felt the like in common with him.
20. These are the doctrines for which they are contending; for these they assail the ancient Council, because its members did not propound the like, but anathematized the Arian heresy instead, which they were so eager to recommend. This was why they put forward, as an advocate of their irreligion, Asterius who sacrificed, a sophist too, that he might not spare to speak against the Lord, or by a show of reason to mislead the simple. And they were ignorant, the shallow men, that they were doing harm to their own cause. For the ill savour of their advocate’s idolatrous sacrifice betrayed still more plainly that the heresy is Christ’s foe. And now again, the general agitations and troubles which they are exciting, are in consequence of their belief, that by their numerous murders and their monthly Councils, at length they will undo the sentence which has been passed against the Arian heresy3523. But here too they seem ignorant, or to pretend ignorance, that even before Nicea that heresy was held in detestation, when Artemas3524 was laying its foundations, and before him Caiaphas’s assembly and that of the Pharisees his contemporaries. And at all times is this gang of Christ’s foes detestable, and will not cease to be hateful, the Lord’s Name being full of love, and the whole creation bending the knee, and confessing ‘that Jesus Christ is Lord, to the glory of God the Father’ (Phil. ii. 11).
21. Yet so it is, they have convened successive Councils against that Ecumenical One, and are not yet tired. After the Nicene, Eusebius and his fellows had been deposed; however, in course of time they intruded themselves without shame upon the Churches, and began to plot against the Bishops who withstood them, and to substitute in the Church men of their own heresy. Thus they thought to hold Councils at their pleasure, as having those who concurred with them, whom they had ordained on purpose for this very object. Accordingly, they assemble at Jerusalem, and there they write thus:—
The Holy Council assembled in Jerusalem3525 by the grace of God, U+0026c
22. This was the beginning of their Councils, and in it they were speedy in divulging
their views, and could not conceal them. For when they said that they had banished all
jealousy, and, after the expulsion of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, recommended the
reception of Arius and his friends, they shewed that their measures against Athanasius
himself then, and before against all the other Bishops who withstood them, had for their
object their receiving Arius and his fellows, and introducing the heresy into the Church.
But although they had approved in this Council all Arius’s malignity, and had ordered to
receive his party into communion, as they had set the example, yet feeling that even now
they were short of their wishes, they assembled a Council at Antioch under colour of the
so-called Dedication3527 and, since they were in general and lasting odium for their heresy,
We have not been followers of Arius,—how could Bishops, such as we, follow a Presbyter?— nor did we receive any other faith beside that which has been handed down from the beginning. But, after taking on ourselves to examine and to verify his faith, we admitted him rather than followed him; as you will understand from our present avowals.
For we have been taught from the first, to believe3528 in one God, the God of the Universe, the Framer and Preserver of all things both intellectual and sensible.
And in One Son of God, Only-begotten, who existed before all ages, and was with the Father who had begotten Him, by whom all things were made, both visible and invisible, who in the last days according to the good pleasure of the Father came down; and has taken flesh of the Virgin, and jointly fulfilled all His Father’s will, and suffered and risen again, and ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, and cometh again to judge quick and dead, and remaineth King and God unto all ages.
And we believe also in the Holy Ghost; and if it be necessary to add, we believe concerning the resurrection of the flesh, and the life everlasting.
23. Here follows what they published next at the same Dedication in another Epistle, being dissatisfied with the first, and devising something newer and fuller:
We believe3529, conformably to the evangelical and apostolical tradition, in One God, the Father Almighty, the Framer, and Maker, and Provider of the Universe, from whom are all things.
And in One Lord Jesus Christ, His Son, Only-begotten God (Joh. i. 18), by whom are
all things, who was begotten before all ages from the Father, God from God, whole from
whole, sole from sole3530, perfect from perfect, King from King, Lord from Lord, Living
Word, Living Wisdom, true Light, Way, Truth, Resurrection, Shepherd, Door, both unalterable
and3531 unchangeable; exact Image3532 of the Godhead, Essence, Will, Power and Glory
And in the Holy Ghost, who is given to those who believe for comfort, and sanctification, and initiation, as also our Lord Jesus Christ enjoined His disciples, saying, ‘Go ye, teach all nations, baptizing them in the Name of the Father, and the Son, and the Holy Ghost’ (Matt. xxviii. 19); namely of a Father who is truly Father, and a Son who is truly Son, and of the Holy Ghost who is truly Holy Ghost, the names not being given without meaning or effect, but denoting accurately the peculiar subsistence, rank, and glory of each that is named, so that they are three in subsistence, and in agreement one3534.
Holding then this faith, and holding it in the presence of God and Christ, from beginning
to end, we anathematize every heretical heterodoxy3535. And if any teaches, beside the sound
and right faith of the Scriptures, that time, or season, or age3536, either is or has been before
the generation of the Son, be he anathema. Or if any one says, that the Son is a creature as
one of the creatures, or an offspring as one of the offsprings, or a work as one of the works,
and not the aforesaid articles one after another, as the divine Scriptures have delivered, or
if he teaches or preaches beside what we received, be he anathema. For all that has been
24. And one Theophronius3538, Bishop of Tyana, put forth before them all the following statement of his personal faith. And they subscribed it, accepting the faith of this man:—
God3539 knows, whom I call as a witness upon my soul, that so I believe:—in God the Father Almighty, the Creator and Maker of the Universe, from whom are all things.
And in His Only-begotten Son, Word, Power, and Wisdom, our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom are all things; who has been begotten from the Father before the ages, perfect God from perfect God3540, and was with God in subsistence, and in the last days descended, and was born of the Virgin according to the Scriptures, and was made man, and suffered, and rose again from the dead, and ascended into the heavens, and sat down on the right hand of His Father, and cometh again with glory and power to judge quick and dead, and remaineth for ever:
And in the Holy Ghost, the Paraclete, the Spirit of truth (Joh. xv. 26), which also God promised by His Prophet to pour out (Joel ii. 28) upon His servants, and the Lord promised to send to His disciples: which also He sent, as the Acts of the Apostles witness.
But if any one teaches, or holds in his mind, aught beside this faith, be he anathema; or with Marcellus of Ancyra3541, or Sabellius, or Paul of Samosata, be he anathema, both himself and those who communicate with him.
25. Ninety Bishops met at the Dedication under the Consulate of Marcellinus and Probinus, in the 14th of the Indiction3542, Constantius the most irreligious being present. Having thus conducted matters at Antioch at the Dedication, thinking that their composition was deficient still, and fluctuating moreover in their own opinions, again they draw up afresh another formulary, after a few months, professedly concerning the faith, and despatch Narcissus, Maris, Theodorus, and Mark into Gaul3543. And they, as being sent from the Council, deliver the following document to Constans Augustus of blessed memory, and to all who were there:
We believe3544 in One God, the Father Almighty, Creator and Maker of all things; from whom all fatherhood in heaven and on earth is named. (Eph. iii. 15.)
And in His Only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, who before all ages was begotten from the Father, God from God, Light from Light, by whom all things were made in the heavens and on the earth, visible and invisible, being Word, and Wisdom, and Power, and Life, and True Light; who in the last days was made man for us, and was born of the Holy Virgin; who was crucified, and dead, and buried, and rose again from the dead the third day, and was taken up into heaven, and sat down on the right hand of the Father; and is coming at the consummation of the age, to judge quick and dead, and to render to every one according to his works; whose Kingdom endures indissolubly into the infinite ages3545; for He shall be seated on the right hand of the Father, not only in this age but in that which is to come.
And in the Holy Ghost, that is, the Paraclete; which, having promised to the Apostles, He sent forth after His ascension into heaven, to teach them and to remind of all things; through whom also shall be sanctified the souls of those who sincerely believe in Him.
But those who say, that the Son was from nothing, or from other subsistence and not from God, and, there was time when He was not, the Catholic Church regards as aliens3546.
26. As if dissatisfied with this, they hold their meeting again after three years, and dispatch Eudoxius, Martyrius, and Macedonius of Cilicia3547, and some others with them, to the parts of Italy, to carry with them a faith written at great length, with numerous additions over and above those which have gone before. They went abroad with these, as if they had devised something new.
We believe3548 in one God the Father Almighty, the Creator and Maker of all things, from whom all fatherhood in heaven and on earth is named.
And in His Only-begotten Son our Lord Jesus Christ, who before all ages was begotten from the Father, God from God, Light from Light, by whom all things were made, in heaven and on the earth, visible and invisible, being Word and Wisdom and Power and Life and True Light, who in the last days was made man for us, and was born of the Holy Virgin, crucified and dead and buried, and rose again from the dead the third day, and was taken up into heaven, and sat down on the right hand of the Father, and is coming at the consummation of the age to judge quick and dead, and to render to every one according to his works, whose Kingdom endures unceasingly unto the infinite ages; for He sitteth on the right hand of the Father not only in this age, but also in that which is to come.
And we believe in the Holy Ghost, that is, the Paraclete, which, having promised to the Apostles, He sent forth after the ascension into heaven, to teach them and to remind of all things: through whom also shall be sanctified the souls of those who sincerely believe in Him.
But those who say, (1) that the Son was from nothing, or from other subsistence and
not from God; (2) and that there was a time or age when He was not, the Catholic and Holy
(1.) For neither is safe to say that the Son is from nothing, (since this is no where spoken of Him in divinely inspired Scripture,) nor again of any other subsistence before existing beside the Father, but from God alone do we define Him genuinely to be generated. For the divine Word teaches that the Ingenerate and Unbegun, the Father of Christ, is One3549.
(2.) Nor may we, adopting the hazardous position, ‘There was once when He was not,’ from unscriptural sources, imagine any interval of time before Him, but only the God who has generated Him apart from time; for through Him both times and ages came to be. Yet we must not consider the Son to be co-unbegun and co-ingenerate with the Father; for no one can be properly called Father or Son of one who is co-unbegun and co-ingenerate with Him3550. But we acknowledge3551 that the Father who alone is Unbegun and Ingenerate, hath generated inconceivably and incomprehensibly to all: and that the Son hath been generated before ages, and in no wise to be ingenerate Himself like the Father, but to have the Father who generated Him as His beginning; for ‘the Head of Christ is God.’ (1 Cor. xi. 3.)
(3.) Nor again, in confessing three realities and three Persons, of the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost according to the Scriptures, do we therefore make Gods three; since we acknowledge the Self-complete and Ingenerate and Unbegun and Invisible God to be one only3552, the God and Father (Joh. xx. 17) of the Only-begotten, who alone hath being from Himself, and alone vouchsafes this to all others bountifully.
(4.) Nor again, in saying that the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ is one only God, the
only Ingenerate, do we therefore deny that Christ also is God before ages: as the disciples
of Paul of Samosata, who say that after the incarnation He was by advance3553 made God,
from being made by nature a mere man. For we acknowledge, that though He be subordinate
to His Father and God, yet, being before ages begotten of God, He is God perfect according
3549 It is observable that here and in the next paragraph the only reasons they give against using the only
two Arian formulas which they condemn is that they are not found in Scripture. Here, in their explanation of
the ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων, or from nothing, they do but deny it with Eusebius’s evasion, supr. p. 75, note 5.
(5.) We abhor besides, and anathematize those who make a pretence of saying that He
is but the mere word of God and unexisting, having His being in another,—now as if pronounced,
as some speak, now as mental3555,—holding that He was not Christ or Son of God
or mediator or image of God before ages; but that He first became Christ and Son of God,
when He took our flesh from the Virgin, not quite four hundred years since. For they will
have it that then Christ began His Kingdom, and that it will have an end after the consummation
of all and the judgment3556. Such are the disciples of Marcellus and Scotinus3557 of
Galatian Ancyra, who, equally with Jews, negative Christ’s existence before ages, and His
Godhead, and unending Kingdom, upon pretence of supporting the divine Monarchy. We,
on the contrary, regard Him not as simply God’s pronounced word or mental, but as Living
God and Word, existing in Himself, and Son of God and Christ; being and abiding with His
Father before ages, and that not in foreknowledge only3558, and ministering to Him for the
whole framing whether of things visible or invisible. For He it is, to whom the Father said,
‘Let Us make man in Our image, after Our likeness3559’ (Gen. i. 26), who also was seen in
(6.) And those who say that the Father and Son and Holy Ghost are the same, and irreligiously take the Three Names of one and the same Reality and Person, we justly proscribe from the Church, because they suppose the illimitable and impassible Father to be limitable withal and passible through His becoming man: for such are they whom Romans call Patripassians, and we Sabellians3562. For we acknowledge that the Father who sent, remained in the peculiar state of His unchangeable Godhead, and that Christ who was sent fulfilled the economy of the Incarnation.
(7.) And at the same time those who irreverently say that the Son has been generated
not by choice or will, thus encompassing God with a necessity which excludes choice and
purpose, so that He begat the Son unwillingly, we account as most irreligious and alien to
the Church; in that they have dared to define such things concerning God, beside the common
notions concerning Him, nay, beside the purport of divinely inspired Scripture. For we,
knowing that God is absolute and sovereign over Himself, have a religious judgment that
He generated the Son voluntarily and freely; yet, as we have a reverent belief in the Son’s
words concerning Himself (Prov. viii. 22), ‘The Lord created me a beginning of His ways
for His works,’ we do not understand Him to have been originated like the creatures or
works which through Him came to be. For it is irreligious and alien to the ecclesiastical
faith, to compare the Creator with handiworks created by Him, and to think that He has
the same manner of origination with the rest. For divine Scripture teaches us really and
Thus much, in addition to the faith before published in epitome, we have been compelled to draw forth at length, not in any officious display, but to clear away all unjust suspicion concerning our opinions, among those who are ignorant of our affairs: and that all in the West may know, both the audacity of the slanders of the heterodox, and as to the Orientals, their ecclesiastical mind in the Lord, to which the divinely inspired Scriptures bear witness without violence, where men are not perverse.
27. However they did not stand even to this; for again at Sirmium3567 they met together3568 against Photinus3569 and there composed a faith again, not drawn out into such length, not so full in words; but subtracting the greater part and adding in its place, as if they had listened to the suggestions of others, they wrote as follows:—
We believe3570 in One God, the Father Almighty, the Creator and Maker of all things, ‘from whom all fatherhood in heaven and earth is named3571’
And in His Only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus the Christ, who before all the ages was begotten from the Father, God from God, Light from Light, by whom all things were made, in heaven and on the earth, visible and invisible, being Word and Wisdom and True Light and Life, who in the last of days was made man for us, and was born of the Holy Virgin, and crucified and dead and buried, and rose again from the dead the third day, and was taken up into heaven, and sat down on the right hand of the Father, and is coming at the consummation of the age, to judge quick and dead, and to render to every one according to his works; whose Kingdom being unceasing endures unto the infinite ages; for He shall sit on the right hand of the Father, not only in this age, but also in that which is to come.
And in the Holy Ghost, that is, the Paraclete; which, having promised to the Apostles to send forth after His ascension into heaven, to teach and to remind them of all things, He did send; through whom also are sanctified the souls of those who sincerely believe in Him.
(1.) But those who say that the Son was from nothing or from other subsistence3572 and not from God, and that there was time or age when He was not, the Holy and Catholic Church regards as aliens.
(2.) Again we say, Whosoever says that the Father and the Son are two Gods, be he anathema3573.
(3.) And whosoever, saying that Christ is God, before ages Son of God, does not confess that He has subserved the Father for the framing of the universe, be he anathema3574.
(4.) Whosoever presumes to say that the Ingenerate, or a part of Him, was born of Mary, be he anathema.
(5.) Whosoever says that according to foreknowledge3575 the Son is before Mary and not that, generated from the Father before ages, He was with God, and that through Him all things were originated, be he anathema.
(6.) Whosoever shall pretend that the essence of God is dilated or contracted3576, be he anathema.
(7.) Whosoever shall say that the essence of God being dilated made the Son, or shall name the dilation of His essence Son, be he anathema.
(8.) Whosoever calls the Son of God the mental or pronounced Word3577, be he anathema.
(9.) Whosoever says that the Son from Mary is man only, be he anathema.
(10.) Whosoever, speaking of Him who is from Mary God and man, thereby means God the Ingenerate3578, be he anathema.
(11.) Whosoever shall explain ‘I God the First and I the Last, and besides Me there is no God,’ (Is. xliv. 6), which is said for the denial of idols and of gods that are not, to the denial of the Only-begotten, before ages God, as Jews do, be he anathema.
(12.) Whosoever hearing ‘The Word was made flesh,’ (John i. 14), shall consider that the Word has changed into flesh, or shall say that He has undergone alteration by taking flesh, be he anathema3579.
(13.) Whosoever hearing the Only-begotten Son of God to have been crucified, shall say that His Godhead has undergone corruption, or passion. or alteration, or diminution, or destruction, be he anathema.
(14.) Whosoever shall say that ‘Let Us make man’ (Gen. i. 26), was not said by the Father to the Son, but by God to Himself, be he anathema3580.
(15.) Whosoever shall say that Abraham saw, not the Son, but the Ingenerate God or part of Him, be he anathema3581.
(16.) Whosoever shall say that with Jacob, not the Son as man, but the Ingenerate God or part of Him, has wrestled, be he anathema3582.
(17.) Whosoever shall explain, ‘The Lord rained fire from the Lord’ (Gen. xix. 24), not of the Father and the Son, and says that He rained from Himself, be he anathema. For the Son, being Lord, rained from the Father Who is Lord.
(18.) Whosoever, hearing that the Father is Lord and the Son Lord and the Father and Son Lord, for there is Lord from Lord, says there are two Gods, be he anathema. For we do not place the Son in the Father’s Order, but as subordinate to the Father; for He did not descend upon Sodom without the Father’s will, nor did He rain from Himself, but from the Lord, that is, the Father authorising it. Nor is He of Himself set down on the right hand, but He hears the Father saying, ‘Sit Thou on My right hand’ (Ps. cx. 1).
(19.) Whosoever says that the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost are one Person, be he anathema.
(20.) Whosoever, speaking of the Holy Ghost as Paraclete, shall mean the Ingenerate God, be he anathema3583.
(21.) Whosoever shall deny, what the Lord taught us, that the Paraclete is other than the Son, for He hath said, ‘And another Paraclete shall the Father send to you, whom I will ask,’ (John xiv. 16) be he anathema.
(22.) Whosoever shall say that the Holy Ghost is part of the Father or of the Son3584 be he anathema.
(23.) Whosoever shall say that the Father and the Son and the Holy Ghost are three Gods, be he anathema.
(24.) Whosoever shall say that the Son of God at the will of God has come to be, as one of the works, be he anathema.
(25.) Whosoever shall say that the Son has been generated, the Father not wishing it3585, be he anathema. For not by compulsion, led by physical necessity, did the Father, as He wished not, generate the Son, but He at once willed, and, after generating Him from Himself apart from time and passion, manifested Him.
(26.) Whosoever shall say that the Son is without beginning and ingenerate, as if speaking of two unbegun and two ingenerate, and making two Gods, be he anathema. For the Son is the Head, namely the beginning of all: and God is the Head, namely the beginning of Christ; for thus to one unbegun beginning of the universe do we religiously refer all things through the Son.
(27.) And in accurate delineation of the idea of Christianity we say this again; Whosoever shall not say that Christ is God, Son of God, as being before ages, and having subserved the Father in the framing of the Universe, but that from the time that He was born of Mary, from thence He was called Christ and Son, and took an origin of being God, be he anathema.
28. Casting aside the whole of this, as if they had discovered something better, they propound another faith, and write at Sirmium in Latin what is here translated into Greek3586.
Whereas3587 it seemed good that there should be some discussion concerning faith, all points were carefully investigated and discussed at Sirmium in the presence of Valens, and Ursacius, and Germinius, and the rest.
It is held for certain that there is one God, the Father Almighty, as also is preached in all the world.
And His One Only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, generated from Him before the ages; and that we may not speak of two Gods, since the Lord Himself has said, ‘I go to My Father and your Father, and My God and your God’ (John xx. 17). On this account He is God of all, as also the Apostle taught: ‘Is He God of the Jews only, is He not also of the Gentiles? yea of the Gentiles also: since there is one God who shall justify the circumcision from faith, and the uncircumcision through faith’ (Rom. iii. 29, 30); and every thing else agrees, and has no ambiguity.
But since many persons are disturbed by questions concerning what is called in Latin
‘Substantia,’ but in Greek ‘Usia,’ that is, to make it understood more exactly, as to ‘Coessen-
29. After drawing up this, and then becoming dissatisfied, they composed the faith which to their shame they paraded with ‘the Consulate.’ And, as is their wont, condemning this also, they caused Martinian the notary to seize it from the parties who had the copies of it3590. And having got the Emperor Constantius to put forth an edict against it, they form another dogma afresh, and with the addition of certain expressions, according to their wont, they write thus in Isauria.
We decline3591 not to bring forward the authentic faith published at the Dedication at Antioch3592; though certainly our fathers at the time met together for a particular subject under investigation. But since ‘Coessential’ and ‘Like-in-essence,’ have troubled many persons in times past and up to this day, and since moreover some are said recently to have devised the Son’s ‘Unlikeness’ to the Father, on their account we reject ‘Coessential’ and ‘Like-inessence,’ as alien to the Scriptures, but ‘Unlike’ we anathematize, and account all who profess it as aliens from the Church. And we distinctly confess the ‘Likeness’ of the Son to the Father, according to the Apostle, who says of the Son, ‘Who is the Image of the Invisible God’ (Col. i. 15).
And we confess and believe in one God, the Father Almighty, the Maker of heaven and earth, of all things visible and invisible.
And we believe also in our Lord Jesus Christ, His Son, generated from Him impassibly before all the ages, God the Word, God from God, Only-begotten, light, life, truth, wisdom, power, through whom all things were made, in the heavens and on the earth, whether visible or invisible. He, as we believe, at the end of the world, for the abolishment of sin, took flesh of the Holy Virgin, and was made man, and suffered for our sins, and rose again, and was taken up into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, and is coming again in glory, to judge quick and dead.
We believe also in the Holy Ghost, which our Saviour and Lord named Paraclete, having promised to send Him to the disciples after His own departure, as He did send; through whom He sanctifieth those in the Church who believe, and are baptized in the Name of Father and Son and Holy Ghost.
But those who preach aught beside this faith the Catholic Church regards as aliens. And that to this faith that is equivalent which was published lately at Sirmium, under sanction of his religiousness the Emperor, is plain to all who read it.
30. Having written thus in Isauria, they went up to Constantinople3593, and there, as if dissatisfied, they changed it, as is their wont, and with some small additions against using even ‘Subsistence’ of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, they transmitted it to those at Ariminum, and compelled even those in the said parts to subscribe, and those who contradicted them they got banished by Constantius. And it runs thus:—
We believe3594 in One God, Father Almighty, from whom are all things;
And in the Only-begotten Son of God, begotten from God before all ages and before every beginning, by whom all things were made, visible and invisible, and begotten as onlybegotten, only from the Father only3595, God from God, like to the Father that begat Him according to the Scriptures; whose origin no one knows, except the Father alone who begat Him. He as we acknowledge, the Only-begotten Son of God, the Father sending Him, came hither from the heavens, as it is written, for the undoing of sin and death, and was born of the Holy Ghost, of Mary the Virgin according to the flesh, as it is written, and convened with the disciples, and having fulfilled the whole Economy according to the Father’s will, was crucified and dead and buried and descended to the parts below the earth; at whom hades itself shuddered: who also rose from the dead on the third day, and abode with the disciples, and, forty days being fulfilled, was taken up into the heavens, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, to come in the last day of the resurrection in the Father’s glory, that He may render to every man according to his works.
And in the Holy Ghost, whom the Only-begotten Son of God Himself, Christ, our Lord and God, promised to send to the race of man, as Paraclete, as it is written, ‘the Spirit of truth’ (Joh. xvi. 13), which He sent unto them when He had ascended into the heavens.
But the name of ‘Essence,’ which was set down by the Fathers in simplicity, and, being
unknown by the people, caused offence, because the Scriptures contain it not, it has seemed
good to abolish, and for the future to make no mention of it at all; since the divine Scriptures
have made no mention of the Essence of Father and Son. For neither ought Subsistence to
31. However, they did not stand even to this: for coming down from Constantinople to Antioch, they were dissatisfied that they had written at all that the Son was ‘Like the Father, as the Scriptures say;’ and putting their ideas upon paper3597, they began reverting to their first doctrines, and said that ‘the Son is altogether unlike the Father,’ and that the ‘Son is in no manner like the Father,’ and so much did they change, as to admit those who spoke the Arian doctrine nakedly and to deliver to them the Churches with licence to bring forward the words of blasphemy with impunity3598. Because then of the extreme shamelessness of their blasphemy they were called by all Anomoeans, having also the name of Exucontian3599, and the heretical Constantius for the patron of their irreligion, who persisting up to the end in irreligion, and on the point of death, thought good to be baptized3600; not however by religious men, but by Euzoius3601, who for his Arianism had been deposed, not once, but often, both when he was a deacon, and when he was in the see of Antioch.
32. The forementioned parties then had proceeded thus far, when they were stopped
and deposed. But well I know, not even under these circumstances will they stop, as many
as have now dissembled,3602 but they will always be making parties against the truth, until
they return to themselves and say, ‘Let us rise and go to our fathers, and we will say unto
We must look at the sense not the wording. The offence excited is at the sense; meaning of the Symbols; the question of their not being in Scripture. Those who hesitate only at ‘coessential,’ not to be considered Arians. Reasons why ‘coessential’ is better than ‘like-in-essence,’ yet the latter may be interpreted in a good sense. Explanation of the rejection of ‘coessential’ by the Council which condemned the Samosatene; use of the word by Dionysius of Alexandria; parallel variation in the use of Unoriginate; quotation from Ignatius and another; reasons for using ‘coessential;’ objections to it; examination of the word itself; further documents of the Council of Ariminum.
33. But since they are thus minded both towards each other and towards those who
preceded them, proceed we to ascertain from them what absurdity they have seen, or what
they complain of in the received phrases, that they have proved ‘disobedient to parents’
(Rom. i. 30), and contend against an Ecumenical Council3603? ‘The phrases “of the essence”
and “coessential,”’ say they, ‘do not please us, for they are an offence to some and a trouble
to many.’ This then is what they allege in their writings; but one may reasonably answer
them thus: If the very words were by themselves a cause of offence to them, it must have
followed, not that some only should have been offended, and many troubled, but that we
also and all the rest should have been affected by them in the same way; but if on the contrary
all men are well content with the words, and they who wrote them were no ordinary persons
but men who came together from the whole world, and to these testify in addition the 400
Bishops and more who now met at Ariminum, does not this plainly prove against those
who accuse the Council, that the terms are not in fault, but the perverseness of those who
misinterpret them? How many men read divine Scripture wrongly, and as thus conceiving
it, find fault with the Saints? such were the former Jews, who rejected the Lord, and the
present Manichees who blaspheme the Law3604; yet are not the Scriptures the cause to them,
but their own evil humours. If then ye can shew the terms to be actually unsound, do so and
let the proof proceed, and drop the pretence of offence created, lest you come into the condition
of the Pharisees of old. For when they pretended offence at the Lord’s teaching, He
said, ‘Every plant, which My heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted up’ (Matt.
xv. 13). By which He shewed that not the words of the Father planted by Him were really
an offence to them, but that they misinterpreted what was well said, and offended themselves.
34. For answer, what is much to the purpose, Who are they whom you pretend are offended and troubled at these terms? of those who are religious towards Christ not one; on the contrary they defend and maintain them. But if they are Arians who thus feel, what wonder they should be distressed at words which destroy their heresy? for it is not the terms which offend them, but the proscription of their irreligion which afflicts them. Therefore let us have no more murmuring against the Fathers, nor pretence of this kind; or next3605 you will be making complaints of the Lord’s Cross, because it is ‘to Jews an offence and to Gentiles foolishness,’ as said the Apostle3606 (1 Cor. i. 23, 24). But as the Cross is not faulty, for to us who believe it is ‘Christ the power of God and the wisdom of God,’ though Jews rave, so neither are the terms of the Fathers faulty, but profitable to those who honestly read, and subversive of all irreligion, though the Arians so often burst with rage as being condemned by them. Since then the pretence that persons are offended does not hold, tell us yourselves, why is it you are not pleased with the phrase ‘of the essence’ (this must first be enquired about), when you yourselves have written that the Son is generated from the Father? If when you name the Father, or use the word ‘God,’ you do not signify essence, or understand Him according to essence, who is that He is, but signify something else about Him3607, not to say inferior, then you should not have written that the Son was from the Father, but from what is about Him or in Him3608; and so, shrinking from saying that God is truly Father, and making Him compound who is simple, in a material way, you will be authors of a newer blasphemy. And, with such ideas, you must needs consider the Word, and the title ‘Son,’ not as an essence but as a name3609 only, and in consequence hold your own views as far as names only, and be talking, not of what you believe to exist, but of what you think not to exist.
35. But this is more like the crime of the Sadducees, and of those among the Greeks who
had the name of Atheists. It follows that you will deny that even creation is the handy-work
of God Himself that is; at least, if ‘Father’ and ‘God’ do not signify the very essence of Him
that is, but something else, which you imagine: which is irreligious, and most shocking even
to think of. But if, when we hear it said, ‘I am that I am,’ and, ‘In the beginning God created
the heaven and the earth,’ and, ‘Hear, O Israel, the Lord our God is one Lord,’ and, ‘Thus
saith the Lord Almighty’ (Ex. iii. 14; Gen. i. 1; Deut. vi. 4), we understand nothing else than
36. The Council, then, comprehending this3613, and aware of the different senses of the
same word, that none should suppose, that the Son was said to be ‘from God’ like the creation,
wrote with greater explicitness, that the Son was ‘from the essence.’ For this betokens the
true genuineness of the Son towards the Father; whereas, by the simple phrase ‘from God,’
only the Creator’s will in framing is signified. If then they too had this meaning, when they
37. Now, if certain others made excuses of the expressions of the Council, it might perhaps
have been set down, either to ignorance or to caution. There is no question, for instance,
about George of Cappadocia3615, who was expelled from Alexandria; a man, without character
in years past, nor a Christian in any respect; but only pretending to the name to suit
the times, and thinking ‘religion to be a’ means of ‘gain’ (1 Tim. vi. 5). And therefore there
is no reason to complain of his making mistakes about the faith, considering he knows
neither what he says, nor whereof he affirms; but, according to the text, ‘goeth after all, as
a bird’ (1 Tim. i. 7; Prov. vii. 22, 23, not LXX.?) But when Acacius, and Eudoxius, and
Patrophilus say this, do not they deserve the strongest reprobation? for while they write
what is unscriptural themselves, and have accepted many times the term ‘essence’ as suitable,
especially on the ground of the letter3616 of Eusebius, they now blame their predecessors
38. Can we then any more account such men Christians? or what sort of faith have they
who stand neither to word nor writing, but alter and change every thing according to the
times? For if, O Acacius and Eudoxius, you ‘do not decline the faith published at the Dedication,’
and in it is written that the Son is ‘Exact Image of God’s essence,’ why is it ye write
in Isauria, ‘we reject the Like in essence?’ for if the Son is not like the Father according to
essence, how is He ‘exact image of the essence?’ But if you are dissatisfied at having written
‘Exact Image of the essence,’ how is it that ye ‘anathematize those who say that the Son is
Unlike?’ for if He be not according to essence like, He is surely unlike: and the Unlike cannot
be an Image. And if so, then it does not hold that ‘he that hath seen the Son, hath seen the
Father’ (John xiv. 9), there being then the greatest possible difference between Them, or
rather the One being wholly Unlike the Other. And Unlike cannot possibly be called Like.
By what artifice then do you call Unlike like, and consider Like to be unlike, and pretend to
say that the Son is the Father’s Image? for if the Son be not like the Father in essence,
something is wanting to the Image, and it is not a complete Image, nor a perfect radiance3619.
How then read you, ‘In Him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily?’ and, ‘from His
fulness all we received’ (Coloss. ii. 9; John i. 16)? how is it that you expel the Arian Aetius
as an heretic, though ye say the same with him? for he is your companion, O Acacius, and
he became Eudoxius’s master in this so great irreligion3620; which was the reason why Le-
39. What then has persuaded you to contradict each other, and to procure to yourselves so great a disgrace? You cannot give any good account of it; this supposition only remains, that all you do is but outward profession and pretence, to secure the patronage of Constantius and the gain from thence accruing. And ye make nothing of accusing the Fathers, and ye complain outright of the expressions as being unscriptural; and, as it is written, ‘opened your legs to every one that passed by’ (Ez. xvi. 25); so as to change as often as they wish, in whose pay and keep you are. Yet, though a man use terms not in Scripture, it makes no difference so that his meaning be religious3621. But the heretic, though he use scriptural terms, yet, as being equally dangerous and depraved, shall be asked in the words of the Spirit, ‘Why dost thou preach My laws, and takest My covenant in thy mouth’ (Ps. l. 16)? Thus whereas the devil, though speaking from the Scriptures, is silenced by the Saviour, the blessed Paul, though he speaks from profane writers, ‘The Cretans are always liars,’ and, ‘For we are His offspring,’ and, ‘Evil communications corrupt good manners,’ yet has a religious meaning, as being holy,—is ‘doctor of the nations, in faith and verity,’ as having ‘the mind of Christ’ (Tit. i. 12; Acts xvii. 28; 1 Cor. xv. 33; 1 Tim. ii. 7; 1 Cor. ii. 16), and what he speaks, he utters religiously. What then is there even plausible, in the Arian terms, in which the ‘caterpillar’ (Joel ii. 25) and the ‘locust’ are preferred to the Saviour, and He is reviled with ‘Once Thou wast not,’ and ‘Thou wast created,’ and ‘Thou art foreign to God in essence,’ and, in a word, no irreverence is unused among them? But what did the Fathers omit in the way of reverence? or rather, have they not a lofty view and a Christ-loving religiousness? And yet these, they wrote, ‘We reject;’ while those others they endure in their insults towards the Lord, and betray to all men, that for no other cause do they resist that great Council but that it condemned the Arian heresy. For it is on this account again that they speak against the term Coessential, about which they also entertain wrong sentiments. For if their faith was right, and they confessed the Father as truly Father, believed the Son to be genuine Son, and by nature true Word and Wisdom of the Father, and as to saying that the Son is ‘from God,’ if they did not use the words of Him, as of themselves, but understood Him to be the proper offspring of the Father’s essence, as the radiance is from light, they would not every one of them have found fault with the Fathers; but would have been confident that the Council wrote suitably; and that this is the right faith concerning our Lord Jesus Christ.
40. ‘But,’ say they, ‘the sense of such expressions is obscure to us;’ for this is another of
their pretences,—‘We reject them3622,’ say they, ‘because we cannot master their meaning.’
41. Those who deny the Council altogether, are sufficiently exposed by these brief remarks;
those, however, who accept everything else that was defined at Nicæa, and doubt
only about the Coessential, must not be treated as enemies; nor do we here attack them as
Ario-maniacs, nor as opponents of the Fathers, but we discuss the matter with them as
brothers with brothers3623, who mean what we mean, and dispute only about the word. For,
confessing that the Son is from the essence of the Father, and not from other subsistence,
and that He is not a creature nor work, but His genuine and natural offspring, and that He
is eternally with the Father as being His Word and Wisdom, they are not far from accepting
even the phrase, ‘Coessential.’ Now such is Basil, who wrote from Ancyra concerning the
faith3624. For only to say ‘like according to essence,’ is very far from signifying ‘of the essence,’
by which, rather, as they say themselves, the genuineness of the Son to the Father is signified.
Thus tin is only like to silver, a wolf to a dog, and gilt brass to the true metal; but tin is not
42. Accordingly, as in saying ‘offspring,’ we have no human thoughts, and, though we know God to be a Father, we entertain no material ideas concerning Him, but while we listen to these illustrations and terms, we think suitably of God, for He is not as man, so in like manner, when we hear of ‘coessential,’ we ought to transcend all sense, and, according to the Proverb, ‘understand by the understanding what is set before us’ (Prov. xxiii. 1); so as to know, that not by will, but in truth, is He genuine from the Father, as Life from Fountain, and Radiance from Light. Else3630 why should we understand ‘offspring’ and ‘son,’ in no corporeal way, while we conceive of ‘coessential’ as after the manner of bodies? especially since these terms are not here used about different subjects, but of whom ‘offspring’ is predicated, of Him is ‘coessential’ also. And it is but consistent to attach the same sense to both expressions as applied to the Saviour, and not to interpret ‘offspring’ in a good sense, and ‘coessential’ otherwise; since to be consistent, ye who are thus minded and who say that the Son is Word and Wisdom of the Father, should entertain a different view of these terms also, and understand Word in another sense, and Wisdom in yet another. But, as this would be absurd (for the Son is the Father’s Word and Wisdom, and the Offspring from the Father is one and proper to His essence), so the sense of ‘Offspring’ and ‘Coessential’ is one, and whoso considers the Son an offspring, rightly considers Him also as ‘coessential.’
43. This is sufficient to shew that the meaning of the beloved ones3631 is not foreign
nor far from the ‘Coessential.’ But since, as they allege3632 (for I have not the Epistle in
question), the Bishops who condemned the Samosatene3633 have said in writing that the
Son is not coessential with the Father, and so it comes to pass that they, for caution and
honour towards those who have so said, thus feel about that expression, it will be to the
purpose cautiously to argue with them this point also. Certainly it is unbecoming to make
the one conflict with the others; for all are fathers; nor is it religious to settle, that these have
spoken well, and those ill; for all of them fell asleep in Christ. Nor is it right to be disputatious,
and to compare the respective numbers of those who met in the Councils, lest the three
hundred seem to throw the lesser into the shade; nor to compare the dates, lest those who
preceded seem to eclipse those that came after. For all, I say, are fathers; and yet not even
44. And3634 I wrote in another Letter a refutation of the false charge which they bring against me, that I deny that Christ is coessential with God. For though I say that I have not found or read this term anywhere in holy Scripture, yet my remarks which follow, and which they have not noticed, are not inconsistent with that belief. For I instanced a human production, which is evidently homogeneous, and I observed that undeniably fathers differed from their children, only in not being the same individuals; otherwise there could be neither parents nor children. And my Letter, as I said before, owing to present circumstances, I am unable to produce, or I would have sent you the very words I used, or rather a copy of it all; which, if I have an opportunity, I will do still. But I am sure from recollection, that I adduced many parallels of things kindred with each other, for instance, that a plant grown from seed or from root, was other than that from which it sprang, and yet altogether one in nature with it; and that a stream flowing from a fountain, changed its appearance and its name, for that neither the fountain was called stream, nor the stream fountain, but both existed, and that the fountain was as it were father, but the stream was what was generated from the fountain.
45. Thus the Bishop. If then any one finds fault with those who met at Nicæa, as if they
contradicted the decisions of their predecessors, he might reasonably find fault also with
the seventy, because they did not keep to the statements of their own predecessors; but such
were the Dionysii and the Bishops assembled on that occasion at Rome. But neither these
nor those is it pious to blame; for all were charged with the embassy of Christ, and all have
given diligence against the heretics, and the one party condemned the Samosatene, while
the other condemned the Arian heresy. And rightly have both these and those written, and
suitably to the matter in hand. And as the blessed Apostle, writing to the Romans, said, ‘The
Law is spiritual, the Law is holy, and the commandment holy and just and good’ (Rom. vii.
14, 12); and soon after, ‘What the Law could not do, in that it was weak’ (ib. viii. 3), but
wrote to the Hebrews, ‘The Law has made no one perfect’ (Heb. vii. 19); and to the Galatians,
46. Let then all contention cease, nor let us any longer conflict, though the Councils have differently taken the phrase ‘Coessential,’ for we have already assigned a sufficient defence of them; and to it the following may be added:—We have not derived the word ‘Unoriginate’ from Scripture, (for no where does Scripture call God Unoriginate,) yet since it has many authorities in its favour, I was curious about the term, and found that it too has different senses3642. Some, for instance, call what is, but is neither generated, nor has any personal cause at all, unoriginate; and others, the uncreate. As then a person, having in view the former of these senses, viz. ‘that which has no personal cause,’ might say that the Son was not unoriginate, yet would not blame any one whom he perceived to have in view the other meaning, ‘not a work or creature but an eternal offspring,’ and to affirm accordingly that the Son was unoriginate, (for both speak suitably with a view to their own object); so, even granting that the Fathers have spoken variously concerning the Coessential, let us not dispute about it, but take what they deliver to us in a religious way, when especially their anxiety was directed in behalf of religion.
47. Ignatius, for instance, who was appointed Bishop in Antioch after the Apostles, and
became a martyr of Christ, writes concerning the Lord thus: ‘There is one physician, fleshly
48. Such then, as we confess and believe, being the sense of the Fathers, proceed we even
in their company to examine once more the matter, calmly and with a kindly sympathy,
with reference to what has been said before, viz. whether the Bishops collected at Nicæa do
not really prove to have thought aright. For if the Word be a work and foreign to the Father’s
essence, so that He is separated from the Father by the difference of nature, He cannot be
one in essence with Him, but rather He is homogeneous by nature with the works, though
He surpass them in grace3646. On the other hand, if we confess that He is not a work but
the genuine offspring of the Father’s essence, it would follow that He is inseparable from
the Father, being connatural, because He is begotten from Him. And being such, good
49. This is why He has equality with the Father by titles expressive of unity3650, and
what is said of the Father, is said in Scripture of the Son also, all but His being called Father3651.
For the Son Himself said, ‘All things that the Father hath are Mine’ (John xvi. 15);
and He says to the Father, ‘All Mine are Thine, and Thine are Mine’ (John xvii. 10),—as for
instance3652, the name God; for ‘the Word was God;’—Almighty, ‘Thus saith He that is,
and that was, and that is to come, the Almighty’ (John i. 1; Apoc. i. 8):—the being Light, ‘I
am,’ He says, ‘the Light’ (John viii. 12):—the Operative Cause, ‘All things were made by
Him,’ and, ‘whatsoever I see the Father do, I do also’ (John i. 3; v. 19):—the being Everlasting,
‘His eternal power and godhead,’ and, ‘In the beginning was the Word,’ and, ‘He was the
50. If then any think of other beginning, and other Father, considering the equality of
these attributes, it is a mad thought. But if, since the Son is from the Father, all that is the
Father’s is the Son’s as in an image and Expression, let it be considered dispassionately,
whether an essence foreign from the Father’s essence admit of such attributes; and whether
such a one be other in nature and alien in essence, and not coessential with the Father. For
we must take reverent heed, lest transferring what is proper to the Father to what is unlike
Him in essence, and expressing the Father’s godhead by what is unlike in kind and alien in
essence, we introduce another essence foreign to Him, yet capable of the properties of the
first essence3653, and lest we be silenced by God Himself, saying, ‘My glory I will not give
51. And again, if, as we have said before, the Son is not such by participation, but, while
all things originated have by participation the grace of God, He is the Father’s Wisdom and
Word of which all things partake3654, it follows that He, being the deifying and enlightening
power of the Father, in which all things are deified and quickened, is not alien in essence
from the Father, but coessential. For by partaking of Him, we partake of the Father; because
that the Word is the Father’s own. Whence, if He was Himself too from participation, and
not from the Father His essential Godhead and Image, He would not deify3655, being deified
Himself. For it is not possible that He, who merely possesses from participation, should
impart of that partaking to others, since what He has is not His own, but the Giver’s; and
what He has received, is barely the grace sufficient for Himself. However, let us fairly examine
the reason why some, as is said, decline the ‘Coessential,’ whether it does not rather shew
that the Son is coessential with the Father. They say then, as you have written, that it is not
right to say that the Son is coessential with the Father, because he who speaks of ‘coessential’
speaks of three, one essence pre-existing, and that those who are generated from it are
coessential: and they add, ‘If then the Son be coessential with the Father, then an essence
must be previously supposed, from which they have been generated; and that the One is
not Father and the Other Son, but they are brothers together.3656’ As to all this, though it
be a Greek interpretation, and what comes from them does not bind us3657, still let us see
52. Further, if, in confessing Father and Son, we spoke of two beginnings or two Gods
as Marcion and Valentinus3663, or said that the Son had any other mode of godhead, and
was not the Image and Expression of the Father, as being by nature born from Him, then
He might be considered unlike; for such essences are altogether unlike each other. But if we
acknowledge that the Father’s godhead is one and sole, and that of Him the Son is the Word
and Wisdom; and, as thus believing, are far from speaking of two Gods, but understand the
oneness of the Son with the Father to be, not in likeness of their teaching, but according to
essence and in truth, and hence speak not of two Gods but of one God; there being but one
Form3664 of Godhead, as the Light is one and the Radiance; (for this was seen by the Patriarch
Jacob, as Scripture says, ‘The sun rose upon him when the Form of God passed by,’ Gen.
xxxii. 31, LXX.); and beholding this, and understanding of whom He was Son and Image,
the holy Prophets say, ‘The Word of the Lord came to me;’ and recognising the Father, who
was beheld and revealed in Him, they made bold to say, ‘The God of our fathers hath appeared
unto me, the God of Abraham, and Isaac, and Jacob’ (Exod. iii. 16); this being so, wherefore
scruple we to call Him coessential who is one with the Father, and appears as doth the
Father, according to likeness and oneness of godhead? For if, as has been many times said,
He has it not to be proper to the Father’s essence, nor to resemble, as a Son, we may well
scruple: but if this be the illuminating and creative Power, specially proper to the Father,
without Whom He neither frames nor is known (for all things consist through Him and in
Him); wherefore, perceiving the fact, do we decline to use the phrase conveying it? For what
is it to be thus connatural with the Father, but to be one in essence with Him? for God attached
not to Him the Son from without3665, as needing a servant; nor are the works on a
level with the Creator, and honoured as He is, or to be thought one with the Father. Or let
a man venture to make the distinction, that the sun and the radiance are two lights, or different
essences; or to say that the radiance accrued to it over and above, and is not a simple
and pure offspring from the sun; such, that sun and radiance are two, but the light one, because
the radiance is an offspring from the Sun. But, whereas not more divisible, nay less
53. Even this is sufficient to dissuade you from blaming those who have said that the Son was coessential with the Father, and yet let us examine the very term ‘Coessential,’ in itself, by way of seeing whether we ought to use it at all, and whether it be a proper term, and is suitable to apply to the Son. For you know yourselves, and no one can dispute it, that Like is not predicated of essence, but of habits, and qualities; for in the case of essences we speak, not of likeness, but of identity. Man, for instance, is said to be like man, not in essence, but according to habit and character; for in essence men are of one nature. And again, man is not said to be unlike dog, but to be of different nature. Accordingly while the former are of one nature and coessential, the latter are different in both. Therefore, in speaking of Like according to essence, we mean like by participation; (for Likeness is a quality, which may attach to essence), and this would be proper to creatures for they, by partaking, are made like to God. For ‘when He shall appear,’ says Scripture, ‘we shall be like Him’ (1 John iii. 2), like, that is, not in essence but in sonship, which we shall partake from Him. If then ye speak of the Son as being by participation, then indeed call Him Like-in-essence; but thus spoken of, He is not Truth, nor Light at all, nor in nature God. For things which are from participation, are called like, not in reality, but from resemblance to reality; so that they may swerve, or be taken from those who share them. And this, again, is proper to creatures and works. Therefore, if this be out of place, He must be, not by participation, but in nature and truth Son, Light, Wisdom, God; and being by nature, and not by sharing, He would properly be called, not Like-in-essence, but Coessential. But what would not be asserted, even in the case of others (for the Like has been shewn to be inapplicable to essences), is it not folly, not to say violence, to put forward in the case of the Son, instead of the ‘Coessential?’
54. This is why the Nicene Council was correct in writing, what it was becoming to say,
that the Son, begotten from the Father’s essence, is coessential with Him. And if we too have
been taught the same thing, let us not fight with shadows, especially as knowing, that they
who have so defined, have made this confession of faith, not to misrepresent the truth, but
as vindicating the truth and religiousness towards Christ, and also as destroying the blasphemies
against Him of the Ario-maniacs. For this must be considered and noted carefully,
Postscript.
55. After I had written my account of the Councils3670, I had information that the most irreligious3671 Constantius had sent Letters to the Bishops remaining in Ariminum; and I have taken pains to get copies of them from true brethren and to send them to you, and also what the Bishops answered; that you may know the irreligious craft of the Emperor, and the firm and unswerving purpose of the Bishops towards the truth.
Interpretation of the Letter3672.
Constantius, Victorious and Triumphant, Augustus, to all Bishops who are assembled at Ariminum.
That the divine and adorable Law is our chief care, your excellencies are not ignorant; but as yet we have been unable to receive the twenty Bishops sent by your wisdom, and charged with the legation from you, for we are pressed by a necessary expedition against the Barbarians; and as ye know, it beseems to have the soul clear from every care, when one handles the matters of the Divine Law. Therefore we have ordered the Bishops to await our return at Adrianople; that, when all public affairs are well arranged, then at length we may hear and weigh their suggestions. Let it not then be grievous to your constancy to await their return, that, when they come back with our answer to you, ye may be able to bring matters to a close which so deeply affect the well-being of the Catholic Church.
This was what the Bishops received at the hands of three emissaries.
Reply of the Bishops.
The letter of your humanity we have received, most God-beloved Lord Emperor, which reports that, on account of stress of public affairs, as yet you have been unable to attend to our deputies; and in which you command us to await their return, until your godliness shall be advised by them of what we have defined conformably to our ancestors. However, we now profess and aver at once by these presents, that we shall not recede from our purpose, as we also instructed our deputies. We ask then that you will with serene countenance command these letters of our mediocrity to be read; but also that you will graciously receive those, with which we charged our deputies. This however your gentleness comprehends as well as we, that great grief and sadness at present prevail, because that, in these your most happy days, so many Churches are without Bishops. And on this account we again request your humanity, most God-beloved Lord Emperor, that, if it please your religiousness, you would command us, before the severe winter weather sets in, to return to our Churches, that so we may be able, unto God Almighty and our Lord and Saviour Christ, His Onlybegotten Son, to fulfil together with our flocks our wonted prayers in behalf of your imperial sway, as indeed we have ever performed them, and at this time make them.
Additional Note.
The ‘list of Sirmian confessions’ published by Newman as an Excursus to the de Synodis is omitted here. It will be found printed as ‘Appendix iii.’ to his Arians of the Fourth Century.
The Excursus on a Creed ascribed (at the Council of Ephesus, see Hard. Conc. i. 1640,
Hahn. §83; Routh Rell. iii. 367) to the 70 bishops who condemned Paul of Samosata, at
Antioch a.d. 269, and containing the formula ὁμοούσιον (against this, supr. §§43–47), is
also omitted, as bearing only very indirectly on the de Synodis. Caspari Alte und Neue
investigations pursued on very different lines.
The word ‘tome’ (τόμος) means either a section, or, in the case of such a document as that before us, a concise statement. It is commonly applied to synodical letters (cf. the ‘Tome’ of Leo, a.d. 450, to Flavian).
Upon the accession of Julian (November, 361) the Homoean ascendancy which had
marked the last six years of Constantius collapsed. A few weeks after his accession (Feb.
362) an edict recalled all the exiled Bishops. On Feb. 21 Athanasius re-appeared in Alexandria.
He was joined there by Lucifer of Cagliari and Eusebius of Vercellæ, who were in exile in
Upper Egypt. Once more free, he took up the work of peace which had busied him in the
last years of his exile (see Prolegg. ch. ii. §9). With a heathen once more on the throne of
the Cæsars, there was everything to sober Christian party spirit, and to promise success to
the council which met under Athanasius during the ensuing summer. Among the twentyone
bishops who formed the assembly the most notable are Eusebius of Vercellæ, Asterius
of Petra, and Dracontius of Lesser Hermopolis and Adelphius of Onuphis, the friends and
correspondents of Athanasius. The rest, with the exception of Anatolius of Euboea, were all
from Egypt and Marmarica, and (probably three only) from S.W. Asia. The council (Newman,
Arians, v. i.; Gwatkin, Stud. p. 205, Krüger, Lucif. 45–53, was occupied with four problems:
(1) The terms on which communion should be vouchsafed to those Arians who desired to
re-unite (§§3, 8). They were to be asked for nothing beyond the Nicene test, and an express
anathema against Arianism, including the doctrine that the Holy Spirit is a Creature. The
latter point had been rising into prominence of late, and had called forth from Athanasius
his four Discourses to Serapion of Thmuis. The emphatic way in which the point is pressed
in §3, implies that an attempt was being made in some quarter to subscribe the Nicene
Creed, while maintaining the Arian position with regard to the Holy Spirit. The language
of §3 cannot be reconciled with the hypothesis (Gwatkin, Studies, 233), that no formal requirement
was made by this council on the subject. The person aimed at was possibly Acacius,
who (Serap. iv. 7) had treated the subject with levity, and yet was now disposed to come to
terms (as he did a year later, Socr. iii. 25). It is true that we find the names of Macedonius
and his followers (N.B. not Eleusius) in the number of the 59 who betook themselves to
Liberius (Socr. iv. 12), and neither in their letter nor in his reply is there any allusion to the
doctrine of the Holy Spirit; and that Basil (Ep. 204), with the sanction of Athanasius (cf.
below, Letters 62, 63), did not press the test upon those who were otherwise orthodox. But
the council of 362 has Syrian circumstances specially in view; and however we may explain
it, its language is too clear to be mistaken. (On the general subject, cf. Letter 55.) (2) The
Arian Christology also occupied the council (§7). The integrity of Christ’s human nature
on the one hand, its perfect Union with the Word on the other, are clearly emphasised. This
The Tome was carried to Antioch by the five bishops named at the beginning of §1, and there subscribed by Paulinus and Karterius of Antaradus. As to its effect among the friends of Meletius our information is only inferential (see Gwatkin, Studies, p. 208). On the supposed disciplinary legislation of this council in relation to the Syntagma Doctrinæ, see Prolegg. ch. ii. §§9.
N.B. The translation of the present tract as well as that of the ad Afros and of Letters 56, 59, 60, 61, was made independently of that by Dr. Bright in his Later Treatises of S. Athanasius (see Prolegg. ch. i. §2), but has been carefully collated with it, and in not a few cases improved by its aid. For a fuller commentary on these pieces than has been possible in this volume, the reader is referred to Dr. Bright’s work.
To our beloved and much-desired fellow-ministers Eusebius3674, Lucifer3675, Asterius3676, Kymatius, and Anatolius, Athanasius and the bishops present in Alexandria from Italy and Arabia, Egypt and Libya; Eusebius, Asterius, Gaius, Agathus, Ammonius, Agathodæmon, Dracontius, Adelphius, Hermæon, Marcus, Theodorus, Andreas, Paphnutius, another Marcus, Zoilus, Menas, George, Lucius, Macarius and the rest, all greeting in Christ.
We are persuaded that being ministers of God and good stewards ye are sufficient to
order the affairs of the Church in every respect. But since it has come to us, that many who
were formerly separated from us by jealousy now wish for peace, while many also having
severed their connection with the Arian madmen are desiring our communion, we think it
well to write to your courtesy what ourselves and the beloved Eusebius and Asterius have
drawn up: yourselves being our beloved and truly most-desired fellow-ministers. We rejoice
at the said tidings, and pray that even if any be left still far from us, and if any appear to be
in agreement with the Arians, he may promptly leave their madness, so that for the future
all men everywhere may say, ‘One Lord, one faith3677.’ For as the psalmist says, what is so
good or pleasant as for brethren to dwell in unity3678. But our dwelling is the Church, and
our mind ought to be the same. For thus we believe that the Lord also will dwell with us,
who says, ‘I will dwell with them and walk in them3679’ and ‘Here will I dwell for I have a
2. Mission of Eusebius and Asterius.
We then of Egypt truly wished to go to you along with our beloved Eusebius and Asterius, for many reasons, but chiefly that we might embrace your affection and together enjoy the said peace and concord. But since, as we declared in our other letters, and as ye may learn from our fellow-ministers, the needs of the church detain us, with much regret we begged the same fellow-ministers of ours, Eusebius and Asterius, to go to you in our stead. And we thank their piety in that although they might have gone at once to their dioceses, they preferred to go to you at all costs, on account of the pressing need of the Church. They therefore having consented, we consoled ourselves with the consideration that you and they being there, we all were present with you in mind.
3. The ‘Meletians’ to be acknowledged, and all who renounce heresy, especially as to the Holy Spirit.
As many then as desire peace with us, and specially those who assemble in the Old
Church3681 and those again who are seceding from the Arians, do ye call to yourselves,
and receive them as parents their sons, and welcome them as tutors and guardians; and
unite them to our beloved Paulinus and his people, without requiring more from them than
to anathematise the Arian heresy and confess the faith confessed by the holy fathers at Nicæa,
and to anathematise also those who say that the Holy Spirit is a Creature and separate from
the Essence of Christ. For this is in truth a complete renunciation of the abominable heresy
of the Arians, to refuse to divide the Holy Trinity, or to say that any part of it is a creature.
For those who, while pretending to cite the faith confessed at Nicæa, venture to blaspheme
the Holy Spirit, do nothing more than in words deny the Arian heresy while they retain it
in thought. But let the impiety of Sabellius and of Paul of Samosata also be anathematised
by all, and the madness of Valentinian and Basilides, and the folly of the Manichæans. For
if this be done, all evil suspicion will be removed on all hands, and the faith of the Catholic
Church alone be exhibited in purity.
4. The parties at Antioch to unite.
But that we, and they who have ever remained in communion with us, hold this faith,
we think no one of yourselves nor any one else is ignorant. But since we rejoice with all
those who desire re-union, but especially with those that assemble in the Old church, and
as we glorify the Lord exceedingly, as for all things so especially for the good purpose of
these men, we exhort you that concord be established with them on these terms, and, as we
said above, without further conditions, without namely any further demand upon yourselves
on the part of those who assemble in the Old church, or Paulinus and his fellows propounding
anything else, or aught beyond the Nicene definition.
5. The creed of Sardica not an authorised formula. Question of ‘hypostasis.’
And prohibit even the reading or publication of the paper, much talked of by some, as having been drawn up concerning the Faith at the synod of Sardica. For the synod made no definition of the kind. For whereas some demanded, on the ground that the Nicene synod was defective, the drafting of a creed, and in their haste even attempted it3682, the holy synod assembled in Sardica was indignant, and decreed that no statement of faith should be drafted, but that they should be content with the Faith confessed by the fathers at Nicæa, inasmuch as it lacked nothing but was full of piety, and that it was undesirable for a second creed to be promulged, lest that drafted at Nicæa should be deemed imperfect, and a pretext be given to those who were often wishing to draft and define a creed. So that if a man propound the above or any other paper, stop them, and persuade them rather to keep the peace. For in such men we perceive no motive save only contentiousness. For as to those whom some were blaming for speaking of three Subsistences3683, on the ground that the phrase is unscriptural and therefore suspicious, we thought it right indeed to require nothing beyond the confession of Nicæa, but on account of the contention we made enquiry of them, whether they meant, like the Arian madmen, subsistences foreign and strange, and alien in essence from one another, and that each Subsistence was divided apart by itself, as is the case with creatures in general and in particular with those begotten of men, or like different substances, such as gold, silver, or brass;—or whether, like other heretics, they meant three Beginnings and three Gods, by speaking of three Subsistences.
They assured us in reply that they neither meant this nor had ever held it. But upon our
asking them ‘what then do you mean by it, or why do you use such expressions?’ they replied,
Because they believed in a Holy Trinity, not a trinity in name only, but existing and subsisting
in truth, ‘both a Father truly existing and subsisting, and a Son truly substantial and subsisting,
and a Holy Spirit subsisting and really existing do we acknowledge,’ and that neither
6. The question of one Subsistence (Hypostasis) or three, not to be pressed.
Having accepted then these men’s interpretation and defence of their language, we made enquiry of those blamed by them for speaking of One Subsistence, whether they use the expression in the sense of Sabellius, to the negation of the Son and the Holy Spirit, or as though the Son were non-substantial, or the Holy Spirit impersonal3684. But they in their turn assured us that they neither meant this nor had ever held it, but ‘we use the word Subsistence thinking it the same thing to say Subsistence or Essence;’ ‘But we hold that there is One, because the Son is of the Essence of the Father, and because of the identity of nature. For we believe that there is one Godhead, and that it has one nature, and not that there is one nature of the Father, from which that of the Son and of the Holy Spirit are distinct.’ Well, thereupon they who had been blamed for saying there were three Subsistences agreed with the others, while those who had spoken of One Essence, also confessed the doctrine of the former as interpreted by them. And by both sides Arius was anathematised as an adversary of Christ, and Sabellius, and Paul of Samosata, as impious men, and Valentinus and Basilides as aliens from the truth, and Manichæus as an inventor of mischief. And all, by God’s grace, and after the above explanations, agree together that the faith confessed by the fathers at Nicæa is better than the said phrases, and that for the future they would prefer to be content to use its language.
7. The human Nature of Christ complete, not Body only.
But since also certain seemed to be contending together concerning the fleshly Economy
of the Saviour, we enquired of both parties. And what the one confessed, the others also
agreed to, that the Word did not, as it came to the prophets, so dwell in a holy man at the
consummation of the ages, but that the Word Himself was made flesh, and being in the
Form of God, took the form of a servant3685, and from Mary after the flesh became man
for us, and that thus in Him the human race is perfectly and wholly delivered from sin and
quickened from the dead, and given access to the kingdom of the heavens. For they confessed
also that the Saviour had not a body without a soul, nor without sense or intelligence; for it
8. Questions of words must not be suffered to divide those who think alike.
These things then being thus confessed, we exhort you not hastily to condemn those who so confess, and so explain the phrases they use, nor to reject them, but rather to accept them as they desire peace and defend themselves, while you check and rebuke, as of suspicious views, those who refuse so to confess and to explain their language. But while you refuse toleration to the latter, counsel the others also who explain and hold aright, not to enquire further into each other’s opinions, nor to fight about words to no useful purpose, nor to go on contending with the above phrases, but to agree in the mind of piety. For they who are not thus minded, but only stir up strife with such petty phrases, and seek something beyond what was drawn up at Nicæa, do nothing except ‘give their neighbour turbid confusion to drink3691,’ like men who grudge peace and love dissensions. But do ye, as good men and faithful servants and stewards of the Lord, stop and check what gives offence and is strange, and value above all things peace of that kind, faith being sound. Perhaps God will have pity on us, and unite what is divided, and, there being once more one flock3692, we shall all have one leader, even our Lord Jesus Christ.
9. The above terms unanimously agreed upon.
These things, albeit there was no need to require anything beyond the synod of Nicæa, nor to tolerate the language of contention, yet for the sake of peace, and to prevent the rejection of men who wish to believe aright, we enquired into. And what they confessed, we put briefly into writing, we namely who are left in Alexandria, in common with our fellowministers, Asterius and Eusebius. For most of us had gone away to our dioceses. But do you on your part read this in public where you are wont to assemble, and be pleased to invite all to you thither. For it is right that the letter should be there first read, and that there those who desire and strive for peace should be re-united. And then, when they are re-united, in the spot where all the laity think best, in the presence of your courtesy, the public assemblies should be held, and the Lord be glorified by all together. The brethren who are with me greet you. I pray that you may be well, and remember us to the Lord; both I, Athanasius, and likewise the other bishops assembled, sign, and those sent by Lucifer, bishop of the island of Sardinia, two deacons, Herennius and Agapetus; and from Paulinus, Maximus and Calemerus, deacons also. And there were present certain monks of Apolinarius3693 the bishop, sent from him for the purpose.
10. Signatures.
The names of the several bishops to whom the letter is addressed are: Eusebius of the city of Virgilli in Gaul3694, Lucifer of the island of Sardinia, Asterius of Petra, Arabia, Kymatius of Paltus, Coele-Syria, Anatolius of Euboea.
Senders: the Pope Athanasius, and those present with him in Alexandria, viz.: Eusebius,
Asterius, and the others above-mentioned, Gaius of Paratonium3695 in Hither Libya, Agathus
of Phragonis and part of Elearchia in Egypt, Ammonius of Pachnemunis3696 and the rest
of Elearchia, Agathodæmon of Schedia3697 and Menelaitas, Dracontius of Lesser Hermupolis,
Adelphius of Onuphis3698 in Lychni, Hermion of Tanes3699, Marcus of Zygra3700, Hither
Eusebius also signs the following in Latin, of which the translation is:
I Eusebius, according to your exact confession made on either side by agreement concerning
the Subsistences, also add my agreement; further concerning the Incarnation of our
Saviour, namely that the Son of God has become Man, taking everything upon Himself
without sin, like the composition of our old man, I ratify the text of the letter. And whereas
the Sardican paper is ruled out, to avoid the appearance of issuing anything beyond the
creed of Nicæa, I also add my consent, in order that the creed of Nicæa may not seem by it
to be excluded, and I agree that it should not be published. I pray for your health in the
Lord.
I Asterius agree to what is above written, and pray for your health in the Lord.
11. The ‘Tome’ signed at Antioch.
And after this Tome was sent off from Alexandria, thus signed by the aforesaid, the
recipients in their turn signed it:
I Paulinus hold thus, as I received from the fathers, that the Father perfectly exists and
subsists, and that the Son perfectly subsists, and that the Holy Spirit perfectly subsists.
Wherefore also I accept the above explanation concerning the Three Subsistences, and the
one Subsistence, or rather Essence, and those who hold thus. For it is pious to hold and
confess the Holy Trinity in one Godhead. And concerning the Word of the Father becoming
Man for us, I hold as it is written, that, as John says, the Word was made Flesh, not in the
sense of those most impious persons who say that He has undergone a change, but that He
has become Man for us, being born of the holy Virgin Mary and of the Holy Spirit. For the
Saviour had a body neither without soul, nor without sense, nor without intelligence. For
it were impossible, the Lord being made Man for us, that His body should be without intelligence.
Wherefore I anathematise those who set aside the Faith confessed at Nicæa, and
who do not say that the Son is of the Father’s Essence, and coessential with the Father.
Moreover I anathematise those who say that the Holy Spirit is a Creature made through the
Son. Once more I anathematise the heresy of Sabellius and of Photinus3704, and every heresy,
Exile of Athanasius under Julian, 362–363.
The fragment which follows, containing an interesting report of a story told by Athanasius to Ammonius, Bishop of Pachnemunis, is inserted here as furnishing undesignedly important details as to the movements of Athanasius in 363. See Prolegg. ch. v. §3 h, also ch. ii. §9. It is excerpted by Montfaucon from an account of the Abbat Theodore, written for Theophilus, Bishop of Alexandria (385–412) by a certain Ammon (Acta SS. Maii, Tom. iii. Append., pp. 63–71). The writer was at that time a bishop (see unknown): he was born about 335, as he was seventeen years old when he embraced the monastic life a year ‘and more’ after the proclamation of Gallus as Cæsar (Mar. 15, 351). About the time of the expulsion of Athanasius by Syrianus he retired to Nitria, where he remained many years, and finally returned to Alexandria, where he appears (infra) as one of the clergy; the date of his elevation to the Episcopate cannot be fixed, but it obviously cannot be as early as 356–7 (so D.C.B. i. 102 (2), and probably is much later even than 362, in which year he would still be hardly twenty-eight. (He mentions the objections to the election of Athanasius, who was probably 30 in 328, on the ground of his youth.) Accordingly (apart from the different form of his name) he cannot3706 be identified with either of the Ammonii referred to in Tom. ad. Ant. 1, note 3; Hist. Ar. 72, U+0026c. The elder of the two does not concern us here: the younger (supr. pp. 483, 486), is the Ammonius to whom Athanasius told the story in the hearing of Ammon, and was now dead. Of Hermon, Bishop of Bubastis, mentioned as present along with Ammonius, Theophilus, and Ammon when the story was told, nothing is known (except that the date D.C.B. iii. 4 (2) is over 25 years too early). As he is not ‘of blessed memory,’ he was possibly still living during the Episcopate of Theophilus and Ammon. (There is nothing to identify him with the bishop of Tanes in Tom. Ant. 1, 10.)
The story itself is given at second-hand, from Ammon’s recollection of a statement by Athanasius some 12 to 15 years (at least) before he wrote. The prophetic details about Jovian may therefore be put down to natural accretion (Letter 56, note 2). But (apart from the fact that Julian’s death must have been rumoured long before the tardy official announcement of it, Tillem. Emp. iv. 449 sqq., Prolegg. ubi supr.) that Athanasius told of the φήμη of Julian’s death among the monks of the Thebaid need not be doubted. The story is one of a very large class, many of which are fairly authenticated. To say nothing of the φήμη at the battle of Mycale; we have in recent times the authority of Mr. R. Stuart Poole, of the British Museum, for the fact that on the night of the death of the Duke of Cambridge (July 9, 1850), Mr. Pooles’s brother ‘suddenly took out his watch and said, “Note the time, the Duke of Cambridge is dead,” and that the time proved to be correct;’ also the case of Mr. Edmonds who saw at Leicester, early in the morning of Nov. 4, 1837, an irruption of water into the works of the Thames tunnel, by which a workman was drowned; (other curious cases in ‘Phantasms of the Living’ vol. 2, pp. 367 sqq.). The letter or memoir from which this ‘Narratio’ is taken, was published by the Bollandists from a Medicean ms., and it bears every internal mark of genuineness. In what way it is integrally connected with the Vita Antonii (Gwatkin, Studies, p. 101), except by the fact that it happens to mention Antony, I fail to see. On the subject of Theodore of Tabenne, the main subject of the memoir, see Amélineau’s S. Pakhôme ( ut supra, p. 188), also infr. Letter 58, note 3.
“As I think your holiness was present and heard, when his blessedness Pope Athanasius, in the presence of other clergy of Alexandria and of my insignificance, formerly related in the Great Church something about Theodorus3707, to the Ammonius of blessed memory, bishop of Elearchia3708, and to Hermon, bishop of the city of Bumastica3709; I write only what is necessary to put your reverence in mind of what he said. When the famous bishops were wondering at the Blessed Antony, Pope Athanasius—for Antony was often with him—said to them:—
I saw also at that season great men of God, who are lately dead, Theodorus chief of the
Tabennesian monks, and the father of the monks around3710 Antinoopolis, called Abbas
Pammon. For when I was pursued by Julian, and was expecting to be slain by him—for this
news was shewn me by good friends—these two came to me on the same day at Antinoopolis.
And having planned to hide with Theodorus, I embarked on his vessel, which was completely
covered in, while Abbas Pammon accompanied us. And when the wind was unfavourable,
(Written About 369.)
The synodical letter which follows was written after the accession of Damasus to the Roman see (366). Whether it was written before any Western synod had formally condemned Auxentius of Milan (see Letter 59. 1) may be doubted: the complaint (§10) is rather that he still retains possession of his see, which in fact he did until 374, the year after the death of Athanasius. At any rate, Damasus had had time to hold a large synod, the letter of which had reached Athanasius. The history of the synods held by Damasus seems hopelessly obscure, and the date of our encyclical is correspondingly doubtful. Damasus certainly held at one time a synod of some 90 bishops from Italy and the Gauls, the letter of which was sent to Illyricum and to the East (Thdt. H. E. ii. 22; Soz. vi. 23; Hard. Conc. i. 771: the Latin of the copy sent to Illyricum is dated ‘Siricio et Ardabure vv. cl. coss.,’ an additional element of confusion). The name of Sabinus at the end of the Latin copy sent to the East seems to fix the date of this synod (D.C.B. i. 294) to 372. Thus the synod referred to §1 below must have been an earlier one, the acts of which are lost. It cannot have been held before the end of 367 or beginning of 368 (Montf. Vit. Ath.), as the earlier period of the episcopate of Damasus was fully occupied by different matters. Accordingly our encyclical falls between 368 and 372, probably as soon as Damasus had been able to assemble so large a synod, and Athanasius to write in reply (§10). It may be added that the letter of the Damasine synod of 372 refers in ambiguous terms to the condemnation of Auxentius as having already taken place, (‘damnatum esse liquet:’ was this because they felt unable to dislodge him? see Tillem. viii. 400).
The occasion of the letter is two-fold: principally to counteract the efforts that were being made in the West, and especially in Africa (still later in the time of S. Augustine, see Collat. cum Maximin. 4; and for earlier Arian troubles in Africa, Nicene Lib. vol. i. p. 287), to represent the council of Ariminum as a final settlement of the Faith, and so to set aside the authority of the Nicene definition. The second object is involved in the first. The head and centre of the dying efforts of Arianism in the Roman West was apparently Auxentius, ‘one of the last survivors of the victory of Ariminum.’ That he should be still undisturbed in his see, while working far and wide to the damage of the Catholic cause, was to Athanasius a distressing surprise, and he was urging the Western bishops to put an end to such an anomaly.
In the encyclical before us he begins (1–3) by contrasting the synod of Nicæa with that
of Ariminum, and pointing out the real history of the latter, going over again to some extent
the ground of the earlier sections of the de Synodis. He touches (3. end) on the disastrous
The insistence (in §11) that the Nicene formula involves the Godhead of the Spirit should be noted. It seems to imply that, as a rule, such an explicit assurance as is insisted upon in Tom ad Ant. 3, would be superfluous.
The completeness of the work of Athanasius, now very near his end, in winning over all Egypt to unanimity in faith and in personal attachment to himself, is quaintly reflected in the naive assurance (§10) that the bishops of Egypt and the Libyas ‘are all of one mind, and we always sign for one another if any chance not to be present.’
The translation has been carefully compared with that of Dr. Bright (supr. p. 482).
Letter of Ninety Bishops of Egypt and Libya, including Athanasius.
1. Pre-Eminence of the Council of Nicæa. Efforts to exalt that of Ariminum at its expense.
The letters are sufficient which were written by our beloved fellow-minister Damasus, bishop of the Great Rome, and the large number of bishops who assembled along with him; and equally so are those of the other synods which were held, both in Gaul and in Italy, concerning the sound Faith which Christ gave us, the Apostles preached, and the Fathers, who met at Nicæa from all this world of ours, have handed down. For so great a stir was made at that time about the Arian heresy, in order that they who had fallen into it might be reclaimed, while its inventors might be made manifest. To that council, accordingly, the whole world has long ago agreed, and now, many synods having been held, all men have been put in mind, both in Dalmatia and Dardania, Macedonia, Epirus and Greece, Crete, and the other islands, Sicily, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Isauria, all Egypt and the Libyas, and most of the Arabians have come to know it, and marvelled at those who signed it, inasmuch as even if there were left among them any bitterness springing up from the root of the Arians; we mean Auxentius, Ursacius, Valens and their fellows, by these letters they have been cut off and isolated. The confession arrived at at Nicæa was, we say once more, sufficient and enough by itself, for the subversion of all irreligious heresy, and for the security and furtherance of the doctrine of the Church. But since we have heard that certain wishing to oppose it are attempting to cite a synod supposed to have been held at Ariminum, and are eagerly striving that it should prevail rather than the other, we think it right to write and put you in mind, not to endure anything of the sort: for this is nothing else but a second growth of the Arian heresy. For what else do they wish for who reject the synod held against it, namely the Nicene, if not that the cause of Arius should prevail? What then do such men deserve, but to be called Arians, and to share the punishment of the Arians? For they were not afraid of God, who says, ‘Remove not the eternal boundaries which thy fathers placed3714,’ and ‘He that speaketh against father or mother, let him die the death3715:’ they were not in awe of their fathers, who enjoined that they who hold the opposite of their confession should be anathema.
2. The Synod of Nicæa contrasted with the local Synods held since.
For this was why an ecumenical synod has been held at Nicæa, 318 bishops assembling to discuss the faith on account of the Arian heresy, namely, in order that local synods should no more be held on the subject of the Faith, but that, even if held, they should not hold good. For what does that Council lack, that any one should seek to innovate? It is full of piety, beloved; and has filled the whole world with it. Indians have acknowledged it, and all Christians of other barbarous nations. Vain then is the labour of those who have often made attempts against it. For already the men we refer to have held ten or more synods, changing their ground at each, and while taking away some things from earlier decisions, in later ones make changes and additions. And so far they have gained nothing by writing, erasing, and using force, not knowing that ‘every plant that the Heavenly Father hath not planted shall be plucked up3716.’ But the word of the Lord which came through the ecumenical Synod at Nicæa, abides for ever3717. For if one compare number with number, these who met at Nicæa are more than those at local synods, inasmuch as the whole is greater than the part. But if a man wishes to discern the reason of the Synod at Nicæa, and that of the large number subsequently held by these men, he will find that while there was a reasonable cause for the former, the others were got together by force, by reason of hatred and contention. For the former council was summoned because of the Arian heresy, and because of Easter, in that they of Syria, Cilicia and Mesopotamia differed from us, and kept the feast at the same season as the Jews. But thanks to the Lord, harmony has resulted not only as to the Faith, but also as to the Sacred Feast. And that was the reason of the synod at Nicæa. But the subsequent ones were without number, all however planned in opposition to the ecumenical.
3. The true nature of the proceedings at Ariminum.
This being pointed out, who will accept those who cite the synod of Ariminum, or any
other, against the Nicene? or who could help hating men who set at nought their fathers’
decisions, and put above them the newer ones, drawn up at Ariminum with contention and
violence? or who would wish to agree with these men, who do not accept even their own?
For in their own ten or more synods, as I said above, they wrote now one thing, now another,
and so came out clearly as themselves the accusers of each one. Their case is not unlike that
of the Jewish traitors in old times. For just as they left the one well of the living water, and
hewed for themselves broken cisterns, which cannot hold water, as the prophet Jeremiah
has it3718, so these men, fighting against the one ecumenical synod, ‘hewed for themselves’
many synods, and all appeared empty, like ‘a sheaf without strength3719.’ Let us not then
4. The Nicene formula in accordance with Scripture.
If then any cite the synod of Ariminum, firstly let them point out the deposition of the
above persons, and what the bishops wrote, namely that none should seek anything beyond
what had been agreed upon by the fathers at Nicæa, nor cite any synod save that one. But
this they suppress, but make much of what was done by violence in Thrace3724; thus shewing
that they are dissemblers of the Arian heresy, and aliens from the sound Faith. And again,
if a man were to examine and compare the great synod itself, and those held by these people,
he would discover the piety of the one and the folly of the others. They who assembled at
Nicæa did so not after being deposed: and secondly, they confessed that the Son was of the
Essence of the Father. But the others, after being deposed again and again, and once more
at Ariminum itself, ventured to write that it ought not to be said that the Son had Essence
or Subsistence. This enables us to see, brethren, that they of Nicæa breathe the spirit of
Scripture, in that God says in Exodus3725, ‘I am that I am,’ and through Jeremiah, ‘Who is
in His substance3726 and hath seen His word;’ and just below, ‘if they had stood in My sub-
5. How the test ‘Coessential’ came to be adopted at Nicæa.
But not even thus are they ashamed, although they say such things as cause them to be
hated by all; citing the Synod of Ariminum, only to shew that there also they were deposed.
And as to the actual definition of Nicæa, that the Son is coessential with the Father, on account
of which they ostensibly oppose the synod, and buzz around everywhere like gnats
about the phrase, either they stumble at it from ignorance, like those who stumble at the
stone of stumbling that was laid in Sion3733; or else they know, but for that very reason are
constantly opposing and murmuring, because it is an accurate declaration and full in the
face of their heresy. For it is not the phrases that vex them, but the condemnation of themselves
which the definition contains. And of this, once again, they are themselves the cause,
even if they wish to conceal the fact of which they are perfectly aware,—But we must now
mention it, in order that hence also the accuracy of the great synod may be shewn. For3734
the assembled bishops wished to put away the impious phrases devised by the Arians, namely
‘made of nothing,’ and that the Son was ‘a thing made,’ and a ‘creature,’ and that ‘there was
6. The Nicene test not unscriptural in sense, nor a novelty.
Such was the corrupt mind of the Arians. But here too the Bishops, beholding their craftiness, collected from the Scriptures the figures of brightness, of the river and the well, and of the relation of the express Image to the Subsistence, and the texts, ‘in thy light shall we see light3746,’ and ‘I and the Father are one3747.’ And lastly they wrote more plainly, and concisely, that the Son was coessential with the Father; for all the above passages signify this. And their murmuring, that the phrases are unscriptural, is exposed as vain by themselves, for they have uttered their impieties in unscriptural terms: (for such are ‘of nothing’ and ‘there was a time when He was not’), while yet they find fault because they were condemned by unscriptural terms pious in meaning. While they, like men sprung from a dunghill, verily ‘spoke of the earth3748,’ the Bishops, not having invented their phrases for themselves, but having testimony from their Fathers, wrote as they did. For ancient bishops, of the Great Rome and of our city, some 130 years ago, wrote3749 and censured those who said that the Son was a creature and not coessential with the Father. And Eusebius knew this, who was bishop of Cæsarea, and at first an accomplice3750 of the Arian heresy; but afterwards, having signed at the Council of Nicæa, wrote to his own people affirming as follows: ‘we know that certain eloquent and distinguished bishops and writers even of ancient date used the word “coessential” with reference to the Godhead of the Father and the Son.’
7. The position that the Son is a Creature inconsistent and untenable.
Why then do they go on citing the Synod of Ariminum, at which they were deposed?
Why do they reject that of Nicæa, at which their Fathers signed the confession that the Son
is of the Father’s Essence and coessential with Him? Why do they run about? For now they
are at war not only with the bishops who met at Nicæa, but with their own great bishops
and their own friends. Whose heirs or successors then are they? How can they call men
fathers, whose confession, well and apostolically drawn up, they will not accept? For if they
think they can object to it, let them speak, or rather answer, that they may be convicted of
falling foul of themselves, whether they believe the Son when He says, ‘I and my Father are
one,’ and ‘he that hath seen Me hath seen the Father3751.’ ‘Yes,’ they must answer, ‘since it
is written we believe it.’ But if they are asked how they are one, and how he that hath seen
8. The Son’s relation to the Father essential, not merely ethical.
Once more, let them say whether things originate could say3759, ‘all things whatsoever
the Father hath are Mine.’ Now, He has the prerogative of creating and making, of Eternity,
of omnipotence, of immutability. But things originate cannot have the power of making,
for they are creatures; nor eternity, for their existence has a beginning; nor of omnipotence
and immutability, for they are under sway, and of changeable nature, as the Scriptures say.
Well then, if these prerogatives belong to the Son, they clearly do so, not on account of His
virtue, as said above, but essentially, even as the synod said, ‘He is of no other essence’ but
of the Father’s, to whom these prerogatives are proper. But what can that be which is proper
to the Father’s essence, and an offspring from it, or what name can we give it, save ‘coessential?’
For that which a man sees in the Father, that sees he also in the Son; and that not by
participation, but essentially. And this is the meaning of ‘I and the Father are one,’ and
‘he that hath seen Me hath seen the Father.’ Here especially once more it is easy to shew
their folly. If it is from virtue, the antecedent of willing and not willing, and of moral progress,
that you hold the Son to be like the Father; while these things fall under the category of
quality; clearly you call God compound of quality and essence. But who will tolerate you
when you say this? For God, who compounded all things to give them being, is not compound,
nor of similar nature to the things made by Him through the Word. Far be the
thought. For He is simple essence, in which quality is not, nor, as James says, ‘any variableness
or shadow of turning3760.’ Accordingly, if it is shewn that it is not from virtue (for in God
there is no quality, neither is there in the Son), then He must be proper to God’s essence.
And this you will certainly admit if mental apprehension is not utterly destroyed in you.
But what is that which is proper to and identical with the essence of God, and an Offspring
from it by nature, if not by this very fact coessential with Him that begat it? For this is the
distinctive relation of a Son to a Father, and he who denies this, does not hold that the Word
is Son in nature and in truth.
9. The honest repudiation of Arianism involves the acceptance of the Nicene test.
This then the Fathers perceived when they wrote that the Son was coessential with the
Father, and anathematised those who say that the Son is of a different Subsistence3761: not
inventing phrases for themselves, but learning in their turn, as we said, from the Fathers
who had been before them. But after the above proof, their Ariminian Synod is superfluous,
as well as any3762 other synod cited by them as touching the Faith. For that of Nicæa is
sufficient, agreeing as it does with the ancient bishops also, in which too their fathers signed,
10. Purpose of this Letter; warning against Auxentius of Milan.
Now it would be proper to write this at greater length. But since we write to you who
know, we have dictated it concisely, praying that among all the bond of peace might be
preserved, and that all in the Catholic Church should say and hold the same thing. And we
are not meaning to teach, but to put you in mind. Nor is it only ourselves that write, but all
the bishops of Egypt and the Libyas, some ninety in number. For we all are of one mind in
this, and we always sign for one another if any chance not to be present. Such being our
state of mind, since we happened to be assembled, we wrote, both to our beloved Damasus,
bishop of the Great Rome, giving an account of Auxentius3764 who has intruded upon the
church at Milan; namely that he not only shares the Arian heresy, but is also accused of
Damasus for his piety and that of those who assembled at the Great Rome, in
that by expelling Ursacius and Valens, and those who hold with them, they preserved the
harmony of the Catholic Church. Which we pray may be preserved also among you, and
therefore entreat you not to tolerate, as we said above, those who put forward a host of
synods held concerning the Faith, at Ariminum, at Sirmium, in Isauria, in Thrace, those in
Constantinople, and the many irregular ones in Antioch. But let the Faith confessed by the
Fathers at Nicæa alone hold good among you, at which all the fathers, including those of
the men who now are fighting against it, were present, as we said above, and signed: in order
that of us too the Apostle may say, ‘Now I praise you that ye remember me in all things, and
as I handed the traditions to you, so ye hold them fast3766.’
11. Godhead of the Spirit also involved in the Nicene Creed.
For this Synod of Nicæa is in truth a proscription of every heresy. It also upsets those
who blaspheme the Holy Spirit, and call Him a Creature. For the Fathers, after speaking of
the faith in the Son, straightway added, ‘And we believe in the Holy Ghost,’ in order that
by confessing perfectly and fully the faith in the Holy Trinity they might make known the
exact form of the Faith of Christ, and the teaching of the Catholic Church. For it is made
clear both among you and among all, and no Christian can have a doubtful mind on the
point, that our faith is not in the Creature, but in one God, Father Almighty, maker of all
things visible and invisible: and in one Lord Jesus Christ His Only-begotten Son, and in one
Holy Ghost; one God, known in the holy and perfect Trinity, baptized into which, and in
it united to the Deity, we believe that we have also inherited the kingdom of the heavens,
The Letters cannot be arranged in strict sequence of time without breaking into the homogeneity of the corpus of Easter Letters. Accordingly we divide them into two parts: (1) all that remain of the Easter or Festal Epistles: (2) Personal Letters. From the latter class we exclude synodical or encyclical documents, or treatises merely inscribed to a friend, such as those printed above pp. 91, 149, 173, 222, U+0026c., U+0026c., the ad Serapionem, ad Marcellinum, U+0026c. There remain a number of highly interesting letters, the survivals of what must have been a large correspondence, all of which, excepting six (Nos. 52, 54, 56, 59, 60, 61), now appear in English for the first time. They are arranged as nearly as possible in strict chronological order, though this is in some cases open to doubt (e.g. 60, 64, U+0026c.). They mostly belong to the later half of the episcopate of Athanasius, and are therefore placed after the Festal Collection, which however itself extends to the end of the Bishop’s life. The immemorial numbering of the latter collection is of course retained, although many of the forty-five are no longer to be found.
Prefixed to the Letters are two almost contemporary chronicles, the one preserved in the same ms. as Letters 46, 47, the other prefixed to the Syriac ms., which is our sole channel for the bulk of the Easter Letters. A memorandum appended to Letter 64 specifies certain fragments not included in this volume. The striking fragment Filiis suis has been conjecturally placed among the remains of Letter 29.
For the arrangement of the Letters, the reader is referred to the general Table of Contents to this volume. We now give
a. The Historia Acephala or Maffeian fragment, with short introduction.
b. The Chronicon Prævium or Festal Index, with introduction to it and to the Festal Letters.
This most important document was brought to light in 1738 by the Marchese F. Scipio
Maffei (
The annalist evidently writes under the episcopate of Theophilus, to which he hurriedly brings down his chronology after the death of Athanasius (§19). At the fortieth anniversary of the episcopate of Athanasius, June 8, 368, he makes a pause (§17) in order to reckon up his dates. This passage is the key of the whole of his chronological data. He accounts for the period of forty years (thus placing the accession of Ath. at June 8, 328, in agreement with the Index), shewing how it is exactly made up by the periods of ‘exile’ and of ‘quiet’ previously mentioned. To ‘quiet’ he assigns ‘xxii years v months and x days,’ to ‘exile’ xvii years vi months xx days; total xl years. He then shews how the latter is made up by the several exiles he has chronicled. As the text stands we have the following sum:
Table A.
Exiles
(1) xc months iii days
(2)
(3) lxxii " xiv "
(4) xv " xxii "
(5) iv "
‘exact result’ xvii years vi months xx days
Now the exact result of the figures as they stand is 182 months, 9 days, i.e. 15 years 2
months and 9 days, or 2 years 4 months and 11 days too little. Moreover of the well-known
‘five exiles,’ only four are accounted for. An exile has thus dropped out, and an item of 2
I would add that the same obvious principle of correcting a clearly corrupt figure by the writer’s own subsequent reference to it, enables us also to correct the last figures of §2 by those of §5, to correct the items by the sum total of §§6, 7, and lastly to correct the corrupt readings ‘Gregorius’ for Georgius, and ‘Constans’ for Constantius, by the many uncorrupt places which shew that the annalist himself was perfectly aware of the right names.
In one passage alone (§13 ‘Athyr’ twice for Mechir, cf. Fest. Ind. viii) is conjecture really needed; but even here the consuls are correctly given, and support the right date.
We are now in a position to construct tables of ‘exiles’ and ‘quiet’ periods from the Historia as corrected by itself.
Table B. Exiles U+0026c., of Athanasius.
Exiles lasted
No. Years Months Days beginning
(a) ii iv xi (b) Epiphi 17, 335 (July 11)
vii vi iii (b) Pharmuthi 21, 339 (Apr. 16)
vi xiv Mechir 13, 356(Feb. 8)
iii xxii Paophi 27, 362 (Oct. 24)
iv Paophi 8, 365 (Oct. 5)
Total Exiles xvii vi xx Quiet periods lasting
No. Years Months Days beginning
vii iii (b) Payni 14, 328 (June 8)
iv xxiv (b) (b) Athyr 27, 337 (Nov. 23)
ix iii xix (§5) Paophi 24, 346 (Oct. 21)
viii (§10) Mechir 27, 362 (Feb. 21)
vii xvii (b) (c) Mechir 19, 364 (Feb. 14)
ii iv vii (a) Mechir 7, 366 (Feb. 1)
Total ‘quiet’ (to xxii June 8, 368)
N.B. In the above Table, (a) denotes dates or figures directly implied in the existing text, (b) those implied by it in combination with other sources, (c) those based on conjectural emendation of the existing text. All unmarked data are expressly given.
Table B shews the deliberate and careful calculation which runs through the system of
our annalist. Once or twice he indulges in a round figure, exiles 1 and 5 are each a day too
long by the Egyptian calendar, and this is set off by his apparently reckoning the fifth quiet
period as two days too short. But the writer clearly knew his own mind. In fact, the one just
ground on which we might distrust his chronology is its systematic character. He has a
thorough scheme of his own, which he carries out to a nicety. Now such a chronology is
not necessarily untrustworthy. Its consistency may be artificial; on the other hand, it may
be due to accurate knowledge of the facts. Whether this is so or not must be ascertained
partly from a writer’s known opportunities and capacity, partly from his agreement or discrepancy
with other sources of knowledge. Now our annalist wrote in the time of Theophilus
(385–412), and may therefore rank as a contemporary of Athanasius (cf. Prolegg. ch. v.) His
opportunities therefore were excellent. As to his capacity, his work bears every trace of care
and skill. He is no historian, nor a stylist, but as an annalist he understood what he was doing.
As to agreement with other data, we remark to begin with that it was the publication of this
fragment in the 18th century that first shed a ray of light on the Erebus and Chaos of the
chronology of the Council of Sardica and its adjacent events; that it at once justified the
critical genius of Montfaucon, Tillemont and others, against the objections with which their
date for the death of Athanasius3768 was assailed, and here again upset the confused chro-
It remains to notice shortly the two digressions on the doings of Eudoxius and the Anomoeans (§§2, 12 of Migne, paragraphs II, IX of Gallandi). Here the annalist is off his own ground, and evidently less well informed. In §2 we learn nothing of interest: but the ‘Ecthesis’ of the Anomoeans in par. IX is of importance, and only too evidently authentic. It still awaits a critical examination, and it is not easy to give it its exact place in the history of the later Arianism. Apparently it belongs to the period 360–364, when the Anomoeans were organising their schism (Gwatkin, pp. 226, 180) the names being those of the ultra- Arians condemned by the Homoeans in 360 (Prolegg. ch. ii. §8 fin.).
The contrast between the vagueness of statement in these digressions, and the writer’s firmness of touch in dealing with Alexandrian affairs is most significant.
The fragment runs as follows:
I. 1. The Emperor Constantius also wrote concerning the return of Athanasius, and among the Emperor’s letters this one too is to be found.
2. And it came to pass after the death of Gregory that Athanasius returned from the city
of Rome and the parts of Italy, and entered Alexandria Paophi xxiv, Coss. Constantius IV,
Constans III (October 21, 346); that is after vii years vi months and iii days, and remained
quiet at Alexandria ix3770 years iii3771 months and xix days.
II. Now after his return, Coss. Limenius3772 and Catulinus (349), Theodore3773, Narcissus3774, and George, with others, came to Constantinople, wishing to persuade Paul to communicate with them, who received them not even with a word, and answered their greeting with an anathema. So they took to themselves Eusebius of Nicomedia3775, and laid snares for the most blessed Paul, and lodging a calumny against him concerning Constans and Magnentius, expelled him from CP. that they might have room there, and sow the Arian heresy. Now the people of CP., desiring the most blessed Paul, raised continual riots to prevent his being taken from the city, for they loved his sound doctrine. The Emperor, however, was angry, and sent Count Hermogenes to cast him out; but the people, hearing this, dragged forth Hermogenes through the midst of the town. From which matter they obtained a pretext against the Bishop, and exiled him to Armenia. Theodore and the rest wishing to place in the See of that Town Eudoxius, an ally and partisan of the Arian heresy, ordained [Bishop] of Germanicia, while the people were stirred to riot, and would not allow any one to sit in the See of blessed Paul,—they took Macedonius, a presbyter of Paul, and ordained him bishop of the town of CP., whom the whole assembly of bishops condemned, since against his own father he had disloyally received laying on of hands from heretics.
However, after Macedonius had communicated with them and signed, they brought in
pretexts of no importance, and removing him from the Church, they instal the aforesaid
Eudoxius of Antioch3776, whence the partakers in this secession are called Macedonians,
making shipwreck concerning the Holy Spirit.
III. 3. After this time Athanasius, hearing that there was to be disturbance against him,
the Emperor Constantius3777 being in residence at Milan (353), sent to court a vessel with
v Bishops, Serapion of Thmuis, Triadelphus of Nicotas, Apollo of Upper Cynopolis, Ammonius
of Pachemmon,
4. Now after a while Diogenes, Imperial Notary, came to Alexandria in the month of
Mensor (August, 355) Coss. Arbetion and Lollianus: that is ii years and v months3781 from
when Montanus left Alexandria. And Diogenes pressed every one urgently to compel the
bishop to leave the town, and afflicted all not a little. Now on the vi day of the month Thoth,
he made a sharp attempt to besiege the church, and he spent iv months in his efforts, that
is from the month Mensor, or from the first day of those intercalated until the xxvi day
of Choiac (Dec. 23). But as the people and the judges strongly resisted Diogenes, Diogenes
returned without success on the xxvi day of the said month Choiac, Coss. Arbetion and
Lollianus, after iv months as aforesaid.
IV. 5. Now Duke Syrianus, and Hilary the Notary, came from Egypt to Alexandria on the tenth day of Tybi (Jan. 6, 356) after Coss. Arbetion and Lollianus. And sending in front all the legions of soldiers throughout Egypt and Libya, the Duke and the Notary entered the Church of Theonas with their whole force of soldiers by night, on the xiii day of Mechir, during the night preceding the xiv. And breaking the doors of the Church of Theonas, they entered with an infinite force of soldiers. But bishop Athanasius escaped their hands, and was saved, on the aforesaid xiv of Mechir3782. Now this happened ix years iii months and xix days from the Bishop’s return from Italy. But when the Bishop was delivered, his presbyters and people remained in possession of the Churches, and holding communion iv months, until there entered Alexandria the prefect Cataphronius and Count Heraclius in the month Pahyni xvi day, Coss. Constantius3783 VIII and Julianus Cæsar I (June 10, 356).
V. 6. And four days after they entered3784 the Athanasians were ejected from the
Churches, and they were handed over to those who belonged to George3785, and were expecting
him as Bishop. So they received the Churches on the xxi day of Pahyni. Moreover
George3786 arrived at Alexandria, Coss. Constantius3787 IX, and Julianus Cæsar II, Mechir
xxx (Feb. 24, 357), that is, eight months and xi days from when his party received the
Churches. So George3788 entered Alexandria, and kept the Churches xviii whole months:
and then the common people attacked him in the Church of Dionysius, and he was hardly
delivered with danger and a great struggle on the i day of the month Thoth, Coss. Tatianus
and Cerealis (Aug. 29, 358). Now George3789 was ejected from Alexandria on the x3790 day
after the riot, namely v of Paophi (Oct. 2). But they who belonged to Bishop Athanasius, ix
days after the departure of George, that is on the xiv of Paophi, cast out the men of
George3791, and held the Churches two months and xiv days; until there came Duke Sebastian
from Egypt and cast them out, and again assigned the Churches to the party of George on
the xxviii day of the month Choiac (Dec. 24).
7. Now ix whole months after the departure of George from Alexandria, Paulus the
Notary arrived Pahyni xxix, Coss. Eusebius, Hypatius (June 23, 359), and published an Imperial
Order on behalf of George, and coerced many in vengeance for him. And ii years
and v months after, George came to Alexandria Athyr xxx (Coss. Taurus, and Florentius)
from court (Nov. 26, 361), that is iii years and two months after he had fled. And at Antioch
they of the Arian heresy, casting out the Paulinians from the Church, appointed Meletius.
When he would not consent to their evil mind, they ordained Euzoius a presbyter of
George3792 of Alexandria in his stead.
VI. 8. Now George, having entered Alexandria as aforesaid on the xxx Athyr, remained
safely in the town iii days, that is till iii Choiac. For, on the iv day of that same month, the
prefect Gerontius announced the death of the Emperor Constantius, and that Julianus alone
held the whole Empire. Upon which news, the citizens of Alexandria and all shouted against
George, and with one accord placed him under custody. And he was in prison bound with
iron from the aforesaid iv day of Choiac, up to the xxvii of the same month, xxiv days. For
VII. 9. Now in the next.
10. But after iii days, Mechir xiv, an order was given of the same Emperor Julian, also
of the Vicar Modestus, to Gerontius prefect, ordering all Bishops hitherto defeated by factions
and exiled to return to their towns and provinces. Now this letter was published on the following
day Mechir xv, while subsequently an edict also of the prefect Gerontius was published,
by which the Bishop Athanasius was ordered to return to his Church. And xii days
after the publication of this Edict Athanasius was seen at Alexandria, and entered the Church
in the same month Mechir, xxvii day, so that there is from his flight which took place in the
times of Syrianus and Hilary till his return, when Julianus.
11. Now on the aforesaid day, Paophi xxvii, he the prefect published an Edict of the
Emperor Julianus, that Athanasius, Bishop, should retire from Alexandria, and no sooner
was the Edict published, than the Bishop left the town and abode round about Thereu3793.
Soon after his departure Olympus the prefect, in obedience to the same3794 Pythiodorus,
and those who were with him, most difficult persons, sent into exile Paulus and Astericius,
presbyters of Alexandria, and directed them to live at the town of Andropolis.
VIII. 12. Now Olympus the same prefect, in the month Mensor, xxvi day, Coss. Julianus Augustus IV. and Sallustius (Aug. 20, 363), announced that Julian the Emperor was dead, and that Jovianus a Christian was Emperor. And in the following month, Thoth xviii, a letter of the Emperor Jovianus came to Olympus the prefect that only the most high God should be worshipped, and Christ, and that the peoples, holding communion in the Churches, should practise religion. Moreover Paulus and Astericius, the aforesaid presbyters, returned from exile at the town of Andropolis, and entered Alexandria, on the x day of Thoth, after x months.
13. Now Bishop Athanasius, having tarried as aforesaid at Thereon, went up to the higher parts of Egypt as far as Upper Hermopolis in the Thebaid, and as far as Antinoopolis. And while he was staying in these places, it was learned that the Emperor Julian was dead, and that Jovian a Christian was Emperor. So the Bishop entered Alexandria secretly, his arrival not being known to many, and went by sea to meet the Emperor Jovian, and afterwards, Church affairs being settled3795, received a letter, and came to Alexandria and entered into the Church on the xix day of Athyr3796 Coss. Jovianus and Varronianus. From his leaving Alexandria according to the order of Julian until he arrived on the aforesaid xix day of Athyr3797 after one year and iii months, and xxii days.
IX. Now at CP. Eudoxius of Germanicia held the Church, and there was a division
between him and Macedonius; but by means of Eudoxius there went forth another worse
heresy from the spurious teaching of the Arians, Aetius and Patricius3798 of Nicæa, who
communicated with Eunomius, Heliodorus, and Stephen. And Eudoxius adopting this,
communicated with Euzoius, Bishop at Antioch, of the Arian sect, and they deposed on a
pretext Seleucius3799 and Macedonius, and Hypatian3800, and other xv Bishops belonging
to them, since they would not receive ‘Unlike’ nor ‘Creature of the Uncreated.’ Now their
Exposition is as follows:—
Exposition of Patricius3801 and Aetius, who communicated with Eunomius, Heliodorus, and Stephen.
These are the attributes of God, Unbegotten, without origin, Eternal, not to be commanded,
Immutable, All-seeing, Infinite, Incomparable, Almighty, knowing the future
without foresight; without beginning3802. These do not belong to the Son, for He is commanded,
is under command, is made from nothing, has an end, is not compared with the
Father, the Father surpasses Himelse. Like as iron if it has rust will be diminished, like as a body if it produces
worms is eaten up, like as a wound if it produce discharges will be consumed by them,
so thinks he who says that the Son is from the Nature of the Father; now let him who does
not say that the Son is like the Father be put outside the Church and be anathema. If we
shall say that the Son of God is God, we bring in Two without beginning: we call Him Image
of God; he who calls Him ‘out from God’ Sabellianises. And he who says that he is ignorant
of the nativity of God Manicheanizes: if any one shall say that the Essence of the Son is like
the Essence of the Father unbegotten, he blasphemes. For just as snow and white lead are
similar in whiteness but dissimilar in kind, so also the Essence of the Son is other than the
Essence of the Father. But snow has a different whiteness3804
Be pleased to hear that the Son is like the Father in His operations; like as Angels cannot comprehend the Nature of Archangels, let them please to understand, nor Archangels the Nature of a Cherubin, nor Cherubins the Nature of the Holy Spirit, nor the Holy Spirit the Nature of the Only-begotten, nor the Only-begotten the nature of the Unbegotten God.
14. Now when the Bishop Athanasius was about coming from Antioch to Alexandria, the Arians Eudoxius, Theodore, Sophronius, Euzoius and Hilary took counsel and appointed Lucius, a presbyter of George, to seek audience of the Emperor Jovian at the Palace, and to say what is contained in the copies3805. Now here we have omitted some less necessary matter.
X. 15. Now after Jovian, Valentinian and Valens having been somewhat rapidly
summoned to the throne, a decree of theirs, circulated everywhere, which also was delivered
at Alexandria on Pachon x, Coss. Valentinian and Valens (May 5, 365), to the effect that
the Bishops deposed and expelled from their Churches under Constantius, who had in the
time of Julian’s reign reclaimed for themselves and taken back their Bishopric, should now
be cast out anew from the Churches, a penalty being laid on the courts of a fine of ccc pounds
of gold, unless that is they should have banished the Bishops from the Churches and towns.
On which account at Alexandria great confusion and riot arose, insomuch that the whole
Church was troubled, since also the officials were few in number with the prefect Flavian
XI. 16. iv months and xxiv days after, that is on Paophi viii, the Bishop Athanasius left the Church secretly by night, and retired to a villa near the New River3807. But the prefect Flavian and Duke Victorinus not knowing that he had retired, on the same night arrived at the Church of Dionysius with a force of soldiers: and having broken the back door, and entered the upper parts of the house in search of the Bishop’s apartment, they did not find him, for, not long before he had retired, and he remained, staying at the aforesaid property from the above day, Paophi viii, till Mechir vi, that is iv whole months (Oct. 5–Jan. 31). After this, the Imperial notary Bresidas, in the same month Mechir came to Alexandria with an Imperial letter, ordering the said Bishop Athanasius to return to Town, and hold the Churches as usual; and on the vii day of the month Mechir, after Coss. Valentinian and Valens, that is Coss. Gratian and Degalaifus, the said notary Bresidas with Duke Victorinus and Flavian the Prefect assembled at the palace and announced to the officers of the courts who were present, and the people, that the Emperors had ordered the Bishop to return to town, and straightway the said Bresidas the notary went forth with the officers of the courts, and a multitude of the people of the Christians to the aforesaid villa, and taking the Bishop Athanasius with the Imperial order, led him in to the Church which is called that of Dionysius on the vii day of the mouth Mechir.
XII. 17. From Coss. Gratian and Dagalaifus (366) to the next consulships of Lupicinus
and Jovinus (367) and that of Valentinian II. and Valens II. on Payni xiv (June 8, 368) in
this Consulship xl years of the Bishopric of Athanasius are finished. Out of which years
he abode at Treveri in Gaul ii years iv months xi days3808, and in Italy and the West xc
months and iii days. At Alexandria and in uncertain places in hiding, when he was being
harassed by Hilary the notary and the Duke, lxxii months and xiv days. In Egypt and Antioch
upon journeys xv months and xxii days: upon the property near the new river iv months.
xiv, Coss. Valentinian and Valens. And in the following consulate of Valentinian and
Victor, Payni xiv, i year, and in the following consulships of Valentinian III and Valens
III Payni xiv, and in the following Consulships of Gratian and Probus, and the next of
Modestus and Arintheus, and another consulship of Valentinian IV and Valens IV, on
Pachon viii he falls asleep (May 3, 373).
XIII. 18. Now in the aforesaid consulship of Lupicinus and Jovinus, Lucius being specially
desirous to claim for himself the episcopate of the Arians a long time after he had left Alexandria,
arrived in the aforesaid consulship, and entered the town secretly by night on the
xxvi day of the month Thoth (Sept. 24, 367): and as it is said, abode in a certain small house
keeping in hiding for that day. But next day he went to a house where his mother was staying;
and his arrival being known at once all over the town, the whole people assembled and
blamed his entry. And Duke Trajanus and the Prefect were extremely displeased at his irrational
and bold arrival, and sent officials to cast him out of the town. So the officials came
to Lucius, and considering all of them that the people were angry and very riotous against
him they feared to bring him out of the house by themselves, lest he should be killed by the
multitude. And they reported this to the judges. And presently the judges themselves, Duke
Trajan, and the Prefect Tatianus came to the place with many soldiers, entered the house
and brought out Lucius themselves at the vii hour of the day, on the xxvii day of Thoth.
Now while Lucius was following the judges, and the whole people of the town after them,
Christians and Pagans, and of divers religions, all alike with one breath, and with one mind,
and of one accord, did not cease, from the house whence he was led, through the middle of
the town, as far as the house of the Duke, from shouting, and hurling at him withal insults
and criminal charges, and from crying, ‘Let him be taken out of the town.’ However, the
Duke took him into his house, and he stayed with him for the remaining hours of the day,
and the whole night, and on the following the xxviii of the same month, the Duke early in
the morning, and taking him in charge as far as Nicopolis3811, handed him over to soldiers
to be escorted from Egypt.
19. Now whereas Athanasius died on the viii of the month Pachon, the v day before he
fell asleep, he ordained Peter, one of the ancient presbyters, Bishop, who carried on the
Episcopate, following him in all things. After whom Timothy his Brother succeeded to
The latter document is from the hand, it would seem, of the original collector of the Easter Letters of Athanasius (yet see infr. note 6a). He gives, in a paragraph corresponding to each Easter in the episcopate of Athanasius, a summary of the calendar data for the year, a notice of the most important events, and especially particulars as to the Letter for the Easter in question, viz., Whether any peculiar circumstances attended its publication, and whether for some reason the ordinary Letter was omitted.
The variations of practice which had rendered the Paschal Feast a subject of controversy from very early times (see Dict. Christ. Antiq. Easter) had given rise to the custom of the announcement of Easter at a convenient interval beforehand by circular letters. In the third century the Bishops of Alexandria issued such letters (e.g. Dionysius in Eus. H. E. vii. 20), and at the Council of Nicæa, where the Easter question was dealt with (ad Afros. 2), the Alexandrian see was requested to undertake the duty of announcing the correct date to the principal foreign Churches as well as to its own suffragan sees. (This is doubted in the learned article Paschal Letters D.C.A. p. 1562, but the statement of Cyril. Alex. in his ‘Prologus Paschalis’ is express: cf. Ideler 2, 259. The only doubt is, whether the real reference is to Sardica, see Index xv. and Ep. 18.) This was probably due to the astronomical learning for which Alexandria was famous3812. At any rate we have fragments of the Easter letters of Dionysius and of Theophilus, and a collection of the Letters of Cyril3813.
The Easter letters of Athanasius were, until 1842, only known to us by allusions in
Jerome (de V. illustr. 87) and others, and by fragments in Cosmas Indicopleustes purporting
to be taken from the 2nd, 5th, 6th, 22nd, 24th, 28th, 29th, 40th, and 45th. Cardinal Mai had
also shortly before the discovery of the ‘Corpus’ unearthed a minute fragment of the 13th.
But in 1842 Archdeacon Tattam brought home from the Monastery of the Theotokos in
the desert of Skete a large number of Syriac mss., which for over a century European scholars
had been vainly endeavouring to obtain. Among these, when deposited in the British Museum,
Cureton discovered a large collection of the Festal Letters of Athanasius, with the
‘Index,’ thus realising the suspicion of Montfaucon (Migne xxvi.) that the lost treasure might
be lurking in some Eastern monastery. Another consignment of mss. from the same source
(1) Number of Festal Letters of Athanasius.—This question, which is of first-rate importance for the chronology of the period, must be regarded as settled, at any rate until some discovery which shall revolutionise all existing data. The number 45, which was the maximum known to antiquity3815, is confirmed by the Index, and by the fact that the citations from Cosmas (see above) tally with the order of the Letters in this Syriac version in every case where the letter is preserved entire, while Letter 39, preserved by a different writer, also tallies with the reference to it in the Index. It is therefore unassailably established on our existing evidence that the last Easter letter of Ath. was his ‘45th,’ in other words that 45 is the full or normal number of his festal letters. This clinches the reckoning of the Index and Hist. Aceph. that he was bishop for 45 Easters (329–373 inclusive), i.e. for parts of 46 years (328–373 inclusive). Moreover it corroborates, and is rivetted firm by, the statement of Cyril. Alex. Ep. 1, that Athan. graced the see of Alexandria ‘fully 46 years.’ ‘Il le dit en voulant faire son eloge: de sorte qu’il y a tout lieu de croire qu’il n’a point passé les 46 ans: car pour peu qu’il fust entré dans la 47me année, S. Cyrille auroit dû naturellement luy donner 47 ans3816.’ So Tillemont (viii. 719), whose opinion is all the more valuable from the fact that he is unable to harmonise it with his date for the accession of Ath., and accordingly forgets, p. 720 (sub. fin.), what he has said on the previous page.
But we observe that many of the 45 Letters are represented in the ‘corpus’ by blanks. This is doubtless often the result of accidental loss. But the Index informs us that in several years, owing to his adversities, ‘the Pope was unable to write.’ This however may be fairly understood to refer to the usual public or circular letter. Often when unable to write this, he sent a few cordial lines to some friend (Letter 12) or to the clergy (17, 18) or people (29? see notes there) of Alexandria, in order that the true Easter might be kept (cf. the Arian blunder in 340, Ind. xii, with the note to Serapion Letter 12 from Rome). But occasionally the Index is either corrupt or mistaken, e.g. No. xiii, where the Pope is stated to have written no letter, while yet the ‘Corpus’ contains one, apparently entire and of the usual public kind. We may therefore still hope for letters or fragments for any of the ‘missing’ years.
(2) The Festal Letters are fully worthy to rank with any extant writings of Athanasius. The same warmth, vigour, and simplicity pervades them as we find elsewhere in his writings, especially in such gems as the letter to Dracontius (Ep. 49). Their interest, however (apart from chronology), is mainly personal and practical. Naturally the use and abuse of Fast and Festival occupy a prominent place throughout. Repeatedly he insists on the joyfulness of Christian feasts, and on the fact that they are typical of, and intended to colour, the whole period of the Christian’s life. We gather from Ep. 12 that Lent was kept less strictly in Egypt than in some other Christian countries. He insists not only upon fasting, but upon purity and charity, especially toward the poor (Ep. 1. 11, cf. Ep. 47. 4, U+0026c.). We trace the same ready command of Scripture, the same grave humour in the unexpected turn given to some familiar text (Ep. 39) as we are used to in Athanasius. The Eucharist is a feeding upon the Word (4. 3), and to be prepared for by amendment of life, repentance, and confession of sin (i.e. to God, Ep. 7. 10). Of special importance is the Canon of Holy Scripture in Ep. 39, on which see Prolegg. ch. iv § 4.
It should be observed that the interval before Easter at which notice was given varied greatly. Some letters (e.g. 1, 2, 20) by a natural figure of speech, refer to the Feast as actually come; but others (17, 18) were certainly written as early as the preceding Easter. Letter 4 was written not long before Lent, but was (§ 1) unusually late. The statement of Cassian referred to below (note to Ep. 17) is therefore incorrect at any rate for our period.
(3) The Index to the Festal Letters.—This chronicle, so constantly referred to throughout this volume, is of uncertain date, but probably (upon internal evidence) only ‘somewhat later’ (Hefele, E. Tr. vol. ii. p. 50) than Athanasius himself. Its special value is in the points where it agrees with the Hist. Aceph. (supr. Prolegg. ch. v.), where we recognise the accredited reckoning of the Alexandrian Church as represented by Cyril and Proterius (see Tillem. ubi supr.). The writer undoubtedly makes occasional slips (cf. Index iii. with Letter iv. and p. 512, note 1, Index xiii. with Letter3817 xiii.!), and the text would be a miracle if it had come down to us uncorrupt (see notes passim): but on the main dates he is consistent with himself, with the Chron. Aceph. and (so far as they come in contact) with the notices of the Alexandrian bishops above mentioned.
The writer’s method, however, must be attended to if we are to avoid a wrong impression
as to his accuracy. Firstly, his year is not the Julian but the Egyptian year (infr. Table C) from
Aug. 29 to Aug. 28. Each year is designated by the new consuls who come into office in the
fifth month. Secondly, in each year he takes a leading event or events, round which he groups
antecedent or consequent facts, which often belong to other years. Two or three examples
N.B.—The translation of the Index and Festal Letters is revised by Miss Payne Smith from that contained in the Oxford ‘Library of the Fathers.’ A German translation by Larsow was published at Berlin 1852. The Latin Version (from an Italian translation) of Card. Mai is in Migne, xxvi. 1351 sqq.
The following Tables bear specially on the Festal Index.
Table C. The Egyptian Year.
After the final settlement of Egypt by Augustus as a province of the Roman Empire, the use of the Julian form of computation was established in Alexandria, the first day of the new Calendar being fixed to the 28th of August, the 1st of Thot of the year in which the innovation took place; from which period, six, instead of five, supplementary days were added at the end of every fourth year; so that the form of the Alexandrian year was as follows. The months from Phamenoth 5 (Mar. 1) onwards are unaffected by leap-year.
Thot 29 August Pharmuthi 27 March
Paophi 28 September Pachon 26 April
Athyr 28 October Paoni (Payni) 26 May
Choiak 27 November Epiphi 25 June
Tybi 27 December Mesori 25 July
Mechir 26 January Epagomena 24 August
Phamenoth 25 February
N.B.—In leap-years, the Diocletian year (see p. 503, note 4) began on the previous Aug. 30, which was accordingly the First of Thot, owing to the additional ‘epagomenon’ which preceded it. Accordingly all the months to Phamenoth inclusive begin a day late. Then, the Julian intercalary day coming in as Feb. 29, Pharmuthi and the succeeding months begin as shewn above. (See Ideler, vol. I, pp. 161, 164, also 140, 142.)
Table D. Of the Chronological Information Given in the Index to the Paschal Letters.
N.B.—The Year of our Lord, the Golden Numbers, and Dominical Letter, and the date of Easter according to the Modern Reckoning, are added. The age of the Moon on Easterday is apparently given from observations or reckoned by some lost system (see Index x. xxii.); in about one case out of three it varies from the modern reckoning, perhaps once or twice from corruption of text. The Epact is a day too little for 342, 344, 361, 362, 363 (see Galle in Larsow;. F.B. 48, sqq.).
Easter Day.
Number of Letter.
Year of Diocl.
Year of our Lord.
Egyptian Cal- endar.
Roman Cal- endar.
Mod- ern Reck- oning.
Day of Lunar Month.
Epact (age of Moon on Mar. 22).
Sunday Letter and Concurrentes.
Indictn.
Golden
Numbers.
I 45 329 11 VIII 6 April 22 6 2 E 2 7 Pharm Id. April
II 46 330 24 XIII 19 April 15 17 3 D 3 8 Pharm Kal. Mai
III 47 331 16 III 11 April 18 28 4 C 4 9 Pharm Id. April
IV 48 332 7 IV 2 April 20 9 6 A 5 10 Pharm Non. April
V 49 333 20 XVI 3819 15 15 20 7 G 6 11 Pharm I April Kal. Mai
VI 50 334 12 VII 7 April 17 1 1 F 7 12 Pharm Id. April
VII 51 335 4 III 30 March 20 12 2 E 8 13 Pharm Kal. April
VIII 52 336 23 XIV 18 April 20 23 4 C 9 14 Pharm Kal. Mai
IX 53 337 8 III 3 April 16 4 5 B 10 15 Pharm Kal. April
X 54 338 30 VII 26 March 18½ 15 6 A 11 16 Pharm Kal. April
XI 55 339 20 XVII 15 April 20 26 7 G 12 17 Pharm Kal. Mai
XII 56 340 4 III 30 March 15 7 2 E 13 18 Pharm Kal. April
XIII 57 341 24 XIII 19 April 16 18 3 D 14 19 Pharm Kal. Mai
XIV 58 342 16 III 11 April 16 29 4 C 15 1 Pharm Kal. April
XV 59 343 1 VI 27 March 15 11 5 B 1 2 Pharm Kal. April
XVI 60 344 20 XVII 15 April 19 21 7 G 2 3 Pharm Kal. Mai
XVII 61 345 12 VII 7 April 19 3 1 F 3 4 Pharm Kal. April
XVIII 62 346 4 III 3820 30 21 14 2 E 4 5 Pharm Kal.March April
XIX 63 347 17 Prid. 12 April 15 25 3 D 5 6 Pharm Id. April
XX 64 348 8 III 3 April 18 6 5 B 6 7 Pharm Non. April
XXI 65 349 30 VII 3821 26 19 17 6 A 7 8 Pharm kal.March April
XXII 66 350 13 VI 8 April 19 28 7 G 8 9 Pharm Id. April
XXIII 67 351 5 Prid. 31 March 18 9 1 F 9 10 Pharm kal. April
XXIV 68 352 24 XIII 19 April 18 20 3 D 10 11 Pharm Kal. Mai
XXV 69 353 16III 11 April 21 1 4 C 11 12 Pharm Id. April
XXVI 70 354 1 VI 27 March 17 12 5 B 12 13 Pharm kal. April
XXVII 71 355 21 XVI 16 April 18 23 6 A 13 14 Pharm Kal. Mai
XXVIII 72 356 12 VII 7 April 17 4 1 F 14 15 Pharm Id. April
XXIX 73 357 27 X 23 March 17 15 2 E 15 16 Pharm kal. April
XXX 74 358 17 Prid 12 April 17 26 3 D 1 17 Pharm Non. April
XXXI 75 359 9 Prid. 4 April 20 7 4 C 2 18 Pharm Non. April
XXXII 76 360 28 IX 23 April 21 18 6 A 3 19 Pharm kal. April
XXXIII 77 361 13 VI 8 April 17 29 7 G 4 1 Pharm Id. April
XXXIV 78 362 5 Prid. 31 March 25 3822 10 1 F 5 2 Pharm kal. April
XXXV 79 363 25 XII 20 April 20 21 2 E 6 3 Pharm Kal. Mai
XXXVI 80 364 9 Prid. 4 April 16 3 4 C 7 4 Pharm Kal. Mai
XXXVII 81 365 1 VI 27 March 19 14 5 B 8 5 Pharm kal. April
XXXVI 82 366 21 XVI 16 April 20 25 6 A 9 6 Pharm Kal. Mai
XXXIX 83 367 6 Kal. 1 April 16 6 7 G 10 7 Pharm April
XL 84 368 25 XII 20 April 16 17 2 E 11 8 Pharm Kal. Mai
XLI 85 369 17 Prid. 12 April 15 28 3 D 12 9 Pharm kal. April
XLII 86 370 2 V 28 March 15 9 4 C 13 10 Pharm kal. April
XLIII 87 371 22 XV 17 April 16 20 5 B 14 11 Pharm Kal. Mai
XLIV 88 372 13 VI 8 April 19 1 7 G 15 12 Pharm Id. April
XLV 89 373 5 Prid. 31 March 21 12 1 F 1 13 Pharm kal. April
An Index of the months of each year, and of the days, and of the Indictions, and of the
Consulates, and of the Governors in Alexandria, and of all the Epacts, and of those days
which are named ‘of the Gods3823,’ and the reason any Letter was not sent, and the returns
from exile3824—from the Festal Letters of Pope Athanasius.
The Festal Letters of Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, which he sent year by year, to
the several cities and all the provinces subject to him; that is, from Pentapolis, and on to
Libya, Ammoniaca, the greater and the lesser Oasis, Egypt, and Augustamnica, with the
Heptanomis of3825 the upper and middle Thebais; commencing from the 44th3826 year
of the Diocletian Era, in which the Paschal Festival was on xvi3827 Pharmuthi; xviii Kal.
Mai; xviii Moon; when Alexander, his predecessor, having departed this life on xxii Pharmuthi3828,
he Athan. succeeded him after the Paschal festival on xiv Pauni, Indict. i,
Januarius and Justus being Consuls, the governor Zenius of Italy being the Præfect of Egypt,
Epact xxv; Gods, i.
I. (Aug. 29, 328, to Aug. 28, a.d. 329.) In this year, Easter-day was on xi Pharmuthi; viii.
Id. Ap.; xxii Moon; Coss. Constantinus Aug. viii, Constantinus Cæs. IV; the same governor
Zenius being Præfect of Egypt; Indict. ii; Epact vi; Gods, ii. This was the first Letter he
Athan. sent; for he was ordained Bishop in the preceding year after the Paschal feast, Alexander,
as is known, having despatched one for that year, before he was released from life.
This was in the 45th of the Diocletian era.
II. (329–330.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxiv Pharmuthi; xiii Kal. Mai; xv Moon; Coss. Gallicianus, Symmachus; the governor Magninianus the Cappadocian being Præfect of Egypt; Indict. iii; Epact xvii; Gods, iii. In this year he went through the Thebais.
III. (330–331.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvi Pharmuthi; xviii Moon; iii Id. Ap.;
Coss. Annius Bassus, Ablavius; the governor Hyginus3829 of Italy, Præfect of Egypt; Epact
xxviii; Indict. iv. He sent this Letter while journeying on his return from the Imperial Court.
For in this year he went to the Imperial Court to the Emperor Constantine the Great, having
IV. (331–332.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvii3831 Pharmuthi; xx Moon; iv Non. Apr.; Epact ix; Gods, vi; Coss. Pacatianus, Hilarianus; the same governor Hyginus, Præfect of Egypt; Indict. v. In this year he went through Pentapolis, and was in Ammoniaca.
V. (332–333.) In this year, Easter-day was on xx Pharmuthi; xv Moon; xvii Kal. Mai; Epact xx; Gods, vii; Coss. Dalmatius, Zenophilus; the governor Paternus3832, Præfect of Egypt; Indict. vi.
VI. (333–334.) In this year, Easter-day was on xii Pharmuthi; xvii Moon; vii Id. Apr.; Indict. vii; Epact i; Gods, i; Coss. Optatus, Paulinus; the same governor Paternus3833 Præfect of Egypt. In this year he went through the lower country. In it he was summoned to a Synod, his enemies having previously devised mischief against him in Cæsarea of Palestine; but becoming aware of the conspiracy, he excused himself from attending.
VII. (334–335.) In this year, Easter-day was on xiv3834 Pharmuthi; xx Moon; iii Kal. Ap.; Indict. viii; Epact xii; Gods, ii; Coss. Constantius3835, Albinus; the same governor Paternus, Præfect of Egypt.
VIII. (335–336.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxiii Pharmuthi, xx Moon; xiv Kal. Mai; Indict. ix; Epact xxiii; Gods, iv; Coss. Nepotianus, Facundus; the governor Philagrius, the Cappadocian, Præfect of Egypt. In this year he went to that Synod of his enemies which was assembled at Tyre. Now he journeyed from this place on xvii Epiphi3836, but when a discovery was made of the plot against him, he removed thence and fled in an open boat to Constantinople. Arriving there on ii Athyr3837, after eight days he presented himself before the Emperor Constantine, and spoke plainly. But his enemies, by various secret devices, influenced the Emperor, who suddenly condemned him to exile, and he set out on the tenth of Athyr3838 to Gaul, to Constans Cæsar, the son of Augustus. On this account he wrote no Festal Letter.
IX. (336–7.) In this year, Easter-day was on viii Pharmuthi; xvi Moon; iv3839 Non. Ap.; Indict. x; Epact iv; Gods, v; Coss. Felicianus, Titianus; the governor Philagrius, the Cappadocian, Præfect of Egypt. He was in Treviri of Gaul, and on this account was unable to write a Festal Letter.
X. (337–8.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxx Phamenoth; vii Kal. Ap.; xix3840 Moon, Indict. xi; Epact xv; Gods, vi; Coss. Ursus, Polemius; the governor Theodorus3841, of Heliopolis, Præfect of Egypt. In this year, Constantine having died on xxvii Pachon3842, Athanasius, now liberated, returned from Gaul triumphantly on xxvii3843 Athyr. In this year, too, there were many events. Antony, the great leader, came to Alexandria, and though he remained there only two days, shewed himself wonderful in many things, and healed many. He went away on the third of Messori.3844
XI. (338–9.) In this year, Easter-day was on xx Pharmuthi; xx Moon; xvii Kal. Mai; Epact xxvi; Gods, vii; Indict. xii; Coss. Constantius II, Constans I3845; the governor Philagrius, the Cappadocian, Præfect of Egypt. In this year, again, there were many tumults. On the xxii Phamenoth3846 he was pursued in the night, and the next day he fled from the Church of Theonas, after he had baptized many. Then, four days after, Gregorius the Cappadocian entered the city as Bishop.
XII. (339–340.) In this year, Easter-day was on xiv3847 Pharmuthi; xv Moon; iii Kal.
Ap.; Epact vii; Gods, ii; Indict. xiii; Coss. Acyndinus, Proclus; the same governor Philagrius,
Præfect of Egypt. Gregorius continued his acts of violence, and therefore Ath. wrote no
Festal Letter. The Arians proclaimed Easter on xxvii Phamenoth, and were much ridiculed
on account of this error. Then altering it in the middle of the fast, they kept it with us on
iv3848 Pharmuthi, as above. He Athanasius gave notice of it to the presbyters of Alexandria
in a short note, not being able to send a letter as usual, on account of his flight and the
treachery.
XIII. (340–341.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxiv Pharmuthi; xvi Moon; xiii. Kal. Mai; Epact xviii; Gods, iii; Indict. xiv; Coss. Marcellinus, Probinus; the governor Longinus, of Nicæa, Præfect of Egypt. Augustamnica was separated.3849 On account of Gregorius continuing in the city, and exercising violence, although this illness commenced, the Pope did not write a Festal Letter even this time3850.
XIV. (341–2.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvi Pharmuthi; xx3851 Moon; iii Id. Ap.;
Epact xxix; Gods, iv; Indict. xv; Coss. Constantius III, Constans II; the governor Longinus
of Nicæa, Præfect of Egypt. Because Gregorius was in the city, though severely ill, the Pope
was unable to send any Letter.
XV. (342–3.) In this year, Easter-day was on i Pharmuthi; xv Moon; vi Kal. Ap.; Epact xi; Gods, v; Indict. i; Coss. Placidus, Romulus; the same governor Longinus, of Nicæa, Præfect of Egypt. In this year the Synod of Sardica was held3852; and when the Arians had arrived, they returned to Philippopolis, for Philagrius gave them this advice there. In truth, they were blamed everywhere, and were even anathematised by the Church of Rome, and having written a recantation to Pope Athanasius, Ursacius and Valens were put to shame. There was an agreement made at Sardica respecting Easter, and a decree was issued to be binding for fifty years, which the Romans and Alexandrians everywhere announced in the usual manner. Again he [Athan.] wrote a Festal Letter.
XVI. (343–4.) In this year, Easter-day was on xx Pharmuthi; xix Moon; xvii Kal. Mai; Epact xxi; Gods, vi[i], Coss. Leontius, Sallustius; the governor Palladius, of Italy, Præfect of Egypt; Indict. ii. Being at Naissus on his return from the Synod, he there celebrated Easter3853. Of this Easter-day he gave notice in few words to the presbyters of Alexandria, but he was unable to do so to the country.
XVII. (344–5.) In this year, Easter-day was on xii Pharmuthi; xviii Moon; vii. Id. Ap.; Epact ii; Gods, i; Indict. iii; Coss. Amantius, Albinus; the governor Nestorius of Gaza, Præfect of Egypt. Having travelled to Aquileia, he kept Easter there. Of this Easter-day, he gave notice in few words to the presbyters of Alexandria, but not to the country.
XVIII. (345–6.) In this year, Easter-day was on iv Pharmuthi; xxi3854 Moon; iii Kal. Ap.; Epact xiv; Gods, ii; Indict. iv; Coss. Constantius3855 Aug. IV, Constans Aug. III; the same governor Nestorius of Gaza, Præfect of Egypt. Gregorius having died on the second of Epiphi3856, he returned from Rome and Italy, and entered the city and the Church. Moreover he was thought worthy of a grand reception, for on the xxiv Paophi3857, the people and all those in authority met him a hundred miles distant, and he continued in honour. He had already sent the Festal Letter for this year, in few words, to the presbyters.
XIX. (346–7.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvii Pharmuthi xv. Moon; Prid. Id. Apr.; Epact xxv; Gods, iii; Indict. v; Coss. Rufinus, Eusebius; the same governor Nestorius of Gaza, Præfect of Egypt. He wrote this Letter while residing here in Alexandria, giving notice of some things which he had not been able to do before.
XX. (347–8.) In this year, Easter-day was on vii Pharmuthi; xviii Moon; iii Non. Ap.; Epact vi; Gods, v3858 Indict. vi; Coss. Philippus, Salia; the same governor Nestorius of Gaza, Præfect of Egypt. This Letter also he sent while residing in Alexandria.
XXI. (348–9.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxx Phamenoth;
XXII. (349–50.) In this year, Easter-day was on xiii Pharmuthi; xix Moon, the second
hour; vi Id. Ap.; Epact xxviii; Gods, vii; Indict. viii; Coss. Sergius, Nigrianus; the same governor
Nestorius of Gaza, Præfect of Egypt. In this year, Constans was slain by Magnentius,
and Constantius held the empire alone; then he wrote to the Pope Athan., telling him to
fear nothing because of the death of Constans, but to confide in him as he had done in
Constans while living.
XXIII. (350–1.) In this year, Easter day was on v Pharmuthi; Moon xviii; Prid. Kal. Ap.; Epact ix; Gods, i; Indict. ix; the Consulship after that of Sergius and Nigrianus; the same governor Nestorius of Gaza, again Præfect of Egypt.
XXIV. (351–2.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxiv Pharmuthi; xviii Moon; xiii Kal. Mai, Epact xx; Gods, iii; Indict. x, Coss. Constantius Aug. V, Constantius Cæsar I; the same governor Nestorius of Gaza, Præfect of Egypt. Gallus was proclaimed Cæsar3860, and his name changed into Constantius.
XXV. (352–3.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvi Pharmuthi; xxi Moon; iii Id. Ap.;
Epact i; Gods, iv; Indict. xi; Coss. Constantius Aug. VI, Constantius Cæsar II; the governor
Sebastianus of Thrace, præfect of Egypt. In this year, Serapion3861, Bishop of Thmuis, and
Triadelphus of Nicion, and the presbyters Petrus and Astricius, with others, were sent to
the emperor Constantius, through fear of mischief from the Arians. They returned, having
effected nothing. In this year, Montanus, Silentiarius of the Palace, was sentthe3862 Bishop, but, a tumult having been excited, he retired, having failed to effect anything.
XXVI. (353–4.) In this year, Easter-day was on i3863 Pharmuthi; xvii Moon; vi Kal. Ap.; Epact xii; Gods, v; Indict. xii; Coss. Constantius Aug. VII, Constantius Cæsar III.; the same governor Sebastianus of Thrace, Præfect of Egypt.
XXVII. (354–5.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxi Pharmuthi; xviii Moon; xvi Kal. Mai; Epact xxiii; Gods, vi; Indict. xiii; Coss. Arbetion, Lollianus; the governor Maximus the Elder of Nicæa, Prefect of Egypt. In this year, Diogenes, the Secretary of the Emperor, entered with the design of seizing the Bishop. But he, too, having raged in vain, went away quietly.
XXVIII. (355–6.) In this year, Easter-day was on xii Pharmuthi; xvii Moon; vii Id. Ap.;
Epact iv; Gods, i; Indict. xiv, Coss. Constantius Aug. VIII, Julianus Cæsar I; the same governor
Maximus the Elder of Nicæa, Præfect of Egypt, who was succeeded by Cataphronius of
Byblus. In this year, Syrianus Dux, having excited a tumult in the Church on the thirteenth
of Mechir, on the fourteenth3864 at night entered Theonas with his soldiers; but he was unable
to capture Athanasius, for he escaped in a miraculous manner.
XXIX (356–7.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxvii Phamenoth; xvii Moon; x Kal. Ap.,
Epact xv; Gods, ii; Indict. xv; Coss. Constantius Aug. IX, Julianus Cæsar II; the same governor
Cataphronius, of Byblus, Præfect of Egypt, to whom succeeded Parnassius. Then Georgius
entered on the thirtieth of Mechir, and acted with excessive violence. But Athanasius, the
XXX. (357–8.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvii Pharmuthi; Prid. Id. Ap.; xvii Moon; Epact xxvi; Gods, iii; Indict. i; Coss. Tatianus, Cerealis; the governor Parius of Corinth, Præfect of Egypt. Athanasius, the Bishop, lay concealed in the city of Alexandria. But Georgius left on the fifth of Paophi3866 being driven away by the multitude. On this account, neither this year was the Pope able to send a Festal Letter.
XXXI. (358–9.) In this year, Easter-day was on ix3867 Pharmuthi; Prid. Non. Ap.; xx
Moon; Epact vii; Gods, iv; Indict. ii; Coss. Eusebius, Hypatius; the same governor Parius,
who was succeeded by Italicianus of Italy for three months; after him Faustinus, of Chalcedon.
Neither this year did the Pope write any Letter.
XXXII. (359–60.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxviii Pharmuthi; ix Kal. Mai; xxi
Moon; Epact xviii; Gods, vi; Indict. iii; Coss. Constantius Aug. X, Julianus Cæsar III; the
governor Faustinus, of Chalcedon, Præfect of Egypt. This Præfect and Artemius Dux, having
entered a private house and a small cell, in search of Athanasius the Bishop, bitterly tortured
Eudæmonis, a perpetual virgin. On this account no Letter was written this year.
XXXIII. (360–1.) In this year, Easter-day was on xiii Pharmuthi, vi Id. Ap.; xvii Moon;
Epact xxix; Gods, vii; Indict. iv; Coss. Taurus, Florentius; the same governor Faustinus3868,
Præfect of Egypt, who was succeeded by Gerontius the Armenian. He was unable to send
a Letter. In this year, Constantius died3869, and Julianus holding the empire alone, there
was a cessation of the persecution against the Orthodox. For commands were issued everywhere
from the emperor Julianus, that the Orthodox ecclesiastics who had been persecuted
in the time of Constantius should be let alone.
XXXIV. (361–2.) In this year, Easter-day was on v3870 Pharmuthi; Prid. Kal. Ap.; xxv
Moon; Epact x; Gods, i; Indict. v; Coss. Mamertinus, Nevitta; the same governor Gerontius,
who was succeeded by Olympus of Tarsus. In this year, in Mechir, Athanasius the Bishop
returned to the Church, after his flight, by the command of Julianus Augustus, who pardoned
all the Bishops and Clergy in exile, as was before said. This year, then, he wrote a Letter.
XXXV. (362–3.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxv Pharmuthi; xii Kal. Mai; xx Moon;
Epact xxi; Gods, ii; Indict. vi; Coss. Julianus Augustus IV, Sallustius; the same governor
Olympus, Præfect of Egypt. Pythiodorus Trico of Thebes, a Philosopher, brought a decree
Athan. left the city at once, and went up to the Thebais.
And when after eight months Julianus died, and his death was announced, Athanasius returned
secretly by night to Alexandria. Then on the eighth of Thoth, he embarked3871 at
the Eastern Hierapolis, and met the emperor Jovian, by whom he was dismissed with honour.
He sent this festal Letter to all the country, while being driven by persecution from Memphis
to the Thebais, and it was delivered as usual.
XXXVI. (363–4). In this year, Easter-day was on ix Pharmuthi; Prid. Non. Ap.; xvi Moon; Epact iii; Gods, iv; Indict. vii; Coss. Jovianus Aug., Varronianus; the governor Aerius, of Damascus, Præfect; who was succeeded by Maximus of Rapheotis, and he again by Flavianus the Illyrian. In this year, the Pope returned to Alexandria and the Church on the twenty-fifth of Mechir. He sent the Festal Letter, according to custom, from Antioch to all the Bishops in all the province.
XXXVII. (364–5.) In this year, Easter-day was on i Pharmuthi; vi Kal. Ap.; xix Moon;
Epact xiv; Gods, v; Indict. viii; Coss. Valentinianus Aug. I, Valens Aug.; the same Flavianus,
the Illyrian, being governor. We received the Cæsareum; but again, the Pope being persecuted3872
with accusations, withdrew3873 to the garden of the new river. But a few days3874
after, Barasides, the notary, came to him with the Præfect and obtained an entrance for him
into the Church. Then, an earthquake happening on the twenty-seventh of Epiphi3875, the
sea returned from the East, and destroyed many persons, and much damage was caused.
XXXVIII. (365–6.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxi Pharmuthi; xvi Kal. Mai; xx Moon; Epact xxv; Gods, vi; Indict. ix; in the first year of the Consulship of Gratianus, the son of Augustus, and Daglaiphus; the same governor Flavianus, Præfect. On the twenty-seventh of Epiphi, the heathen made an attack, and the Cæsareum was burnt and consequently many of the citizens suffered great distress, while the authors of the calamity were condemned and exiled. After this, Proclianus the Macedonian, became chief.
XXXIX. (366–7.) In this year, Easter-day was on vi3876 Pharmuthi; Kal. Ap.; xvi Moon;
Epact vi; Gods, vii; Indict. x; Coss. Lupicinus, Jovinus; the same Proclianus being governor,
who was succeeded by Tatianus of Lycia. In this year, when Lucius had attempted an entrance
on the twenty-sixth of Thoth3877, and lay concealed by night in a house on the side of the
Ath. wrote, forming a Canon of the Holy Scriptures.
XL. (367–8.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxv Pharmuthi; xii Kal. Mai; xvi Moon;
Epact xvii; Gods, ii; Indict. xi; Coss. Valentinianus Aug. II, Valens Aug. II; the same governor
Tatianus, Præfect. He Athan. began to build anew the Cæsareum, on the 6th of Pachon,
having been honoured with an imperial command by Trajanus Dux. He also discovered the
incendiaries, and immediately cleared away the rubbish of the burnt ruins, and restored the
edifice in the month Pachon.
XLI. (368–9.) In this year, Easter-day was on xvii3878 Pharmuthi; Prid. Id. Ap.; xv Moon; Epact xxviii; Gods, iii; Indict. xii; Coss. Valentinianus (son of Augustus) I, Victor; the same Tatianus being governor. The Pope began to build that Church in Mendidium which bears his name, on the twenty-fifth3879 of the month Thoth, at the beginning of the eighty-fifth year of the Diocletian Era.
XLII. (369–70.) In this year, Easter-day was on ii Pharmuthi; v3880 Kal. Ap.; xv Moon; Epact ix; Gods, iv; Indict. xiii; Coss. Valentinianus Aug. III, Valens Aug. III; the same Tatianus being governor, who was succeeded by Olympius Palladius, of Samosata. The Pope finished the Church, called after his name, at the close of the eighty-sixth year of the Diocletian Era; in which also he celebrated the dedication, on the fourteenth3881 of Mesori.
XLIII. (370–1.) In this year, Easter-day was on xxii Pharmuthi; xv Kal. Mai; xvi Moon; Epact xx; Gods, v; Indict. xiv; Coss. Gratianus Aug. II, Probus; the same Palladius being governor; who was succeeded as Præfect of Egypt by Ælius Palladius, of Palestine, who was called Cyrus.
XLIV. (371–2.) In this year, Easter-day was on xiii Pharmuthi; vi Id. Ap.; xix Moon; Epact i; Gods, vii3882, Indict. xv; Coss. Modestus, Arintheus; the same Ælius Palladius the governor, called Cyrus, Præfect of Egypt.
XLV. (372–3.) In this year, Easter-day was on v Pharmuthi; Prid. Kal. Ap.; xxi Moon;
Epact xii; Gods, i; Indict. i; Coss. Valentinianus IV, Valens IV; the same governor Ælius
Palladius, Præfect of Egypt. At the close of this year, on the seventh of Pachon3883, he
Athan. departed this life in a wonderful manner.
The end of the heads of the Festal Letters of holy Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.
Letter I.—For 329. Easter-day xi Pharmuthi; viii Id. April; Ær. Dioclet. 45; Coss. Constantinus Aug. VIII. Constantinus Cæs. IV; Præfect. Septimius Zenius; Indict. II.
Of Fasting, and Trumpets, and Feasts.
Come, my beloved, the season calls us to keep the feast. Again, ‘the Sun of Righteousness3884, causing His divine beams to rise upon us, proclaims beforehand the time of the feast, in which, obeying Him, we ought to celebrate it, lest when the time has passed by, gladness likewise may pass us by. For discerning the time is one of the duties most urgent on us, for the practice of virtue; so that the blessed Paul, when instructing his disciple, teaches him to observe the time, saying, ‘Stand (ready) in season, and out of season3885’—that knowing both the one and the other, he might do things befitting the season, and avoid the blame of unseasonableness. For thus the God of all, after the manner of wise Solomon3886, distributes everything in time and season, to the end that, in due time, the salvation of men should be everywhere spread abroad. Thus the ‘Wisdom of God3887,’ our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, not out of season, but in season, ‘passed upon holy souls, fashioning the friends of God and the prophets3888;’ so that although very many were praying for Him, and saying, ‘O that the salvation of God were come out of Sion3889!’—the Spouse also, as it is written in the Song of Songs, was praying and saying, ‘O that Thou wert my sister’s son, that sucked the breasts of my mother3890!’ that Thou wert like the children of men, and wouldest take upon Thee human passions for our sake!—nevertheless, the God of all, the Maker of times and seasons, Who knows our affairs better than we do, while, as a good physician, He exhorts to obedience in season—the only one in which we may be healed—so also does He send Him not unseasonably, but seasonably, saying, ‘In an acceptable time have I heard Thee, and in the day of salvation I have helped Thee3891.’
2. And, on this account, the blessed Paul, urging us to note this season, wrote, saying,
‘Behold, now is the accepted time; behold, now is the day of salvation3892.’ At set seasons
solemn day of your feast3894.’
Since this sentence enjoins upon us to blow both on the new moons, and on the solemn3895
days, He hath made a solemn day of that in which the light of the moon is perfected in the
full; which was then a type, as is this of the trumpets. At one time, as has been said, they
called to the feasts; at another time to fasting and to war. And this was not done without
solemnity, nor by chance, but this sound of the trumpets was appointed, so that every man
should come to that which was proclaimed. And this ought to be learned not merely from
me, but from the divine Scriptures, when God was revealed to Moses, and said, as it is
written in the book of Numbers; ‘And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Make to thee two
trumpets; of silver shalt thou make them, and they shall be for thee to call the congregation3896;’—
very properly for those who here love Him. So that we may know that these
things had reference to the time of Moses—yea, were to be observed so long as the shadow
lasted, the whole being appointed for use, ‘till the time of reformation3897.’ ‘For’ (said He)
‘if ye shall go out to battle in your land against your enemies that rise up against you3898’
(for such things as these refer to the land, and no further), ‘then ye shall proclaim with the
trumpets, and shall be remembered before the Lord, and be delivered from your enemies.’
Not only in wars did they blow the trumpet, but under the law, there was a festal trumpet
also. Hear him again, going on to say, ‘And in the day of your gladness, and in your feasts,
and your new moons, ye shall blow with the trumpets3899.’ And let no man think it a light
and contemptible matter, if he hear the law command respecting trumpets; it is a wonderful
and fearful thing. For beyond any other voice or instrument, the trumpet is awakening and
terrible; so Israel received instruction by these means, because he was then but a child. But
in order that the proclamation should not be thought merely human, being superhuman,
its sounds resembled those which were uttered when they trembled before the mount3900;
and they were reminded of the law that was then given them, and kept it.
3. For the law was admirable, and the shadow was excellent, otherwise, it would not
have wrought fear, and induced reverence in those who heard; especially in those who at
that time not only heard but saw these things. Now these things were typical, and done as
in a shadow. But let us pass on to the meaning, and henceforth leaving the figure at a distance,
come to the truth, and look upon the priestly trumpets of our Saviour, which cry out, and
call us, at one time to war, as the blessed Paul saith; ‘We wrestle not with flesh and blood,
but with principalities, with powers, with the rulers of this dark world, with wicked spirits
in heaven3901.’ At another time the call is made to virginity, and self-denial, and conjugal
harmony, saying, To virgins, the things of virgins; and to those who love the way of abstinence,
the things of abstinence; and to those who are married3902, the things of an honourable
marriage; thus assigning to each its own virtues and an honourable recompense. Sometimes
the call is made to fasting, and sometimes to a feast. Hear again the same Apostle blowing
the trumpet, and proclaiming, ‘Christ our Passover is sacrificed; therefore let us keep the
feast, not with old leaven, neither with the leaven of malice and wickedness3903.’ If thou
wouldest listen to a trumpet much greater than all these, hear our Saviour saying; ‘In that
last and great day of the feast, Jesus stood and cried, saying, If any man thirst, let him come
unto Me and drink3904.’ For it became the Saviour not simply to call us to a feast, but to ‘the
great feast;’ if only we will be prepared to hear, and to conform to the proclamation of every
trumpet.
4. For since, as I before said, there are divers proclamations, listen, as in a figure, to the
prophet blowing the trumpet; and further, having turned to the truth, be ready for the announcement
of the trumpet, for he saith, ‘Blow ye the trumpet in Sion: sanctify a fast3905.’
This is a warning trumpet, and commands with great earnestness, that when we fast, we
should hallow the fast. For not all those who call upon God, hallow God, since there are
some who defile Him; yet not Him—that is impossible—but their own mind concerning
Him; for He is holy, and has pleasure in the saints3906. And therefore the blessed Paul accuses
those who dishonour God; ‘Transgressors of the law dishonour God3907.’ So then, to make
a separation from those who pollute the fast, he saith here, ‘sanctify a fast.’ For many,
crowding to the fast, pollute themselves in the thoughts of their hearts, sometimes by doing
evil against their brethren, sometimes by daring to defraud. And, to mention nothing else,
5. Behold, my brethren, how much a fast can do, and in what manner the law commands
us to fast. It is required that not only with the body should we fast, but with the soul. Now
the soul is humbled when it does not follow wicked opinions, but feeds on becoming virtues.
For virtues and vices are the food of the soul, and it can eat either of these two meats, and
incline to either of the two, according to its own will. If it is bent toward virtue, it will be
nourished by virtues, by righteousness, by temperance, by meekness, by fortitude, as Paul
saith; ‘Being nourished by the word of truth3912.’ Such was the case with our Lord, who said,
‘My meat is to do the will of My Father which is in heaven3913.’ But if it is not thus with the
soul, and it inclines downwards, it is then nourished by nothing but sin. For thus the Holy
Ghost, describing sinners and their food, referred to the devil when He said, ‘I have given
him to be meat to the people of Æthiopia3914.’ For this is the food of sinners. And as our
Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, being heavenly bread, is the food of the saints, according to
this; ‘Except ye eat My flesh, and drink My blood3915;’ so is the devil the food of the impure,
and of those who do nothing which is of the light, but work the deeds of darkness. Therefore,
in order to withdraw and turn them from vices, He commands them to be nourished with
6. And indeed that which I am about to say is wonderful, yea it is of those things which are very miraculous; yet not far from the truth, as ye may be able to learn from the sacred3916 writings. That great man Moses, when fasting, conversed with God, and received the law. The great and holy Elijah, when fasting, was thought worthy of divine visions, and at last was taken up like Him who ascended into heaven. And Daniel, when fasting, although a very young man, was entrusted with the mystery, and he alone understood the secret things of the king, and was thought worthy of divine visions. But because the length of the fast of these men was wonderful, and the days prolonged, let no man lightly fall into unbelief; but rather let him believe and know, that the contemplation of God, and the word which is from Him, suffice to nourish those who hear, and stand to them in place of all food. For the angels are no otherwise sustained than by beholding at all times the face of the Father, and of the Saviour who is in heaven. And thus Moses, as long as he talked with God, fasted indeed bodily, but was nourished by divine words. When he descended among men, and God was gone up from him, he suffered hunger like other men. For it is not said that he fasted longer than forty days—those in which he was conversing with God. And, generally, each one of the saints has been thought worthy of similar transcendent nourishment.
7. Wherefore, my beloved, having our souls nourished with divine food, with the Word,
and according to the will of God, and fasting bodily in things external, let us keep this great
and saving feast as becomes us. Even the ignorant Jews received this divine food, through
the type, when they ate a lamb in the passover. But not understanding the type, even to this
day they eat the lamb, erring in that they are without the city and the truth. As long as Judæa
and the city existed, there were a type, and a lamb, and a shadow, since the law thus commanded3917:
These things shall not be done in another city; but in the land of Judæa, and
in no place without the land of Judæa. And besides this, the law commanded them to offer
whole burnt-offerings and sacrifices, there being no other altar than that in Jerusalem. For
on this account, in that city alone was there an altar and temple built, and in no other city
were they permitted to perform these rites, so that when that city should come to an end,
then those things that were figurative might also be done away.
8. Now observe; that city, since the coming of our Savior, has had an end, and all the
land of the Jews has been laid waste; so that from the testimony of these things (and we need
no further proof, being assured by our own eyes of the fact) there must, of necessity, be an
9. Since then we have passed beyond that time of shadows, and no longer perform rites
under it, but have turned, as it were, unto the Lord; ‘for the Lord is the Spirit, and where
the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty3921;’—as we hear the sacred trumpet, no longer
slaying a material lamb, but that true Lamb that was slain, even our Lord Jesus Christ; ‘Who
was led as a sheep to the slaughter, and was dumb as a lamb before her shearers3922;’ being
purified by His precious blood, which speaketh better things than that of Abel, having our
feet shod with the preparation of the Gospel, holding in our hands the rod and staff of the
Lord, by which that saint was comforted, who said3923, ‘Thy rod and Thy staff they comfort
me;’ and to sum up, being in all respects prepared, and careful for nothing, because, as the
blessed Paul saith, ‘The Lord is at hand3924;’ and as our Saviour saith, ‘In an hour when we
creatures,
and receiving the new wine, even the Holy Spirit, we may properly keep the feast, even the
month of these new fruits3926.
10. We3927 begin the holy fast on the fifth day of Pharmuthi (March 31), and adding to it according to the number of those six holy and great days, which are the symbol of the creation of this world, let us rest and cease (from fasting) on the tenth day of the same Pharmuthi (April 5), on the holy sabbath of the week. And when the first day of the holy week dawns and rises upon us, on the eleventh day of the same month (April 6), from which again we count all the seven weeks one by one, let us keep feast on the holy day of Pentecost— on that which was at one time to the Jews, typically, the feast of weeks, in which they granted forgiveness and settlement of debts; and indeed that day was one of deliverance in every respect. Let us keep the feast on the first day of the great week, as a symbol of the world to come, in which we here receive a pledge that we shall have everlasting life hereafter. Then having passed hence, we shall keep a perfect feast with Christ, while we cry out and say, like the saints, ‘I will pass to the place of the wondrous tabernacle, to the house of God; with the voice of gladness and thanksgiving, the shouting of those who rejoice3928;’ whence pain and sorrow and sighing have fled, and upon our heads gladness and joy shall have come to us! May we be judged worthy to be partakers in these things.
11. Let us remember the poor, and not forget kindness to strangers; above all, let us love
God with all our soul, and might, and strength, and our neighbour as ourselves. So may we
receive those things which the eye hath not seen, nor the ear heard, and which have not
entered into the heart of man, which God hath prepared for those that love Him3929, through
Salute one another with a kiss. All the brethren who are with me salute you.
Here endeth the first Festal Letter of holy Athanasius.
Again, my brethren, is Easter come and gladness; again the Lord hath brought us to this season; so that when, according to custom, we have been nourished with His words, we may duly keep the feast. Let us celebrate it then, even heavenly joy, with those saints who formerly proclaimed a like feast, and were ensamples to us of conversation in Christ. For not only were they entrusted with the charge of preaching the Gospel, but, if we enquire, we shall see, as it is written, that its power was displayed in them. ‘Be ye therefore followers of me3930,’ he wrote to the Corinthians. Now the apostolic precept exhorts us all, for those commands which he sent to individuals, he at the same time enjoined upon every man in every place, for he was ‘a teacher of all nations in faith and truth3931.’ And, generally, the commands of all the saints urge us on similarly, as Solomon makes use of proverbs, saying, ‘Hear, my children, the instruction of a father, and attend to know understanding; for I give you a good gift, forsake ye not my word: for I was an obedient son to my father, and beloved in the sight of my mother3932.’ For a just father brings up [his children] well, when he is diligent in teaching others in accordance with his own upright conduct, so that when he meets with opposition, he may not be ashamed on hearing it said, ‘Thou therefore that teachest others, teachest thou not thyself3933?’ but rather, like the good servant, may both save himself and gain others; and thus, when the grace committed to him has been doubled, he may hear, ‘Thou good and faithful servant, thou hast been faithful in a little, I will set thee over much: enter into the joy of thy Lord3934.’
2. Let us3935 then, as is becoming, as at all times, yet especially in the days of the feast,
be not hearers only, but doers of the commandments of our Saviour; that having imitated
the behaviour of the saints, we may enter together into the joy of our Lord which is in
heaven, which is not transitory, but truly abides; of which evil doers having deprived
themselves, there remains to them as the fruit of their ways, sorrow and affliction, and
groaning with torments. Let a man see what these become like, that they bear not the likeness3936
of the conversation of the saints, nor of that right understanding, by which man at
the beginning was rational, and in the image of God. But they are compared to their disgrace
3. Yet even in this state, the man-loving Word, who came for this very reason, that He might seek and find that which was lost, sought to restrain them from such folly, crying and saying, ‘Be ye not as the horse and the mule which have no understanding, whose cheeks ye hold in with bit and bridle3940.’ Because they were careless and imitated the wicked, the prophet prays in spirit and says, ‘Ye are to me like merchant-men of Phoenicia3941.’ And the avenging Spirit protests against them in these words, ‘Lord, in Thy city Thou wilt despise their image3942.’ Thus, being changed into the likeness of fools, they fell so low in their understanding, that by their excessive reasoning, they even likened the Divine Wisdom to themselves, thinking it to be like their own arts. Therefore, ‘professing themselves to be wise, they became fools, and changed the glory of the incorruptible God into the likeness of the corruptible image of man, and birds, and four-footed beasts, and creeping things. Wherefore God gave them over to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not convenient3943.’ For they did not listen to the prophetic voice that reproved them (saying), ‘To what have ye likened the Lord, and with what have ye compared Him3944?’ neither to David, who prayed concerning such as these, and sang, ‘All those that make them are like unto them, and all those who put their trust in them3945.’ Being blind to the truth, they looked upon a stone as God, and hence, like senseless creatures, they walked in darkness, and, as the prophet cried, ‘They hear indeed, but they do not understand; they see indeed, but they do not perceive; for their heart is waxen fat, and with their ears they hear heavily3946.’
4. Now those who do not observe the feast, continue such as these even to the present day, feigning indeed and devising names of feasts3947, but rather introducing days of mourning than of gladness; ‘For there is no peace to the wicked, saith the Lord3948.’ And as Wisdom saith, ‘Gladness and joy are taken from their mouth3949.’ Such are the feasts of the wicked. But the wise servants of the Lord, who have truly put on the man which is created in God3950, have received gospel words, and reckon as a general commandment that given to Timothy, which saith, ‘Be thou an example to the believers in word, in conversation, in love, in faith, in purity3951.’ So well do they keep the Feast, that even the unbelievers, seeing their order3952, may say, ‘God is with them of a truth3953.’ For as he who receives an apostle receives Him who sent him3954, so he who is a follower of the saints, makes the Lord in every respect his end and aim, even as Paul, being a follower of Him, goes on to say, ‘As I also of Christ3955.’ For there were first our Saviour’s own words, who from the height of His divinity, when conversing with His disciples, said, ‘Learn of Me, for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall find rest to your souls3956.’ Then too when He poured water into a basin, and girded Himself with a towel, and washed His disciples’ feet, He said to them, ‘Know what I have done. Ye call Me Master and Lord, and ye say well, for so I am. If therefore I, your Lord and Master, have washed your feet, ye also ought to wash one another’s feet: for I have given you an example, that as I have done to you, ye also should do3957.’
5. Oh! my brethren, how shall we admire the loving-kindness of the Saviour? With what
power, and with what a trumpet should a man cry out, exalting these His benefits! That not
only should we bear His image, but should receive from Him an example and pattern of
heavenly conversation; that as He hath begun, we should go on, that suffering, we should
not threaten, being reviled, we should not revile again, but should bless them that curse,
and in everything commit ourselves to God who judgeth righteously3958. For those who are
6. For not only in outward form did those wicked men dissemble, putting on as the Lord says sheep’s clothing, and appearing like unto whited sepulchres; but they took those divine words in their mouth, while they inwardly cherished evil intentions. And the first to put on this appearance was the serpent, the inventor of wickedness from the beginning—the devil,—who, in disguise, conversed with Eve, and forthwith deceived her. But after him and with him are all inventors of unlawful heresies, who indeed refer to the Scriptures, but do not hold such opinions as the saints have handed down, and receiving them as the traditions of men, err, because they do not rightly know them nor their3961 power. Therefore Paul justly praises the Corinthians3962, because their opinions were in accordance with his tradi- tions. And the Lord most righteously reproved the Jews, saying, ‘Wherefore do ye also transgress the commandments of God on account of your traditions3963.’ For they changed the commandments they received from God after their own understanding, preferring to observe the traditions of men. And about these, a little after, the blessed Paul again gave directions to the Galatians who were in danger thereof, writing to them, ‘If any man preach to you aught else than that ye have received, let him be accursed3964.’
7. For there is no fellowship whatever between the words of the saints and the fancies
of human invention; for the saints are the ministers of the truth, preaching the kingdom of
heaven, but those who are borne in the opposite direction have nothing better than to eat,
and think their end is that they shall cease to be, and they say, ‘Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow
we die3965.’ Therefore blessed Luke reproves the inventions of men, and hands
down the narrations of the saints, saying in the beginning of the Gospel, ‘Since many have
Now some have related the wonderful signs performed by our Saviour, and preached His eternal Godhead. And others have written of His being born in the flesh of the Virgin, and have proclaimed the festival of the holy passover, saying, ‘Christ our Passover is sacrificed3968;’ so that we, individually and collectively, and all the churches in the world may remember, as it is written, ‘That Christ rose from the dead, of the seed of David, according to the Gospel3969.’ And let us not forget that which Paul delivered, declaring it to the Corinthians; I mean His resurrection, whereby ‘He destroyed him that had the power of death, that is, the devil3970;’ and raised us up together with Him, having loosed the bands of death, and vouchsafed a blessing instead of a curse, joy instead of grief, a feast instead of mourning, in this holy joy of Easter, which being continually in our hearts, we always rejoice, as Paul commanded; ‘We pray without ceasing; in everything we give thanks3971.’ So we are not remiss in giving notice of its seasons, as we have received from the Fathers. Again we write, again keeping to the apostolic traditions, we remind each other when we come together for prayer; and keeping the feast in common, with one mouth we truly give thanks to the Lord. Thus giving thanks unto Him, and being followers of the saints, ‘we shall make our praise in the Lord all the day3972,’ as the Psalmist says. So, when we rightly keep the feast, we shall be counted worthy of that joy which is in heaven.
8. We begin the fast of forty days on the 13th of the month Phamenoth (Mar. 9). After
we have given ourselves to fasting in continued succession, let us begin the holy Paschal3973
The brethren which are with me salute you. Salute one another with a holy kiss3974.
Here endeth the second Festal Letter of the holy lord Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.
Again, my beloved brethren, the day of the feast draws near to us, which, above all others, should be devoted to prayer, which the law commands to be observed, and which it would be an unholy thing for us to pass over in silence. For although we have been held under restraint by those who afflict us, that, because of them, we should not announce to you this season; yet thanks be to ‘God, who comforteth the afflicted3975,’ that we have not been overcome by the wickedness of our accusers and silenced; but obeying the voice of truth, we together with you cry aloud in the day of the feast. For the God of all hath commanded, saying, ‘Speak3976, and the children of Israel shall keep the Passover.’ And the Spirit exhorts in the Psalm; ‘Blow the trumpet in the new moons3977, in the solemn day of your feast.’ And the prophet cries; ‘Keep thy feasts, O Judah3978.’ I do not send word to you as though you were ignorant; but I publish it to those who know it, that ye may perceive that although men have separated us, yet God having made us companions, we approach the same feast, and worship the same Lord continually. And we do not keep the festival as observers of days, knowing that the Apostle reproves those who do so, in those words which he spake; ‘Ye observe days, and months, and times, and years3979.’ But rather do we consider the day solemn because of the feast; so that all of us, who serve God in every place, may together in our prayers be well-pleasing to God. For the blessed Paul, announcing the nearness of gladness like this, did not announce days, but the Lord, for whose sake we keep the feast, saying, ‘Christ, our Passover, is sacrificed3980;’ so that we all, contemplating the eternity of the Word, may draw near to do Him service.
2. For what else is the feast, but the service of the soul? And what is that service, but
prolonged prayer to God, and unceasing thanksgiving3981? The unthankful departing far
from these are rightly deprived of the joy springing therefrom: for ‘joy and gladness are
taken from their mouth3982.’ Therefore, the divine word doth not allow them to have
their talents, saying, ‘Well done, good and faithful
servant; thou hast been faithful in a little, I will place thee over much; enter into the joy of
thy Lord3987.’
3. This was right and reasonable; for, as the Scripture declares, they had gained as much
as they had received. Now, my beloved, our will ought to keep pace with the grace of God,
and not fall short; lest while our will remains idle, the grace given us should begin to depart,
and the enemy finding us empty and naked, should enter into us, as was the case with him
spoken of in the Gospel, from whom the devil went out; ‘for having gone through dry places,
he took seven other spirits more wicked than himself; and returning and finding the house
empty, he dwelt there, and the last state of that man was worse than the first3988.’ For the
departure from virtue gives place for the entrance of the unclean spirit. There is, moreover,
the apostolic injunction, that the grace given us should not be unprofitable; for those things
which he wrote particularly to his disciple, he enforces on us through him3989, saying,
4. Therefore, the God of all, ‘Who maketh His angels spirits,’ is a spirit, ‘and His
ministers a flame of fire3994.’ Wherefore, in the departure from Egypt, He forbade the
multitude to touch the mountain, where God was appointing them the law, because they
were not of this character. But He called blessed Moses to it, as being fervent in spirit, and
possessing unquenchable grace, saying, ‘Let Moses alone draw near3995.’ He entered into
the cloud also, and when the mountain was smoking, he was not injured; but rather, through
‘the words of the Lord, which are choice silver purified in the earth3996,’ he descended purified.
Therefore the blessed Paul, when desirous that the grace of the Spirit given to us should
not grow cold, exhorts, saying, ‘Quench not the Spirit3997.’ For so shall we remain partakers
of Christ3998, if we hold fast to the end the Spirit given at the beginning. For he said, ‘Quench
not;’ not because the Spirit is placed in the power of men, and is able to suffer anything from
them; but because bad and unthankful men are such as manifestly wish to quench it, since
they, like the impure, persecute the Spirit with unholy deeds. ‘For the holy Spirit of discipline
will flee deceit, nor dwell in a body that is subject unto sin; but will remove from thoughts
that are without understanding3999.’ Now they being without understanding, and deceitful,
and lovers of sin, walk still as in darkness, not having that ‘Light which lighteth every man
5. But the faithful and true servants of the Lord, knowing that the Lord loves the
thankful, never cease to praise Him, ever giving thanks unto the Lord. And whether the
time is one of ease or of affliction, they offer up praise to God with thanksgiving, not reckoning
these things of time, but worshipping the Lord, the God of times4007. Thus of old
time, Job, who possessed fortitude above all men, thought of these things when in prosperity;
and when in adversity, he patiently endured, and when he suffered, gave thanks. As also the
humble David, in the very time of affliction sang praises and said, ‘I will bless the Lord at
all times4008.’ And the blessed Paul, in all his Epistles, so to say, ceased not to thank God.
In times of ease, he failed not, and in afflictions he gloried, knowing that ‘tribulation worketh
6. The beginning of the fast of forty days is on the fifth of Phamenoth (Mar. 1); and when, as I have said, we have first been purified and prepared by those days, we begin the holy week of the great Easter on the tenth of Pharmuthi (Apr. 5), in which, my beloved brethren, we should use more prolonged prayers, and fastings, and watchings, that we may be enabled to anoint our lintels with precious blood, and to escape the destroyer4021. Let us rest then, on the fifteenth of the month Pharmuthi (Apr. 10), for on the evening of that Saturday we hear the angels’ message, ‘Why seek ye the living among the dead? He is risen4022.’ Immediately afterwards that great Sunday receives us, I mean on the sixteenth of the same month Pharmuthi (April 11), on which our Lord having risen, gave us peace towards our neighbours. When then we have kept the feast according to His will, let us add from that first day in the holy week, the seven weeks of Pentecost, and as we then receive the grace of the Spirit, let us at all times give thanks to the Lord; through Whom to the Father be glory and dominion, in the Holy Ghost, for ever and ever. Amen.
Salute one another with a holy kiss. The brethren who are with me salute you. I pray, brethren beloved and longed for, that ye may have health, and that ye may be mindful of us in the Lord.
Here endeth the third Festal Letter of holy Athanasius.
He sent this Letter from the Emperor’s Court by a soldier4025.
I send unto you, my beloved, late and beyond the accustomed time4026; yet I trust you will forgive the delay, on account of my protracted journey, and because I have been tried with illness. Being hindered by these two causes, and unusually severe storms having oc- curred, I have deferred writing to you. But notwithstanding my long journeys, and my grievous sickness, I have not forgotten to give you the festal notification, and, in discharge of my duty, I now announce to you the feast. For although the date of this letter is later4027 than that usual for this announcement, it should still be considered well-timed, since our enemies having been put to shame and reproved by the Church, because they persecuted us without a cause4028, we may now sing a festal song of praise, uttering the triumphant hymn against Pharaoh; ‘We will sing unto the Lord, for He is to be gloriously praised; the horse and his rider He hath cast into the sea4029.’
2. It is well, my beloved, to proceed from feast to feast; again festal meetings, again holy
vigils arouse our minds, and compel our intellect to keep vigil unto contemplation of good
things. Let us not fulfil these days like those that mourn, but, by enjoying spiritual food, let
us seek to silence our fleshly lusts4030. For by these means we shall have strength to overcome
our adversaries, like blessed Judith4031, when having first exercised herself in fastings and
prayers, she overcame the enemies, and killed Olophernes. And blessed Esther, when destruction
was about to come on all her race, and the nation of Israel was ready to perish,
3. Now, however, that the devil, that tyrant against the whole world, is slain, we do not
approach a temporal feast, my beloved, but an eternal and heavenly. Not in shadows do we
shew it forth, but we come to it in truth. For they being filled with the flesh of a dumb lamb,
accomplished the feast, and having anointed their door-posts with the blood, implored aid
against the destroyer4034. But now we, eating of the Word of the Father, and having the
lintels of our hearts sealed with the blood of the New Testament4035, acknowledge the grace
given us from the Saviour, who said, ‘Behold, I have given unto you to tread upon serpents
and scorpions, and over all the power of the enemy4036.’ For no more does death reign; but
instead of death henceforth is life, since our Lord said, ‘I am the life4037;’ so that everything
is filled with joy and gladness; as it is written, ‘The Lord reigneth, let the earth rejoice.’ For
when death reigned, ‘sitting down by the rivers of Babylon, we wept4038,’ and mourned,
because we felt the bitterness of captivity; but now that death and the kingdom of the devil
is abolished, everything is entirely filled with joy and gladness. And God is no longer known
only in Judæa, but in all the earth, ‘their voice hath gone forth, and the knowledge of Him
hath filled all the earth4039.’ What follows, my beloved, is obvious; that we should approach
such a feast, not with filthy raiment, but having clothed our minds with pure garments. For
we need in this to put on our Lord Jesus4040, that we may be able to celebrate the feast with
Him. Now we are clothed with Him when we love virtue, and are enemies to wickedness,
when we exercise ourselves in temperance and mortify lasciviousness, when we love righteousness
before iniquity, when we honour sufficiency, and have strength of mind, when we
4. By these things Israel of old, having first, as in a figure, striven for the victory, came to the feast, for these things were then foreshadowed and typified. But we, my beloved, the shadow having received its fulfilment, and the types being accomplished, should no longer consider the feast typical, neither should we go up to Jerusalem which is here below, to sacrifice the Passover, according to the unseasonable observance of the Jews, lest, while the season passes away, we should be regarded as acting unseasonably4041; but, in accordance with the injunction of the Apostles, let us go beyond the types, and sing the new song of praise. For perceiving this, and being assembled together with the Truth4042, they drew near, and said unto our Saviour, ‘Where wilt Thou that we should make ready for Thee the Passover4043?’ For no longer were these things to be done which belonged to Jerusalem which is beneath; neither there alone was the feast to be celebrated, but wherever God willed it to be. Now He willed it to be in every place, so that ‘in every place incense and a sacrifice might be offered to Him4044.’ For although, as in the historical account, in no other place might the feast of the Passover be kept save only in Jerusalem, yet when the things pertaining to that time were fulfilled, and those which belonged to shadows had passed away, and the preaching of the Gospel was about to extend everywhere; when indeed the disciples were spreading the feast in all places, they asked the Saviour, ‘Where wilt Thou that we shall make ready?’ The Saviour also, since He was changing the typical for the spiritual, promised them that they should no longer eat the flesh of a lamb, but His own, saying, ‘Take, eat and drink; this is My body, and My blood4045.’ When we are thus nourished by these things, we also, my beloved, shall truly keep the feast of the Passover.
5. We begin on the first of Pharmuthi (Mar. 27), and rest on the sixth of the same month
(Apr. 1), on the evening of the seventh day; and the holy first day of the week having risen
upon us on the seventh of the same Pharmuthi (Apr. 2), celebrate we too the days of holy
Pentecost following thereon, shewing forth through them the world to come4046, so that
henceforth we may be with Christ for ever, praising God over all in Christ Jesus, and through
Him, with all saints, we say unto the Lord, Amen. Salute one another with a holy kiss. All
the brethren who are with me salute you. We have sent this letter from the Court, by the
Here endeth the fourth Festal Letter of holy Athanasius.
We duly proceed, my brethren, from feasts to feasts, duly from prayers to prayers, we advance from fasts to fasts, and join holy-days to holy-days. Again the time has arrived which brings to us a new beginning4052, even the announcement of the blessed Passover, in which the Lord was sacrificed. We eat, as it were, the food of life, and constantly thirsting we delight our souls at all times, as from a fountain, in His precious blood. For we continually and ardently desire; He stands ready for those who thirst; and for those who thirst there is the word of our Saviour, which, in His loving-kindness, He uttered on the day of the feast; ‘If any man thirst, let him come to Me and drink4053.’ Nor was it then alone when any one drew near to Him, that He cured his thirst; but whenever any one seeks, there is free access for him to the Saviour. For the grace of the feast is not limited to one time, nor does its splendid brilliancy decline; but it is always near, enlightening the minds of those who earnestly desire it4054. For therein is constant virtue, for those who are illuminated in their minds, and meditate on the divine Scriptures day and night, like the man to whom a blessing is given, as it is written in the sacred Psalms; ‘Blessed is the man who hath not walked in the counsel of the ungodly, nor stood in the way of sinners, nor sat in the seat of corrupters. But his delight is in the law of the Lord, and in His law doth he meditate day and night4055.’ For it is not the sun, or the moon, or the host of those other stars which illumines him, but he glitters with the high effulgence of God over all.
2. For it is God, my beloved, even the God Who at first established the feast for us, Who
vouchsafes the celebration of it year by year. He both brought about the slaying of His Son
for salvation, and gave us this reason for the holy feast, to which every year bears witness,
as often as at this season the feast is proclaimed. This also leads us on from the cross through
this world to that which is before us, and God produces even now from it the joy of glorious
salvation, bringing us to the same assembly, and in every place uniting all of us in spirit;
appointing us common prayers, and a common grace proceeding from the feast. For this
is the marvel of His loving-kindness, that He should gather together in the same place those
3. Wherefore then, my beloved, do we not acknowledge the grace as becometh the feast? Wherefore do we not make a return to our Benefactor? It is indeed impossible to make an adequate return to God; still, it is a wicked thing for us who receive the gracious gift, not to acknowledge it. Nature itself manifests our inability; but our own will reproves our unthankfulness. Therefore the blessed Paul, when admiring the greatness of the gift of God, said, ‘And who is sufficient for these things4056?’ For He made the world free by the blood of the Saviour; then, again, He has caused the grave to be trodden down by the Saviour’s death, and furnished a way to the heavenly gates free from obstacles to those who are going up4057. Wherefore, one of the saints, while he acknowledged the grace, but was insufficient to repay it, said, ‘What shall I render unto the Lord for all He has done unto me4058?’ For instead of death he had received life, instead of bondage4059, freedom, and instead of the grave, the kingdom of heaven. For of old time, ‘death reigned from Adam to Moses;’ but now the divine voice hath said, ‘To-day shalt thou be with Me in Paradise.’ And the saints, being sensible of this, said, ‘Except the Lord had helped me, my soul had almost dwelt in hell.4060.’ Besides all this, being powerless to make a return, he yet acknowledged the gift, and wrote finally, saying, ‘I will take the cup of salvation, and call on the name of the Lord; precious in His sight is the death of His saints4061.’
With regard to the cup, the Lord said, ‘Are ye able to drink of that cup which I am about
to drink of?’ And when the disciples assented, the Lord said, ‘Ye shall indeed drink of My
cup; but that ye should sit on My right hand, and on My left, is not Mine to give; but to
those for whom it is prepared4062.’ Therefore, my beloved, let us be sensible of the gift,
though we are found insufficient to repay it. As we have ability, let us meet the occasion.
For although nature is not able, with things unworthy of the Word, to return a recompense
for such benefits, yet let us render Him thanks while we persevere in piety. And how can
we more abide in piety than when we acknowledge God, Who in His love to mankind has
bestowed on us such benefits? (For thus we shall obediently keep the law, and observe its
as living henceforth not to ourselves, but to the Lord Who died for us,
as also the blessed Paul did, when he said, ‘I am crucified with Christ, yet I live; yet not I,
but Christ liveth in me4063.’
4. Now our life, my brethren, truly consists in our denying all bodily things, and continuing
stedfast in those only of our Saviour. Therefore the present season requires of us,
that we should not only utter such words, but should also imitate the deeds of the saints.
But we imitate them, when we acknowledge Him who died, and no longer live unto ourselves,
but Christ henceforth lives in us; when we render a recompense to the Lord to the utmost
of our power, though when we make a return we give nothing of our own, but those things
which we have before received from Him, this being especially of His grace, that He should
require, as from us, His own gifts. He bears witness to this when He says, ‘My offerings are
My own gifts4064.’ That is, those things which you give Me are yours, as having received
them from Me, but they are the gifts of God. And let us offer to the Lord every virtue, and
that true holiness which is in Him, and in piety let us keep the feast to Him with those things
which He has hallowed for us. Let us thus engage in the holy fasts, as having been prescribed
by Him, and by means of which we find the way to God. But let us not be like the heathen,
or the ignorant Jews, or as the heretics and schismatics of the present time. For the heathen
think the accomplishment of the feast is in the abundance of food; the Jews, erring in the
type and shadow, think it still such; the schismatics keep it in separate places, and with vain
imaginations. But let us, my brethren, be superior to the heathen, in keeping the feast with
sincerity of soul, and purity of body; to the Jews, in no longer receiving the type and the
shadow, but as having been gloriously illumined with the light of truth, and as looking upon
the Sun of Righteousness4065; to the schismatics, in not rending the coat of Christ, but in
one house, even in the Catholic Church, let us eat the Passover of the Lord, Who, by ordaining
His holy laws, guided us towards virtue, and counselled the abstinence of this feast. For the
Passover is indeed abstinence from evil for exercise of virtue, and a departure from death
unto life. This may be learnt even from the type of old time. For then they toiled earnestly
to pass from Egypt to Jerusalem, but now we depart from death to life; they then passed
from Pharaoh to Moses, but now we rise from the devil to the Saviour. And as, at that time,
the type of deliverance bore witness every year, so now we commemorate our salvation. We
fast meditating on death, that we may be able to live; and we watch, not as mourners, but
5. Would therefore, O my beloved, that as the word requires, we might here so govern ourselves at all times and entirely, and so live, as never to forget the noble acts of God, nor to depart from the practice of virtue! As also the Apostolic voice exhorts; ‘Remember Jesus Christ, that He rose from the dead4066.’ Not that any limited season of remembrance was appointed, for at all times He should be in our thoughts. But because of the slothfulness of many, we delay from day to day. Let us then begin in these days. To this end a time of remembrance is permitted, that it may show forth to the saints the reward of their calling, and may exhort the careless while reproving them4067. Therefore in all the remaining days, let us persevere in virtuous conduct, repenting as is our duty, of all that we have neglected, whatever it may be; for there is no one free from defilement, though his course may have been but one hour on the earth, as Job, that man of surpassing fortitude, testifies. But, ‘stretching forth to those things that are to come4068,’ let us pray that we may not eat the Passover unworthily, lest we be exposed to dangers. For to those who keep the feast in purity, the Passover is heavenly food; but to those who observe it profanely and contemptuously, it is a danger and reproach. For it is written, ‘Whosoever shall eat and drink unworthily, is guilty of the death of our Lord4069.’ Wherefore, let us not merely proceed to perform the festal rites, but let us be prepared to draw near to the divine Lamb, and to touch heavenly food. Let us cleanse our hands, let us purify the body. Let us keep our whole mind from guile; not giving up ourselves to excess, and to lusts, but occupying ourselves entirely with our Lord, and with divine doctrines; so that, being altogether pure, we may be able to partake of the Word.4070
6. We begin the holy fast on the fourteenth of Pharmuthi (Apr. 9), on the first evening
of the week4071; and having ceased on the nineteenth of the same month Pharmuthi (Apr.
14), the first day of the holy week dawns upon us on the twentieth of the same month
Pharmuthi (Apr. 15), to which we join the seven weeks of Pentecost; with prayers, and fellowship
with our neighbour, and love towards one another, and that peaceable will which
Here endeth the fifth Festal Letter of holy Athanasius.
Now again, my beloved, has God brought us to the season of the feast, and through His loving-kindness we have reached the period of assembly for it. For that God who brought Israel out of Egypt, even He at this time calls us to the feast, saying by Moses, ‘Observe the month of new fruits4073, and keep the Passover to the Lord thy God4074:’ and by the prophet, ‘Keep thy feasts, O Judah; pay to the Lord thy vows4075.’ If then God Himself loves the feast, and calls us to it, it is not right, my brethren, that it should be delayed, or observed carelessly; but with alacrity and zeal we should come to it, so that having begun joyfully here, we may also receive an earnest of that heavenly feast. For if we diligently celebrate the feast here, we shall doubtless receive the perfect joy which is in heaven, as the Lord says; ‘With desire I have desired to eat this Passover with you before I suffer. For I say unto you, that I will not eat it, until it is fulfilled with you in the kingdom of God4076.’ Now we eat it if, understanding the reason of the feast, and acknowledging the Deliverer, we conduct ourselves in accordance with His grace, as Paul saith; ‘So that we may keep the Feast, not with old leaven, neither with the leaven of wickedness; but with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth4077.’ For the Lord died in those days, that we should no longer do the deeds of death. He gave His life, that we might preserve our own from the snares of the devil. And, what is most wonderful, the Word became flesh, that we should no longer live in the flesh, but in spirit should worship God, who is Spirit. He who is not so disposed, abuses the days, and does not keep the feast, but like an unthankful person finds fault with the grace, and honours the days overmuch, while he does not supplicate the Lord who in those days redeemed him. Let him by all means hear, though fancying that he keeps the feast, the Apostolic voice reproving him; ‘Ye observe days, and months, and times, and years: I fear lest I have laboured among you in vain4078.’
2. For the feast is not on account of the days; but for the Lord’s sake, who then suffered
for us, we celebrate it, for ‘our Passover Christ, is sacrificed4079.’ Even as Moses, when
teaching Israel not to consider the feast as pertaining to the days, but to the Lord, said, ‘It
3. So now, those who keep the Passover in like manner, the Lord again reproves, as He did those lepers who were cleansed, when He loved the one as thankful, but was angry with the others as ungrateful, because they did not acknowledge their Deliverer, but thought more of the cure of the leprosy than of Him who healed them. ‘But one of them when he saw that he was healed, turned back, and with a loud voice glorified God, and fell on his face at the feet of Jesus giving Him thanks; and he was a Samaritan. And Jesus answering said, Were there not ten cleansed? but those nine—whence are there none found who returned to give glory to God, but this stranger4083?’ And there was more given to him than to the rest; for being cleansed from his leprosy, he heard from the Lord, ‘Arise, go thy way, thy faith hath saved thee4084.’ For he who gives thanks, and he who glorifies, have kindred feelings, in that they bless their Helper for the benefits they have received. So the Apostle exhorts all men to this, saying, ‘Glorify God with your body;’ and the prophet commands, saying, ‘Give glory to God.’ Although testimony was borne by Caiaphas4085 against our Redeemer, and He was set at nought by the Jews, and was condemned by Pilate in those days, yet exalted exceedingly and most mighty was the voice of the Father which came to Him; ‘I have glorified, and will glorify again4086.’ For those things which He suffered for our sake have passed away; but those which belong to Him as the Saviour remain for ever.
4. But in our commemoration of these things, my brethren, let us not be occupied with
meats, but let us glorify the Lord, let us become fools for Him who died for us, even as Paul
said; ‘For if we are foolish, it is to God; or if we are sober-minded, it is to you; since because
one died for all men, therefore all were dead to Him; and He died for all, that we who live
should not henceforth live to ourselves, but to Him who died for us, and rose again4087.’
5. Also in the Gospel, He praises those who increased the grace twofold, both him who
made ten talents of five, and him who made four talents of two, as those who had profited,
and turned them to good account; but him who hid the talent He cast out as wanting, saying
to him, ‘Thou wicked servant! oughtest thou not to have put My money to the exchangers?
then at My coming I should have received Mine own with interest. Take, therefore, from
him the talent, and give it to him that hath ten talents. For to every one that hath shall be
given, and he shall have more abundantly; but from him that hath not, shall be taken away
even that which he hath. And cast ye the unprofitable servant into outer darkness; there
shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth4092.’ For it is not His will that the grace we have received
should be unprofitable; but He requires us to take pains to render Him His own
fruits, as the blessed Paul saith; ‘The fruit of the Spirit is love, joy, and peace4093.’ Having
therefore this right resolution, and owing no man anything, but rather giving everything to
every man, he was a teacher of the like rightness of principle, saying, ‘Render to all their
dues4094.’ He was like those sent by the householder to receive the fruits of the vineyard
from the husbandmen4095; for he exhorted all men to render a return. But Israel despised
and would not render, for their will was not right, nay moreover they killed those that were
6. Then was fulfilled that which was spoken by the prophet; ‘I will take away from them
the voice of joy and the voice of gladness, the voice of the bridegroom and the voice of the
bride, the scent of myrrh, and the light of a lamp, and the whole land shall be destroyed4097.’
For the whole service of the law has been abolished from them, and henceforth and for ever
they remain without a feast. And they observe not the Passover; for how can they? They
have no abiding place, but they wander everywhere. And they eat unleavened bread contrary
to the law, since they are unable first to sacrifice the lamb, as they were commanded to do
when eating unleavened bread. But in every place they transgress the law, and as the judgments
of God require, they keep days of grief instead of gladness. Now the cause of this to
them was the slaying of the Lord, and that they did not reverence the Only-Begotten. At
this time the altogether wicked heretics and ignorant schismatics are in the same case; the
one in that they slay the Word, the other in that they rend the coat. They too remain expelled
from the feast, because they live without godliness and knowledge, and emulate the conduct
shewn in the matter of Bar-Abbas the robber, whom the Jews desired instead of the Saviour.
Therefore the Lord cursed them under the figure of the fig-tree. Yet even thus He spared
them in His loving-kindness, not destroying them root and all. For He did not curse the
root, but said, that no man should eat fruit of it thenceforth. When He did this, He abolished
the shadow, causing it to wither; but preserved the root, so that we might not4098 be grafted
upon it; ‘they too, if they abide not in unbelief, may attain to be grafted into their own olive
tree4099.’ Now when the Lord had cursed them because of their negligence, He removed
from them the new moons, the true lamb, and that which is truly the Passover.
7. But to us it came: there came too the solemn day, in which we ought to call to the
feast with a trumpet4100, and separate ourselves to the Lord with thanksgiving, considering
it as our own festival4101. For we are bound to celebrate it, not to ourselves but to the Lord;
and to rejoice, not in ourselves but in the Lord, who bore our griefs and said, ‘My soul is
8. For thus the patriarch Abraham rejoiced not to see his own day, but that of the Lord;
and thus looking forward ‘he saw it, and was glad4105.’ And when he was tried, by faith he
offered up Isaac, and sacrificed his only-begotten son—he who had received the promises.
And, in offering his son, he worshipped the Son of God. And, being restrained from sacrificing
Isaac, he saw the Messiah in the ram4106, which was offered up instead as a sacrifice to
God. The patriarch was tried, through Isaac, not however that he was sacrificed, but He who
was pointed out in Isaiah; ‘He shall be led as a lamb to the slaughter, and as a sheep before
her shearers he shall be speechless4107;’ but He took away the sin of the world. And on this
account Abraham was restrained from laying his hand on the lad, lest the Jews, taking
occasion from the sacrifice of Isaac, should reject the prophetic declarations concerning our
Saviour, even all of them, but more especially those uttered by the Psalmist; ‘Sacrifice and
offering Thou wouldest not; a body Thou hast prepared Me4108;’ and should refer all such
things as these to the son of Abraham.
9. For the sacrifice was not properly the setting to rights4109 of Isaac, but of Abraham
who also offered, and by that was tried. Thus God accepted the will of the offerer, but prevented
that which was offered from being sacrificed. For the death of Isaac did not procure
freedom to the world, but that of our Saviour alone, by whose stripes we all are healed4110.
For He raised up the falling, healed the sick, satisfied those who were hungry, and filled the
poor, and, what is more wonderful, raised us all from the dead; having abolished death, He
10. The whole creation keeps a feast, my brethren, and everything that hath breath
praises the Lord4114, as the Psalmist says, on account of the destruction of the enemies,
and our salvation. And justly indeed; for if there is joy in heaven over one sinner that repenteth4115,
what should there not be over the abolition of sin, and the resurrection of the dead?
Oh what a feast and how great the gladness in heaven! how must all its hosts joy and exult,
as they rejoice and watch in our assemblies, those that are held continually, and especially
those at Easter? For they look on sinners while they repent; on those who have turned away
their faces, when they become converted; on those who formerly persisted in lusts and excess,
but who now humble themselves by fastings and temperance; and, finally, on the enemy
who lies weakened, lifeless, bound hand and foot, so that we may mock at him; ‘Where is
thy victory, O Death? where is thy sting, O Grave4116?’ Let us then sing unto the Lord a
song of victory.
11. Who then will lead us to such a company of angels as this? Who, coming with a desire
for the heavenly feast, and the angelic holiday, will say like the prophet, ‘I will pass to the
place of the wondrous tabernacle, unto the house of God; with the voice of joy and praise,
with the shouting of those who keep festival4117?’ To this course the saints also encourage
us, saying, ‘Come, let us go up to the mountain of the Lord, and to the house of the God of
Jacob4118.’ But not for the impure is this feast, nor is the ascent thereto for sinners; but it is
for the virtuous and diligent; and for those who live according to the aim of the saints; for,
‘Who shall ascend to the hill of the Lord? or who shall stand in His holy place, but he that
12. Wherefore let us not celebrate the feast after an earthly manner, but as keeping
festival in heaven with the angels. Let us glorify the Lord, by chastity, by righteousness, and
other virtues. And let us rejoice, not in ourselves, but in the Lord, that we may be inheritors
with the saints. Let us keep the feast then, as Moses. Let us watch like David who rose seven
times, and in the middle of the night gave thanks for the righteous judgments of God. Let
us be early, as he said, ‘In the morning I will stand before Thee, and Thou wilt look upon
me: in the morning Thou wilt hear my voice4124.’ Let us fast like Daniel; let us pray without
ceasing, as Paul commanded; all of us recognising the season of prayer, but especially those
who are honourably married; so that having borne witness to these things, and thus having
kept the feast, we may be able to enter into the joy of Christ in the kingdom of heaven4125.
But as Israel, when going up to Jerusalem, was first purified in the wilderness, being trained
to forget the customs of Egypt, the Word by this typifying to us the holy fast of forty days,
let us first be purified and freed from defilement4126, so that when we depart hence, having
been careful of fasting, we may be able to ascend to the upper chamber4127 with the Lord,
to sup with Him; and may be partakers of the joy which is in heaven. In no other manner
13. We begin the fast of forty days on the first day of the month Phamenoth (Feb. 25); and having prolonged it till the fifth of Pharmuthi (Mar. 31), suspending it upon the Sundays and the Saturdays4128 preceding them, we then begin again on the holy days of Easter, on the sixth of Pharmuthi (Apr, 1), and cease on the eleventh of the same month (Apr. 6), late in the evening4129 of the Saturday, whence dawns on us the holy Sunday, on the twelfth of Pharmuthi (Apr. 7), which extends its beams, with unobscured grace, to all the seven weeks of the holy Pentecost. Resting on that day, let us ever keep Easter joy in Christ Jesus our Lord, through Whom, to the Father, be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen. All the brethren who are with me salute you. Salute one another with a holy kiss.
Here endeth the sixth Festal Letter of the holy and God-clad Athanasius.
The blessed Paul4130 wrote to the Corinthians4131 that he always bore in his body the dying of Jesus, not as though he alone should make that boast, but also they and we too, and in this let us be followers of him, my brethren. And let this be the customary boast of all of us at all times. In this David participated, saying in the Psalms, ‘For thy sake we die all the day; we are accounted as sheep for the slaughter4132.’ Now this is becoming in us, especially in the days of the feast, when a commemoration of the death of our Saviour is held. For he who is made like Him in His death, is also diligent in virtuous practices, having mortified his members which are upon the earth4133, and crucifying the flesh with the affections and lusts, he lives in the Spirit, and is conformed to the Spirit4134. He is always mindful of God, and forgets Him not, and never does the deeds of death. Now, in order that we may bear in our body the dying of Jesus, he immediately adds the way of such fellowship, saying, ‘we having the same spirit of faith, as it is written, I believed, and therefore have I spoken; we also believe, and therefore speak4135.’ He adds also, speaking of the grace that arises from knowledge; ‘For He that raised up Jesus, will also raise us up with Jesus, and will present us before Him with you4136.’
2. When by such faith and knowledge the saints have embraced this true life, they receive,
doubtless, the joy which is in heaven; for which the wicked not caring, are deservedly deprived
of the blessedness arising from it. For, ‘let the wicked be taken away, so that he shall not see
the glory of the Lord4137.’ For although, when they shall hear the universal proclamation
of the promise, ‘Awake, thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead4138,’ they shall rise and
shall come even to heaven, knocking and saying, ‘Open to us4139;’ nevertheless the Lord
3. But the saints, and they who truly practise virtue, ‘mortify their members which are
upon the earth, fornication, uncleanness passions, evil concupiscence4146;’ and, as the result
of this, are pure and without spot, confiding in the promise of our Saviour, who said, ‘Blessed
are the pure in heart, for they shall see God4147.’ These, having become dead to the world,
and renounced the merchandise of the world, gain an honourable death; for, ‘precious in
the sight of the Lord is the death of His saints4148.’ They are also able, preserving the
Apostolic likeness, to say, ‘I am crucified with Christ, nevertheless I live; yet not I, but Christ
liveth in me4149.’ For that is the true life, which a man lives in Christ; for although they are
dead to the world, yet they dwell as it were in heaven, minding those things which are above,
4. Therefore, although wicked men press forward to keep the feast, and as at a feast praise God, and intrude into the Church of the saints, yet God expostulates, saying to the sinner, ‘Why dost thou talk of My ordinances?’ And the gentle Spirit rebukes them, saying, ‘Praise is not comely in the mouth of a sinner4158.’ Neither hath sin any place in common with the praise of God; for the sinner has a mouth speaking perverse things, as the Proverb saith, ‘The mouth of the wicked answereth evil things4159.’ For how is it possible for us to praise God with an impure mouth? since things which are contrary to each other cannot coexist. For what communion has righteousness with iniquity? or, what fellowship is there between light and darkness? So exclaims Paul, a minister of the Gospel4160.
Thus it is that sinners, and all those who are aliens from the Catholic Church, heretics, and schismatics, since they are excluded from glorifying (God) with the saints, cannot properly even continue observers of the feast. But the righteous man, although he appears dying to the world, uses boldness of speech, saying, ‘I shall not die, but live, and narrate all Thy marvelous deeds4161.’ For even God is not ashamed to be called the God4162 of those who truly mortify their members which are upon the earth4163, but live in Christ; for He is the God of the living, not of the dead. And He by His living Word quickeneth all men, and gives Him to be food and life to the saints; as the Lord declares, ‘I am the bread of life4164.’ The Jews, because they were weak in perception, and had not exercised the senses of the soul in virtue, and did not comprehend this discourse about bread, murmured against Him, because He said, ‘I am the bread which came down from heaven, and giveth life unto men4165.’
5. For sin has her own special bread, of her death, and calling to those who are lovers
of pleasure and lack understanding, she saith, ‘Touch with delight secret bread, and sweet
waters which are stolen4166;’ for he who merely touches them knows not that that which is
born from the earth perishes with her. For even when the sinner thinks to find pleasure, the
end of that food is not pleasant, as the Wisdom of God saith again, ‘Bread of deceit is
pleasant to a man; but afterwards his mouth shall be filled with gravel4167.’ And, ‘Honey
droppeth from the lips of a whorish woman, which for a time is sweet to thy palate; but at
the last thou shalt find it more bitter than gall, and sharper than a two-edged sword4168.’
Thus then he eats and rejoices for a little time; afterwards he spurneth it when he hath removed
his soul afar. For the fool knoweth not that those who depart far from God shall
perish. And besides, there is the restraint of the prophetic admonition which says, ‘What
hast thou to do in the way of Egypt, to drink the waters of Gihon? And what hast thou to
do in the way of Asshur, to drink the waters of the rivers4169?’ And the Wisdom of God
which loves mankind forbids these things, crying, ‘But depart quickly, tarry not in the place,
neither fix thine eye upon it; for thus thou shalt pass over strange waters, and depart quickly
from the strange river4170.’ She also calls them to herself, ‘For wisdom hath builded her
6. Now wicked men hunger for bread like this, for effeminate souls will hunger; but the righteous alone, being prepared, shall be satisfied, saying, ‘I shall behold Thy face in righteousness; I shall be satisfied when Thy glory is seen by me4175.’ For he who partakes of divine bread always hungers with desire; and he who thus hungers has a never-failing gift, as Wisdom promises, saying, ‘The Lord will not slay the righteous soul with famine.’ He promises too in the Psalms, ‘I will abundantly bless her provision; I will satisfy her poor with bread.’ We may also hear our Saviour saying, ‘Blessed are they who hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall be filled4176.’ Well then do the saints and those who love the life which is in Christ raise themselves to a longing after this food. And one earnestly implores, saying, ‘As the hart panteth after the fountains of waters, so panteth my soul after Thee, O God! My soul thirsteth for the living God, when shall I come and see the face of God?’ And another; ‘My God, my God, I seek Thee early; my soul thirsteth for Thee; often does my flesh, in a dry and pathless land, and without water. So did I appear before Thee in holiness to see Thy power and Thy glory4177.’
7. Since these things are so, my brethren, let us mortify our members which are on the
earth4178, and be nourished with living bread, by faith and love to God, knowing that without
come to Me and drink4179,’ immediately
spoke of the faith without which a man cannot receive such food; ‘He that believeth on Me,
as the Scripture saith, out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water4180.’ To this end He
continually nourished His believing disciples with His words, and gave them life by the
nearness of His divinity, but to the Canaanitish woman, because she was not yet a believer,
He deigned not even a reply, although she stood greatly in need of food from Him. He did
this not from scorn, far from it (for the Lord is loving to men and good, and on that account
He went into the coasts of Tyre and Sidon); but because of her unbelief, and because she
was of those who had not the word. And He did it righteously, my brethren; for there would
have been nothing gained by her offering her supplication before believing, but by her faith
she would support her petition; ‘For He that cometh to God, must first believe that He is,
and that He is a rewarder of them that seek Him;’ and that ‘without faith it is impossible for
a man to please Him4181.’ This Paul teaches. Now that she was hitherto an unbeliever, one
of the profane, He shews, saying, ‘It is not meet to take the children’s bread, and to cast it
to dogs4182.’ She then, being convinced by the power of the word, and having changed her
ways, also gained faith; for the Lord no longer spoke to her as a dog, but conversed with her
as a human being, saying, ‘O woman, great is thy faith4183!’ As therefore she believed, He
forthwith granted to her the fruit of faith, and said, ‘Be it to thee as thou desirest. And her
daughter was healed in the self-same hour.’
8. For the righteous man, being nurtured in faith and knowledge, and the observance
of divine precepts, has his soul always in health. Wherefore it is commanded to ‘receive to
ourselves him who is weak in the faith4184,’ and to nourish him, even if he is not yet able to
eat bread, but herbs, ‘for he that is weak eateth herbs.’ For even the Corinthians were not
able to partake of such bread, being yet babes, and like babes they drank milk. ‘For every
one that partaketh of milk is unskilful in the word of righteousness4185,’ according to the
words of that divine man. The Apostle exhorts his beloved son Timothy, in his first Epistle,
‘to be nourished with the word of faith, and the good doctrine whereto he had attained.’
And in the second, ‘Preserve thou the form of sound words which thou hast heard of me,
in faith and love which are in Christ Jesus4186.’ And not only here, my brethren, is this bread
9. Now he who has been counted worthy of the heavenly calling, and by this calling has
been sanctified, if he grow negligent in it, although washed becomes defiled: ‘counting the
blood of the covenant by which he was sanctified a profane thing, and despising the Spirit
of grace,’ he hears the words, ‘Friend, how camest thou in hither, not having wedding garments?’
For the banquet of the saints is spotless and pure; ‘for many are called, but few
chosen4191.’ Judas to wit, though he came to the supper, because he despised it went out
from the presence of the Lord, and having abandoned his Life4192, hanged himself. But the
disciples who continued with the Redeemer shared in the happiness of the feast. And that
young man who went into a far country, and there wasted his substance, living in dissipation,
if he receive a desire for this divine feast, and, coming to himself, shall say, ‘How many hired
servants of my father have bread to spare, while I perish here with hunger!’ and shall next
arise and come to his father, and confess to him, saying, ‘I have sinned against heaven and
before thee, and am not worthy to be called thy son; make me as one of thy hired servants4193;’—
when he shall thus confess, then he shall be counted worthy of more than he
prayed for. For the father does not receive him as a hired servant, neither does he look upon
10. For this is the work of the Father’s loving-kindness and goodness, that not only
should He make him alive from the dead, but that He should render His grace illustrious
through the Spirit. Therefore, instead of corruption, He clothes him with an incorruptible
garment; instead of hunger, He kills the fatted calf; instead of far journeys, the Father
watched for his return, providing shoes for his feet; and, what is most wonderful, placed a
divine signet-ring upon his hand; whilst by all these things He begot him afresh in the image
of the glory of Christ. These are the gracious gifts of the Father, by which the Lord honours
and nourishes those who abide with Him, and also those who return to Him and repent.
For He promises, saying, ‘I am the bread of life; he that cometh unto Me shall not hunger,
and he that believeth on Me shall never thirst4194.’ We too shall be counted worthy of these
things, if at all times we cleave to our Saviour, and if we are pure, not only in these six days
of Easter4195, but consider the whole course of our life as a feast4196, and continue near and
do not go far off, saying to Him, ‘Thou hast the words of eternal life, and whither shall we
go4197?’ Let those of us who are far off return, confessing our iniquities, and having nothing
against any man, but by the spirit mortifying the deeds of the body4198. For thus, having
first nourished the soul here, we shall partake with angels at that heavenly and spiritual
table; not knocking and being repulsed like those five foolish virgins4199, but entering with
the Lord, like those who were wise and loved the bridegroom; and shewing the dying of Jesus
in our bodies4200, we shall receive life and the kingdom from Him.
11. We begin the fast of forty days on the twenty-third of Mechir (Feb. 17), and the holy
fast of the blessed feast on the twenty-eighth of Phamenoth (Mar. 24); and having joined to
these six days after them, in fastings and watchings, as each one is able, let us rest on the
third of the month Pharmuthi (Mar. 29), on the evening of the seventh day. Also that day
which is holy and blessed in everything, which possesses the name of Christ, namely the
Lord’s day4201, having risen upon us on the fourth of Pharmuthi (Mar. 30), let us afterwards
There is no eighth or ninth, for he did not send them, for the reason before mentioned4202.
Here endeth the seventh Festal Letter of holy Athanasius the Patriarch.
4205Although I have travelled all this distance from you, my brethren, I have not forgotten the custom which obtains among you, which has been delivered to us by the fathers4206, so as to be silent without notifying to you the time of the annual holy feast, and the day for its celebration. For although I have been hindered by those afflictions of which you have doubtless heard, and severe trials have been laid upon me, and a great distance has separated us; while the enemies of the truth have followed our tracks, laying snares to discover a letter from us, so that by their accusations, they might add to the pain of our wounds; yet the Lord, strengthening and comforting us in our afflictions, we have not feared, even when held fast in the midst of such machinations and conspiracies, to indicate and make known to you our saving Easter-feast, even from the ends of the earth. Also when I wrote to the presbyters of Alexandria, I urged that these letters might be sent to you through their instru- mentality, although I knew the fear imposed on them by the adversaries. Still, I exhorted them to be mindful of the apostolic boldness of speech, and to say, ‘Nothing separates us from the love of Christ; neither affliction, nor distress, nor persecution, nor famine, nor nakedness, nor peril, nor sword4207.’ Thus, keeping the feast myself, I was desirous that you also, my beloved, should keep it; and being conscious that an announcement like this is due from me, I have not delayed to discharge this duty, fearing to be condemned by the Apostolic counsel; ‘Render to every man his due4208.’
2. While I then committed all my affairs to God, I was anxious to celebrate the feast
with you, not taking into account the distance between us. For although place separate us,
yet the Lord the Giver of the feast, and Who is Himself our feast4209, Who is also the Bestower
3. And that we may not distress you at all, I would now (only) briefly remind you of these things, because it is not becoming in a man to forget, when more at ease, the pains he experienced in tribulation; lest, like an unthankful and forgetful person, he should be excluded from the divine assembly. For at no time should a man freely praise God, more than when he has passed through afflictions; nor, again, should he at any time give thanks more than when he finds rest from toil and temptations. As Hezekiah, when the Assyrians perished, praised the Lord, and, gave thanks, saying, ‘The Lord is my salvation4215; and I will not cease to bless Thee with harp all the days of my life, before the house of the Lord4216.’ And those valiant and blessed three who were tried in Babylon, Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, when they were in safety and the fire became to them as dew, gave thanks, praising and ‘saying words of glory to God4217.’ I too like them have written, my brethren, having these things in mind; for even in our time, God hath made possible those things which are impossible to men. And those things which could not be accomplished by man, the Lord has shewn to be easy of accomplishment, by bringing us to you. For He does not give us as a prey to those who seek to swallow us up. For it is not so much us, as the Church, and the faith and godliness which they planned to overwhelm with wickedness.
4. But God, who is good, multiplied His loving-kindness towards us, not only when He
granted the common salvation of us all through His Word, but now also, when enemies
have persecuted us, and have sought to seize upon us. As the blessed Paul saith in a certain
place, when describing the incomprehensible riches of Christ: ‘But God, being rich in mercy,
for the great love wherewith He loved us, even when we were dead in follies and sins,
quickened us with Christ4218.’ For the might of man and of all creatures, is weak and poor;
but the Might which is above man, and uncreated, is rich and incomprehensible, and has
no beginning, but is eternal. He does not then possess one method only of healing, but being
rich, He works in divers manners for our salvation by means of His Word, Who is not restricted
or hindered in His dealings towards us; but since He is rich and manifold, He varies
Himself according to the individual capacity of each soul. For He is the Word and the Power
and the Wisdom of God, as Solomon testifies concerning Wisdom, that ‘being one, it can
do all things, and remaining in itself, it maketh all things new; and passing upon holy souls,
fashioneth the friends of God and the prophets4219.’ To those then who have not yet attained
to the perfect way He becomes like a sheep giving milk, and this was administered by Paul:
‘I have fed you with milk, not with meat4220.’ To those who have advanced beyond the full
stature of childhood, but still are weak as regards perfection, He is their food, according to
their capacity, being again administered by Paul4221, ‘Let him that is weak eat herbs.’ But
as soon as ever a man begins to walk in the perfect way, he is no longer fed with the things
before mentioned, but he has the Word for bread, and flesh for food, for it is written, ‘Strong
meat is for those who are of full age, for those who, by reason of their capacity, have their
senses exercised4222.’ And further, when the word is sown it does not yield a uniform produce
of fruit in this human life, but one various and rich; for it bringeth forth, some an hundred,
and some sixty, and some thirty4223, as the Saviour teaches—that Sower of grace, and Bestower
of the Spirit4224. And this is no doubtful matter, nor one that admits no confirmation;
5. But what need we many words? Our Lord and Saviour, when He was persecuted by the Pharisees, wept for their destruction. He was injured, but He threatened4235 not; not when He was afflicted, not even when He was killed. But He grieved for those who dared to do such things. He, the Saviour, suffered for man, but they despised and cast from them life, and light, and grace. All these were theirs through that Saviour Who suffered in our stead. And verily for their darkness and blindness, He wept. For if they had understood the things which are written in the Psalms, they would not have been so vainly daring against the Saviour, the Spirit having said, ‘Why do the heathen rage, and the people imagine a vain thing?’ And if they had considered the prophecy of Moses, they would not have hanged Him Who was their Life4236. And if they had examined with their understanding the things which were written, they would not have carefully fulfilled the prophecies which were against themselves, so as for their city to be now desolate, grace taken from them, and they themselves without the law, being no longer called children, but strangers. For thus in the Psalms was it before declared, saying, ‘The strange children have acted falsely by Me.’ And by Isaiah the prophet; ‘I have begotten and brought up children, and they have rejected Me.4237’ And they are no longer named the people of God, and a holy nation, but rulers of Sodom, and people of Gomorrah; having exceeded in this even the iniquity of the Sodomites, as the prophet also saith, ‘Sodom is justified before thee4238.’ For the Sodomites raved against angels, but these against the Lord and God and King of all, and these dared to slay the Lord of angels, not knowing that Christ, who was slain by them, liveth. But those Jews who had conspired against the Lord died, having rejoiced a very little in these temporal things, and having fallen away from those which are eternal. They were ignorant of this—that the immortal promise has not respect to temporal enjoyment, but to the hope of those things which are everlasting. For through many tribulations, and labours, and sorrows, the saint enters into the kingdom of heaven; but when he arrives where sorrow, and distress, and sighing, shall flee away, he shall thenceforward enjoy rest; as Job, who, when tried here, was afterwards the familiar friend of the Lord. But the lover of pleasures, rejoicing for a little while, afterwards passes a sorrowful life; like Esau, who had temporal food, but afterwards was condemned thereby.
6. We may take as a type of this distinction, the departure of the children of Israel and
the Egyptians from Egypt. For the Egyptians, rejoicing a little while in their injustice against
7. Oh! my dearly beloved, if we shall gain comfort from afflictions, if rest from labours,
if health after sickness, if from death immortality, it is not right to be distressed by the
temporal ills that lay hold on mankind. It does not become us to be agitated because of the
trials which befall us. It is not right to fear if the gang that contended with Christ, should
conspire against godliness; but we should the more please God through these things, and
should consider such matters as the probation and exercise of a virtuous life. For how shall
patience be looked for, if there be not previously labours and sorrows? Or how can fortitude
be tested with no assault from enemies? Or how shall magnanimity be exhibited, unless
after contumely and injustice? Or how can long-suffering be proved, unless there has first
been the calumny of Antichrist4242? And, finally, how can a man behold virtue with his
eyes, unless the iniquity of the very wicked has previously appeared? Thus even our Lord
and Saviour Jesus Christ comes before us, when He would shew men how to suffer, Who
when He was smitten bore it patiently, being reviled He reviled not again, when He suffered
He threatened not, but He gave His back to the smiters, and His cheeks to buffetings, and
turned not His face from spitting4243; and at last, was willingly led to death, that we might
8. Thus too Paul, while he conducted himself after the example of the Lord, exhorted us, saying, ‘Be ye followers of me, as I also am of Christ4245.’ In this way he prevailed against all the divisions of the devil, writing, ‘I am persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor things present, nor things to come, nor powers, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature, shall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in Jesus Christ4246.’ For the enemy draws near to us in afflictions, and trials, and labours, using every endeavour to ruin us. But the man who is in Christ, combating those things that are contrary, and opposing wrath by long-suffering, contumely by meekness, and vice by virtue, obtains the victory, and exclaims, ‘I can do all things through Christ Who strengtheneth me;’ and, ‘In all these things we are conquerors through Christ Who loved us4247.’ This is the grace of the Lord, and these are the Lord’s means of restoration for the children of men. For He suffered to prepare freedom from suffering for those who suffer in Him, He descended that He might raise us up, He took on Him the trial of being born, that we might love Him Who is unbegotten, He went down to corruption, that corruption might put on immortality, He became weak for us, that we might rise with power, He descended to death, that He might bestow on us immortality, and give life to the dead. Finally, He became man, that we who die as men might live again, and that death should no more reign over us; for the Apostolic word proclaims, ‘Death shall not have the dominion over us4248.’
9. Now because they did not thus consider these matters, the Ario-maniacs4249, being
opponents of Christ, and heretics, smite Him who is their Helper with their tongue, and
blaspheme Him who set them free, and hold all manner of different opinions against the
Saviour. Because of His coming down, which was on behalf of man, they have denied His
essential Godhead; and seeing that He came forth from the Virgin, they doubt His being
truly the Son of God, and considering Him as become incarnate in time, they deny His
eternity; and, looking upon Him as having suffered for us, they do not believe in Him as
the incorruptible Son from the incorruptible Father. And finally, because He endured for
our sakes, they deny the things which concern His essential eternity; allowing the deed of
the unthankful, these despise the Saviour, and offer Him insult instead of acknowledging
words are
grievous, not only to those who dispute with Christ4253, but also to the schismatics; for they
are united together, as men of kindred feelings. For they have learned to rend the seamless
coat4254 of God: they think it not strange to divide the indivisible Son from the Father4255.
10. I know indeed, that when these things are spoken, they will gnash their teeth upon us, with the devil who stirs them up, since they are troubled by the declaration of the true glory concerning the Redeemer. But the Lord, Who always has scoffed at the devil, does the same even now, saying, ‘I am in the Father, and the Father in Me4256.’ This is the Lord, Who is manifested in the Father, and in Whom also the Father is manifested; Who, being truly the Son of the Father, at last became incarnate for our sakes, that He might offer Himself to the Father in our stead, and redeem us through His oblation and sacrifice. This is He Who once brought the people of old time out of Egypt; but Who afterwards redeemed all of us, or rather the whole race of men, from death, and brought them up from the grave. This is He Who in old time was sacrificed as a lamb, He being signified in the lamb; but Who afterwards was slain for us, for ‘Christ our Passover is sacrificed4257.’ This is He Who delivered us from the snare of the hunters, from the opponents of Christ, I say, and from the schismatics, and again rescued us His Church. And because we were then victims of deceit, He has now delivered us by His own self.
11. What then is our duty, my brethren, for the sake of these things, but to praise and give thanks to God, the King of all? And let us first exclaim in the words of the Psalms, ‘Blessed be the Lord, Who hath not given us over as a prey to their teeth4258.’ Let us keep the feast in that way which He hath dedicated for us unto salvation—the holy day Easter—so that we may celebrate the feast which is in heaven with the angels. Thus anciently, the people of the Jews, when they came out of affliction into a state of ease, kept the feast, staging a song of praise for their victory. So also the people in the time of Esther, because they were delivered from the edict of death, kept a feast to the Lord4259, reckoning it a feast, returning thanks to the Lord, and praising Him for having changed their condition. Therefore let us, performing our vows to the Lord, and confessing our sins, keep the feast to the Lord, in conversation, moral conduct, and manner of life; praising our Lord, Who hath chastened us a little, but hath not utterly failed nor forsaken us, nor altogether kept silence from us. For if, having brought us out of the deceitful and famous Egypt of the opponents of Christ, He hath caused us to pass through many trials and afflictions, as it were in the wilderness, to His holy Church, so that from hence, according to custom, we can send to you, as well as receive letters from you; on this account especially I both give thanks to God myself, and exhort you to thank Him with me and on my behalf, this being the Apostolic custom, which these opponents of Christ, and the schismatics, wished to put an end to, and to break off. The Lord did not permit it, but both renewed and preserved that which was ordained by Him through the Apostle, so that we may keep the feast together, and together keep holyday, according to the tradition and commandment of the fathers.
12. We begin the fast of forty days on the nineteenth of the month Mechir (Feb. 13); and the holy Easter-fast on the twenty-fourth of the month Phamenoth (Mar. 20). We cease from the fast on the twenty-ninth of the month Phamenoth (Mar. 25), late in the evening of the seventh day. And we thus keep the feast on the first day of the week which dawns on the thirtieth of the month Phamenoth (Mar. 26); from which, to Pentecost, we keep holyday, through seven weeks, one after the other. For when we have first meditated properly on these things, we shall attain to be counted worthy of those which are eternal, through Christ Jesus our Lord, through Whom to the Father be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen. Greet one another with a holy kiss, remembering us in your holy prayers. All the brethren who are with me salute you, at all times remembering you. And I pray that ye may have health in the Lord, my beloved brethren, whom we love above all.
Here endeth the tenth Letter of holy Athanasius.
The blessed Paul, being girt about with every virtue4260, and called faithful of the
Lord—for he was conscious of nothing in himself but what was a virtue and a praise4261,
or what was in harmony with love and godliness—clave to these things more and more, and
was carried up even to heavenly places, and was borne to Paradise4262; to the end that, as
he surpassed the conversation of men, he should be exalted above men. And when he descended,
he preached to every man; ‘We know in part, and we prophesy in part; here I know
in part; but then shall I know even as also I am known4263.’ For, in truth, he was known to
those saints who are in heaven, as their fellow-citizen4264. And in relation to all that is future
and perfect, the things known by him here were in part; but with respect to those things
which were committed and entrusted to him by the Lord, he was perfect; as he said, ‘We
who are perfect, should be thus minded4265.’ For as the Gospel of Christ is the fulfilment
and accomplishment of the ministration which was supplied by the law of Israel, so future
things will be the accomplishment of such as now exist, the Gospel being then fulfilled, and
the faithful receiving those things which, not seeing now, they yet hope for, as Paul saith;
‘For what a man seeth, why doth he also hope for? But if we hope for those things we see
not, we then by patience wait for them4266.’ Since then that blessed man was of such a
character, and apostolic grace was committed to him, he wrote, wishing ‘that all men should
be as he was4267.’ For virtue is philanthropic4268, and great is the company of the kingdom
of heaven, for thousands of thousands and myriads of myriads there serve the Lord. And
though a man enters it through a strait and narrow way, yet having entered, he beholds
immeasurable space, and a place greater than any other, as they declare, who were eye-witnesses
and heirs of these things. ‘Thou didst place afflictions before us.’ But afterwards,
having related their afflictions, they say, ‘Thou broughtest us forth into a wide place;’ and
again, ‘In affliction Thou hast enlarged us4269.’ For truly, my brethren, the course of the
2. Since we are thus circumstanced, my brethren, let us never loiter in the path of virtue; for hereto he counsels us, saying, ‘Be ye followers of me, as I also am of Christ4272.’ For he gave this advice not to the Corinthians only, since he was not their Apostle only, but being ‘a teacher of the Gentiles in faith and verity4273,’ he admonished us all through them; and in short, the things he wrote to each particular person are commandments common to all men4274. On this account in writing to different people, some he exhorted as, for instance, in the Epistles to the Romans, and the Ephesians, and Philemon. Some he reproved, and was indignant with them, as in the case of the Corinthians and Galatians. To some he gave advice, as to the Colossians and Thessalonians. The Philippians he approved of, and rejoiced in them. The Hebrews he taught that the law was a shadow to them4275. But to his elect sons, Timothy and Titus, when they were near, he gave instruction; when far away, he put them in remembrance. For he was all things to all men; and being himself a perfect man, he adapted his teaching to the need of every one, so that by all means he might rescue some of them. Therefore his word was not without fruit; but in every place it is planted and productive even to this day.
3. And wherefore, my beloved? For it is right that we should search into the apostolic
mind. Not only in the beginning of the Epistles, but towards their close, and in the middle
of them, he used persuasions and admonitions. I hope therefore that, by your prayers, I shall
in no respect falsely represent the plan of that holy man. As he was well skilled in these divine
matters, and knew the power of the divine teaching, he deemed it necessary, in the first
place, to make known the word concerning Christ, and the mystery regarding Him; and
then afterwards to point to the correction of habits, so that when they had learned to know
4. It will also be well if a man is not offended at the testimony of the Shepherd, saying
in the beginning of his book, ‘Before all things believe that there is one God, Who created
and established all these things, and from non-existence called them into being4279.’ And,
further, the blessed Evangelists—who recorded the words of the Lord—in the beginning of
the Gospels, wrote the things concerning our Saviour; so that, having first made known the
Lord, the Creator, they might be believed when narrating the events that took place. For
how could they have been believed, when writing respecting him who was blind from his
mother’s womb, and those other blind men who recovered their sight, and those who rose
from the dead, and the changing of water into wine, and those lepers who were cleansed; if
they had not taught of Him as the Creator, writing, ‘In the beginning was the Word4280?’
Or, according to Matthew, that He Who was born of the seed of David, was Emmanuel, and
the Son of the living God? He from Whom the Jews, with the Arians, turn away their faces,
but Whom we acknowledge and worship. The Apostle therefore, as was meet, sent to different
people, but his own son he especially reminded, ‘that he should not despise the things in
which he had been instructed by him,’ and enjoined on him, ‘Remember Jesus Christ, who
rose from the dead, of the seed of David, according to my Gospel4281.’ And speaking of
these things being delivered to him, to be always had in remembrance, he immediately writes
think not truth, but falsehood and not righteousness, but iniquity,
for their tongue learns to speak lies. They have done evil, and have not ceased that they
might repent. For, persevering with delight in wicked actions, they hasten thereto without
turning back, even treading under foot the commandment with regard to neighbours, and,
instead of loving them, devise evil against them, as the saint testifies, saying, ‘And those who
seek me evil have spoken vanity, and imagined deceit all the day4289.’ But that the cause of
such meditation is none other than the want of instruction, the divine proverb has already
declared; ‘The son that forsaketh the commandment of his father meditateth evil words4290.’
But such meditation, because it is evil, the Holy Spirit blames in these words, and reproves
too in other terms, saying, ‘Your hands are polluted with blood, your fingers with sins; your
lips have spoken lawlessness, and your tongue imagineth iniquity: no man speaketh right
This is the fruit of wickedness, these rewards are given to its familiars, for perverseness
does not deliver its own. But in truth, against them it sets itself, and it tears them first, and
on them especially it summons ruin. Woe to them against whom these are brought; for ‘it
is sharper than a two-edged sword4294,’ slaying beforehand and very swiftly those who will
lay hold of it. For their tongue, according to the testimony of the Psalmist, is a ‘sharp sword,
and their teeth spears and arrows4295.’ But the wonderful part is that while often he against
whom men imagine harm suffers nothing, they are pierced by their own spears: for they
possess, even in themselves, before they reach others, anger, wrath, malice, guile, hatred,
bitterness. Although they may not be able to bring these upon others, they forthwith return
upon and against themselves, as he prays, saying, ‘Let their sword enter into their own heart.’
There is also such a proverb as this: ‘The wicked is held fast by the chain of his sins4296.’
5. The Jews in their imaginings, and in their agreeing to act unjustly against the Lord,
forgot that they were bringing wrath upon themselves. Therefore does the Word lament for
them, saying, ‘Why do the people exalt themselves, and the nations imagine vain things4297?’
For vain indeed was the imagination of the Jews, meditating death against the Life4298, and
devising unreasonable things against the ‘Word of the Father4299.’ For who that looks upon
6. Therefore the righteous and faithful servants of the Lord, who ‘are made disciples for
the kingdom of heaven, and bring forth from it things new and old;’ and who ‘meditate on
the words of the Lord, when sitting in the house, when lying down or rising up, and when
walking by the way4305;’—since they are of good hope because of the promise of the Spirit
which said, ‘Blessed is the man that hath not walked in the counsel of the ungodly, nor stood
in the way of sinners, nor sat in the seat of corrupters; but his delight is in the law of the
Lord, and in His law doth he meditate day and night4306;’—being grounded in faith, rejoicing
in hope, fervent in spirit, they have boldness to say, ‘My mouth shall speak wisdom, and the
meditation of my heart shall be of understanding.’ And again, ‘I have meditated on all Thy
works, and on the work of Thy hands has been my meditation.’ And, ‘If I have remembered
Thee on my bed, and in the morning have meditated on Thee4307.’ Afterwards, advancing
in boldness, they say, ‘The meditation of my heart is before Thee at all times4308.’ And what
is the end of such an one? He cites immediately; ‘The Lord is my Helper and my Redeemer4309.’
For to those who thus examine themselves, and conform their hearts to the Lord,
nothing adverse shall happen; for indeed, their heart is strengthened by confidence in the
7. And whereas, not only in action, but also in the thoughts of the mind, men are moved to deeds of virtue, he afterwards adds, saying, ‘Mine eyes prevent the dawn, that I might meditate on Thy words4314.’ For it is meet that the spiritual meditations of those who are whole should precede their bodily actions. And does not our Saviour, when intending to teach this very thing begin with the thoughts of the mind? saying, ‘Whosoever looketh on a woman to lust after her, hath already committed adultery:’ and, ‘Whosoever shall be angry with his brother, is guilty of murder4315.’ For where there is no wrath, murder is prevented; and where lust is first removed, there can be no accusation of adultery. Hence meditation on the law is necessary, my beloved, and uninterrupted converse with virtue, ‘that the saint may lack nothing, but be perfect to every good work4316.’ For by these things is the promise of eternal life, as Paul wrote to Timothy, calling constant meditation exercise, and saying, ‘Exercise thyself unto godliness; for bodily exercise profiteth little; but godliness is profitable for all things, since it has the promise of the present life, and of that which is eternal4317.’
8. Worthy of admiration is the virtue of that man, my brethren! for through Timothy
he enjoins upon all4318, that they should have regard to nothing more than to godliness,
but above everything to adjudge the chief place to faith in God. For what grace has the unrighteous
man, though he may feign to keep the commandments? Nay rather, the unrighteous
proceed from iniquity to iniquity, he reproves
their practices; but, because they knew not the Lord, and were faithless, he charges them
with unrighteousness.
9. For faith and godliness are allied to each other, and sisters; and he who believes in
Him is godly, and he also who is godly, believes the more4321. He therefore who is in a state
of wickedness, undoubtedly also wanders from the faith; and he who falls from godliness,
falls from the true faith. Paul, for instance, bearing testimony to the same point, advises his
disciple, saying, ‘Avoid profane conversations; for they increase unto more ungodliness,
and their word takes hold as doth a canker, of whom are Hymenæus and Philetus4322.’ In
what their wickedness consisted he declares, saying, ‘Who have erred from the faith, saying
that the resurrection is already past4323.’ But again, desirous of shewing that faith is yoked
with godliness, the Apostle says, ‘And all those who will live godly in Jesus Christ shall suffer
persecution4324.’ Afterwards, that no man should renounce godliness through persecution,
he counsels them to preserve the faith, adding, ‘Thou, therefore, continue in the things thou
hast learned, and hast been assured of4325.’ And as when brother is helped by brother, they
become as a wall to each other; so faith and godliness, being of like growth, hang together,
and he who is practised in the one, of necessity is strengthened by the other. Therefore,
wishing the disciple to be exercised in godliness unto the end, and to contend for the faith,
he counsels them, saying, ‘Fight the good fight of faith, and lay hold on eternal life4326.’ For
10. For of these two things we speak of—faith and godliness—the hope is the same, even everlasting life; for he saith, ‘Fight the good fight of faith; lay hold on eternal life.’ And, ‘exercise thyself unto godliness, for it hath the promise of the life that now is, and of that which is to come4327.’ For this cause, the Ario-maniacs, who now have gone out from the Church, being opponents of Christ, have digged a pit of unbelief, into which they themselves have been thrust; and, since they have advanced in ungodliness, they ‘overthrow the faith of the simple4328;’ blaspheming the Son of God, and saying that He is a creature, and has His being from things which are not. But as then against the adherents of Philetus and Hymenæus, so now the Apostle forewarns all men against ungodliness like theirs, saying, ‘The foundation of God standeth sure, having this seal, The Lord knoweth them that are His; and, Let every one that nameth the name of the Lord depart from iniquity4329.’ For it is well that a man should depart from wickedness and deeds of iniquity, that he may be able properly to celebrate the feast; for he who is defiled with the pollutions of the wicked is not able to sacrifice the Passover to the Lord our God. Hence, the people who were then in Egypt said, ‘We cannot sacrifice the Passover in Egypt to the Lord our God4330.’ For God, Who is over all, willed that they should go far away from the servants of Pharaoh, and from the furnace of iron; so that being set free from wickedness, and having carefully put away from them all strange notions, they might receive the knowledge of God and of virtuous actions. For He saith, ‘Go far from them: depart from the midst of them, and touch not the unclean things4331.’ For a man will not otherwise depart from sin, and lay hold on virtuous deeds, than by meditation on his acts; and when he has been practised by exercise in godliness, he will lay hold on the confession of faith4332, which also Paul, after he had fought the fight, possessed, namely, the crown of righteousness which was laid up; which the righteous Judge will give, not to him alone, but to all who are like him.
11. For such meditation and exercise in godliness, being at all times the habit of the
saints, is urgent on us at the present time, when the divine word desires us to keep the feast
12. Since this is so, let us make a joyful noise with the saints, and let no one of us fail of
his duty in these things; counting as nothing the affliction or the trials which, especially at
this time, have been enviously directed against us by the party of Eusebius. Even now they
wish to injure us, and by their accusations to compass our death, because of that godliness,
whose helper is the Lord. But, as faithful servants of God, knowing that He is our salvation
in the time of trouble:—for our Lord promised beforehand, saying, ‘Blessed are ye when
men revile you and persecute you, and say all manner of evil against you falsely, for My
sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad, for your reward is great in heaven4339.’ Again, it is the
Redeemer’s own word, that affliction shall not befall every man in this world, but only those
who have a holy fear of Him:—on this account, the more the enemies hem us in, the more
let us be at liberty; although they revile us, let us come together; and the more they would
13. Let us therefore keep the feast, my brethren, celebrating it not at all as an occasion of distress and mourning, neither let us mingle with heretics through temporal trials brought upon us by godliness. But if anything that would promote joy and gladness should offer, let us attend to it; so that our heart may not be sad, like that of Cain; but that, like faithful and good servants of the Lord, we may hear the words, ‘Enter into the joy of thy Lord4341.’ For we do not institute days of mourning and sorrow, as some may consider these of Easter to be, but we keep the feast, being filled with joy and gladness. We keep it then, not regarding it after the deceitful error of the Jews, nor according to the teaching of the Arians, which takes away the Son from the Godhead, and numbers Him among creatures; but we look to the correct doctrine we derive from the Lord. For the guile of the Jews, and the unbounded impiety of the Arians, cause nothing but sad reflections, for the former at the beginning slew the Lord; but these latter take away His position of having conquered that death to which the Jews brought Him, in that they say He is not the Creator, but a creature. For if He were a creature, He would have been holden by death; but if He was not holden by death, according to the Scriptures, He is not a creature, but the Lord of the creatures, and the subject4342 of this immortal feast.
14. For the Lord of death would abolish death, and being Lord, what He would was accomplished;
for we have all passed from death unto life. But the imagination of the Jews,
and of those who are like them, was vain, since the result was not such as they contemplated,
but turned out adverse to themselves; and ‘at both of them He that sitteth in the heaven
shall laugh: the Lord shall have them in derision4343.’ Hence, when our Saviour was led to
death, He restrained the women who followed Him weeping, saying, ‘Weep not for Me4344;’
meaning to shew that the Lord’s death is an event, not of sorrow but of joy, and that He
Who dies for us is alive. For He does not derive His being from those things which are not,
but from the Father. It is truly a subject of joy, that we can see the signs of victory against
death, even our own incorruptibility, through the body of the Lord. For since He rose gloriously,
it is clear that the resurrection of all of us will take place; and since His body remained
without corruption, there can be no doubt regarding our incorruption4345. For as by one
15. We begin the fast of forty days on the ninth of the month Phamenoth (Mar. 5); and having, in these days, served the Lord with abstinence, and first purified ourselves4350, we commence also the holy Easter on the fourteenth of the month Pharmuthi (April 9). Afterwards, extending the fast to the seventh day, on the seventeenth4351 of the month, let us rest late in the evening. And the light of the Lord having first dawned upon us, and the holy Sunday on which our Lord rose shining upon us, we should rejoice and be glad with the joy which arises from good works, during the seven weeks which remain—to Pentecost—giving glory to the Father, and saying, ‘This is the day which the Lord hath made: we will rejoice and be glad in it,4352’ through our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, through Whom to the same, and to His Father, be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen. Salute one another with a holy kiss. All the brethren who are with me salute you. That ye may have health in the Lord, I pray, brethren beloved.
Here endeth the eleventh Letter of holy Athanasius.
Thanks be to Divine Providence for those things which, at all times, it vouchsafes to us;
for it has vouchsafed to us now to come to the season of the festival. Having, therefore, according
to custom, written the Letter respecting the festival, I have sent it to you, my beloved;
that through you all the brethren may be able to know the day of rejoicing. But because
some Meletians, being come from Syria, have boasted that they had received what does not
belong to them, I mean, that they also were reckoned in the Catholic Church; on this account,
I have sent to you a copy of one letter of our fellow-ministers who are of Palestine, that when
it reaches you, you may know the fraud of the pretenders in this matter. For because they
boasted, as I have said before, it was necessary for me to write to the Bishops who are in
Syria, and immediately those of Palestine sent us a reply, having agreed in4354 the judgment
against them, as you may learn from this example. That you may not have to consider the
letters of all the Bishops one after the other, I have sent you one, which is of like character
with the rest, in order that from it you may know the purport of all of them. I know also
that when they are convicted in this matter, they will incur perfect odium at the hands of
all men. And thus far concerning the pretenders. But I have further deemed it highly necessary
and very urgent, to make known to your modesty—for I have written this to each
one—that you should proclaim the fast of forty days to the brethren, and persuade them to
fast, lest, while all the world is fasting, we who are in Egypt should be derided, as the only
people who do not fast, but take our pleasure in these days. For if, on account of the Letter
not being yet read, we do not fast, we should take away this pretext, and it should be read
before the fast of forty days, so that they may not make this an excuse for neglect or fasting.
Also, when it is read, they may be able to learn about the fast. But O, my beloved, whether
in this way or any other, persuade and teach them to fast the forty days. For it is a disgrace
that when all the world does this, those alone who are in Egypt, instead of fasting, should
find their pleasure. For even I being grieved because men deride us for this, have been constrained
to write to you. When therefore you receive the letters, and have read them and
given the exhortation, write to me in return, my beloved, that I also may rejoice upon
learning it.
2. But I have also thought it necessary to inform4355 you of the fact, that Bishops have succeeded those who have fallen asleep. In Tanis in the stead of Elias4356, is Theodorus. In Arsenoitis, Silvanus4357 instead of Calosiris. In Paralus, Nemesion is instead of Nonnus4358. In Bucolia4359 is Heraclius. In Tentyra, Andronicus is instead of Saprion4360, his father. In Thebes, Philon instead of Philon. In Maximianopolis, Herminus instead of Atras. In the lower Apollon is Sarapion instead of Plution. In Aphroditon, Serenus is in the place of Theodorus. In Rhinocoruron, Salomon. In Stathma, Arabion, and in Marmarica. In the eastern Garyathis, Andragathius4361 in the place of Hierax. In the southern Garyathis, Quintus4362 instead of Nicon4363. So that to these you may write, and from these receive the canonical Letters.
Salute one another with a holy kiss. All the brethren who are with me salute you.
He wrote this from Rome. There is no twelfth Letter.
Again, my beloved brethren, I am ready to notify to you the saving feast4364, which will
take place according to annual custom. For although the opponents of Christ4365 have oppressed
you together with us with afflictions and sorrows; yet, God having comforted us by
our mutual faith4366, behold, I write to you even from Rome. Keeping the feast here with
the brethren, still I keep it with you also in will and in spirit, for we send up prayers in
common to God, ‘Who hath granted us not only to believe in Him, but also now to suffer
for His sake4367.’ For troubled as we are, because we are so far from you, He moves us to
write, that by a letter we might comfort ourselves, and provoke one another to good4368.
For, indeed, numerous afflictions and bitter persecutions directed against the Church have
been against us. For heretics, corrupt in their mind, untried in the faith, rising against the
truth, violently persecute the Church, and of the brethren, some are scourged and others
torn with stripes, and hardest of all, their insults reach even to the Bishops. Nevertheless, it
is not becoming, on this account, that we should neglect the feast. But we should especially
remember it, and not at all forget its commemoration from time to time. Now the unbelievers
do not consider that there is a season for feasts, because they spend all their lives in revelling
and follies; and the feasts which they keep are an occasion of grief rather than of joy. But to
us in this present life they are above all an uninterrupted passage to heaven—it is indeed
our season. For such things as these serve for exercise and trial, so that, having approved
ourselves zealous and chosen servants of Christ, we may be fellow-heirs with the saints4369.
For thus Job: ‘The whole world is a place of trial to men upon the earth4370.’ Nevertheless,
they are proved in this world by afflictions, labours, and sorrows, to the end that each one
may receive of God such reward as is meet for him, as He saith by the prophet, ‘I am the
Lord, Who trieth the hearts, and searcheth the reins, to give to every one according to his
ways4371.’
2. Not that He first knows the things of a man on his being proved (for He knows them
all before they come to pass), but because He is good and philanthropic, He distributes to
each a due reward according to his actions, so that every man may exclaim, Righteous is the
3. The other saints also, who had a like confidence in God, accepted a like probation
with gladness, as Job said, ‘Blessed be the name of the Lord4376.’ But the Psalmist, ‘Search
me, O Lord, and try me: prove my reins and my heart4377.’ For since, when the strength is
proved, it convinceth the foolish, they perceiving the cleansing and the advantage resulting
from the divine fire, were not discouraged in trials like these, but they rather delighted in
them, suffering no injury at all from the things which happened, but being seen to shine
more brightly, like gold from the fire4378, as he said, who was tried in such a school of discipline
as this; ‘Thou hast tried my heart, Thou hast visited me in the night-season; Thou
hast proved me, and hast not found iniquity in me, so that my mouth shall not speak of the
works of men4379.’ But those whose actions are not restrained by law, who know of nothing
beyond eating and drinking and dying, account trials as danger. They soon stumble at them,
so that, being untried in the faith, they are given over to a reprobate mind, and do those
things which are not seemly4380. Therefore the blessed Paul, when urging us to such exercises
as these, and having before measured himself by them, says, ‘Therefore I take pleasure in
afflictions, in infirmities.’ And again, ‘Exercise thyself unto godliness4381.’ For since he knew
the persecutions that befel those who chose to live in godliness, he wished his disciples to
meditate beforehand on the difficulties connected with godliness; that when trials should
4. But all those who ‘call their lands by their own names4382,’ and have wood, and hay,
and stubble4383 in their thoughts; such as these, since they are strangers to difficulties, become
aliens from the kingdom of heaven. Had they however known that ‘tribulation perfecteth
patience, and patience experience, and experience hope, and hope maketh not ashamed,’
they would have exercised themselves, after the example of Paul, who said, ‘I keep under
my body and bring it into subjection, lest when I have preached to others, I myself should
be a castaway4384.’ They would easily have borne the afflictions which were brought upon
them to prove them from time to time, if the prophetic admonition4385 had been listened
to by them; ‘It is good for a man to take up Thy yoke in his youth; he shall sit alone and shall
be silent, because he hath taken Thy yoke upon him. He will give his cheek to him who
smiteth him; he will be filled with reproaches. Because the Lord does not cast away for ever;
for when He abases, He is gracious, according to the multitude of His tender mercies4386.’
For though all these things should proceed from the enemies, stripes, insults, reproaches,
yet shall they avail nothing against the multitude of God’s tender mercies; for we shall quickly
recover from them since they are merely temporal, but God is always gracious, pouring out
His tender mercies on those who please Him. Therefore, my beloved brethren, we should
not look at these temporal things, but fix our attention on those which are eternal. Though
affliction may come, it will have an end, though insult and persecution, yet are they nothing
to the hope which is set before us. For all present matters are trifling compared with those
which are future; the sufferings of this present time not being worthy to be compared with
the hope that is to come4387. For what can be compared with the kingdom? or what is there
in comparison with life eternal? Or what is all we could give here, to that which we shall
inherit yonder? For we are ‘heirs of God, and joint-heirs with Christ4388.’ Therefore it is
not right, my beloved, to consider afflictions and persecutions, but the hopes which are laid
up for us because of persecutions.
5. Now to this the example of Issachar, the patriarch, may persuade, as the Scripture4389
saith, ‘Issachar desires that which is good, resting between the heritages; and when he saw
that the rest was good, and the land fertile4390, he bowed his shoulder to labour, and became
a husbandman.’ Being consumed by divine love, like the spouse in the Canticles, he gathered
abundance from the holy Scriptures, for his mind was captivated not by the old alone, but
by both the heritages. And hence as it were, spreading his wings, he beheld afar off ‘the rest’
which is in heaven, and,—since this ‘land’ consists of such beautiful works,—how much
more truly the heavenly country must also consist of such4391; for the other is ever new,
and grows not old. For this ‘land’ passes away, as the Lord said; but that which is ready to
receive the saints is immortal. Now when Issachar, the patriarch, saw these things, he joyfully
made his boast of afflictions and toils, bowing his shoulders that he might labour. And he
did not contend with those who smote him, neither was he disturbed by insults; but like a
strong man triumphing the more by these things, and the more earnestly tilling his land,
he received profit from it. The Word scattered the seed, but he watchfully cultivated it, so
that it brought forth fruit, even a hundred-fold.
6. Now what does this mean, my beloved, but that we also, when the enemies are arrayed
against us, should glory in afflictions4392, and that when we are persecuted, we should not
be discouraged, but should the rather press after the crown of the high calling4393 in Christ
Jesus our Lord? and that being insulted, we should not be disturbed, but should give our
cheek to the smiter, and bow the shoulder? For the lovers of pleasure and the lovers of enmity
are tried, as saith the blessed Apostle James, ‘when they are drawn away by their own lusts
and enticed4394.’ But let us, knowing that we suffer for the truth, and that those who deny
the Lord smite and persecute us, ‘count it all joy, my brethren,’ according to the words of
James, ‘when we fall into trials of various temptations, knowing that the trial of our faith
worketh patience4395.’ Let us rejoice as we keep the feast, my brethren, knowing that our
salvation is ordered in the time of affliction. For our Saviour did not redeem us by inactivity,
but by suffering for us He abolished death. And respecting this, He intimidated to us before,
7. ‘But evil-doers and sorcerers will wax worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived4397.’ If therefore, like those expounders of dreams and false prophets who professed to give signs, these ignorant men being drunk, not with wine, but with their own wickedness, make a profession of priesthood, and glory in their threats, believe them not; but since we are tried, let us humble ourselves, not being drawn away by them. For so God warned His people by Moses, saying, ‘If there shall rise up among you a prophet, or a dreamer of dreams, and shall give signs and tokens, and the sign or the token shall come to pass which he spake to thee, saying, Let us go and serve strange gods, which ye have not known; ye shall not hearken unto the words of that prophet or that dreamer of dreams. For the Lord your God trieth you, that He may know whether you will love the Lord your God with all your heart4398.’ So we, when we are tried by these things, will not separate ourselves from the love of God. But let us now keep the feast, my beloved, not as introducing a day of suffering, but of joy in Christ, by Whom we are fed every day. Let us be mindful of Him Who was sacrificed in the days of the Passover; for we celebrate this, because Christ the Passover was sacrificed4399. He Who once brought His people out of Egypt, and hath now abolished death, and him that had the power of death, that is the devil4400, will likewise now turn him to shame, and again grant aid to those who are troubled, and cry unto God day and night4401.
8. We begin the fast of forty days on the thirteenth of Phamenoth (9 Mar.), and the holy week of Easter on the eighteenth of Pharmuthi (Apr. 13); and resting on the seventh day, being the twenty-third (Apr. 18), and the first of the great week having dawned on the twenty-fourth of the same month Pharmuthi (Apr. 19), let us reckon from it till Pentecost. And at all times let us sing praises, calling on Christ, being delivered from our enemies by Christ Jesus our Lord, through Whom to the Father be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen. Greet one another with a holy kiss. All those who are here with me salute you. I pray, my beloved brethren, that ye may have health in the Lord.
He wrote this also from Rome. Here endeth the thirteenth Letter.
The gladness of our feast, my brethren, is always near at hand, and never fails those who wish to celebrate it4402. For the Word is near, Who is all things on our behalf, even our Lord Jesus Christ, Who, having promised that His habitation with us should be perpetual, in virtue thereof cried, saying, ‘Lo, I am with you all the days of the world4403.’ For as He is the Shepherd, and the High Priest, and the Way and the Door, and everything at once to us, so again, He is shewn to us as the Feast, and the Holy day, according to the blessed Apostle; ‘Our Passover, Christ, is sacrificed4404.’ He it was who was expected, He caused a light to shine at the prayer of the Psalmist, who said, ‘My Joy, deliver me from those who surround me4405;’ this being indeed true rejoicing, this being a true feast, even deliverance from wickedness, whereto a man attains by thoroughly adopting an upright conversation, and being approved in his mind of godly submission towards God4406. For thus the saints all their lives long were like men rejoicing at a feast. One found rest in prayer to God, as blessed David4407, who rose in the night, not once but seven times. Another gave glory in songs of praise, as great Moses, who sang a song of praise for the victory over Pharaoh, and those task-masters4408. Others performed worship with unceasing diligence, like great Samuel and blessed Elijah; who have ceased from their course, and now keep the feast in heaven, and rejoice in what they formerly learnt through shadows, and from the types recognise the truth.
2. But what sprinklings shall we now employ, while we celebrate the feast? Who will be
our guide, as we haste to this festival? None can do this, my beloved, but Him Whom you
will name with me, even our Lord Jesus Christ Who said, ‘I am the Way.’ For it is He Who,
according to the blessed John, ‘taketh away the sin of the world4409.’ He purifies our souls,
as Jeremiah the prophet says in a certain place, ‘Stand in the ways and see, and enquire, and
look which is the good path, and ye shall find in it cleansing for your souls4410.’ Of old time,
the blood of he-goats and the ashes of a heifer, sprinkled upon those who were unclean,
3. But now, which is above all things most necessary, I wish to remind you, and myself
with you, how that the command would have us come to the Paschal feast not profanely
and without preparation, but with sacramental and doctrinal rites, and prescribed observances,
as indeed we learn from the historical account, ‘A man who is of another nation, or
bought with money, or uncircumcised, shall not eat the Passover4415.’ Neither should it be
eaten in ‘any’ house, but He commands it to be done in haste; inasmuch as before we groaned
and were made sad by the bondage to Pharaoh, and the commands of the task-masters. For
when in former time the children of Israel acted in this way, they were counted worthy to
receive the type, which existed for the sake of this feast, nor is the feast now introduced on
account of the type. As also the Word of God, when desirous of this, said to His disciples,
‘With desire I have desired to eat this Passover with you4416.’ Now that is a wonderful account,
for a man might have seen them at that time girded as for a procession or a dance,
and going out with staves, and sandals, and unleavened bread. These things, which took
place before in shadows, were typical. But now the Truth is nigh unto us, ‘the Image of the
invisible God4417,’ our Lord Jesus Christ, the true Light, Who instead of a staff, is our sceptre,
4. Why therefore do we tarry, and why do we delay, and not come with all eagerness
and diligence to the feast, trusting that it is Jesus who calleth us? Who is all things for us,
and was laden in ten thousand ways for our salvation; Who hungered and thirsted for us,
though He gives us food and drink in His saving gifts4421. For this is His glory, this the
miracle of His divinity, that He changed our sufferings for His happiness. For, being life,
He died that He might make us alive, being the Word, He became flesh, that He might instruct
the flesh in the Word, and being the fountain of life, He thirsted our thirst, that thereby
He might urge us to the feast, saying, ‘If any man thirst, let him come to Me, and drink4422.’
At that time, Moses proclaimed the beginning of the feast, saying, ‘This month is the beginning
of months to you4423.’ But the Lord, Who came down in the end of the ages4424, proclaimed
a different day, not as though He would abolish the law, far from it, but that He
should establish the law, and be the end of the law. ‘For Christ is the end of the law to every
one that believeth in righteousness;’ as the blessed Paul saith, ‘Do we make void the law by
faith? far from it: we rather establish the law4425.’ Now these things astonished even the officers
who were sent by the Jews, so that wondering they said to the Pharisees, ‘No man ever
thus spake4426.’ What was it then that astonished those officers, or what was it which so affected
the men as to make them marvel? It was nothing but the boldness and authority of
our Saviour. For when of old time prophets and scribes studied the Scriptures, they perceived
that what they read did not refer to themselves, but to others. Moses, for instance, ‘A
prophet will the Lord raise up unto you of your brethren, like unto me; to him hearken in
5. Therefore let us also, when we come to the feast, no longer come as to old shadows,
for they are accomplished, neither as to common feasts, but let us hasten as to the Lord,
Who is Himself the feast4429, not looking upon it as an indulgence and delight of the belly,
but as a manifestation of virtue. For the feasts of the heathen are full of greediness, and utter
indolence, since they consider they celebrate a feast when they are idle4430; and they work
the works of perdition when they feast. But our feasts consist in the exercise of virtue and
the practice of temperance; as the prophetic word testifies in a certain place, saying, ‘The
fast of the fourth, and the fast of the fifth, and the fast of the seventh, and the fast of the
tenth month, shall be to the house of Judah for gladness, and rejoicing, and for pleasant
feasts4431.’ Since therefore this occasion for exercise is set before us, and such a day as this
is come, and the prophetic voice has gone forth that the feast shall be celebrated, let us give
all diligence to this good proclamation, and like those who contend on the race course, let
us vie with each other in observing the purity of the fast4432, by watchfulness in prayers, by
study of the Scriptures, by distributing to the poor, and let us be at peace with our enemies.
Let us bind up those who are scattered abroad, banish pride, and return to lowliness of mind,
being at peace with all men, and urging the brethren unto love. Thus also the blessed Paul
was often engaged in fastings and watchings, and was willing to be accursed for his brethren.
Blessed David again, having humbled himself by fastings, used boldness, saying, ‘O Lord
my God, if I have done this, if there is any iniquity in my hands, if I have repaid those who
dealt evil with me, then may I fall from my enemies as a vain man4433.’ If we do these things,
we shall conquer death; and receive an earnest4434 of the kingdom of heaven.
6. We begin the holy Easter feast on the tenth of Pharmuthi (April 5), desisting from
the holy fasts on the fifteenth of the same month Pharmuthi (April 10), on the evening of
The fifteenth and sixteenth are wanting.
Athanasius to the Presbyters and Deacons of Alexandria, and to the beloved brethren, greeting in Christ.
According to custom, I give you notice respecting Easter, my beloved, that you also may notify the same to the districts of those who are at a distance, as is usual. Therefore, after this present festival4435, I mean this which is on the twentieth of the month Pharmuthi, the Easter-day following will be on the vii Id. April, or according to the Alexandrians on the twelfth of Pharmuthi. Give notice therefore in all those districts, that Easter-day will be on the vii Id. April, or according to the Alexandrian reckoning on the twelfth of Pharmuthi. That you may be in health in Christ, I pray, my beloved brethren.
Athanasius, to the Presbyters and Deacons of Alexandria, brethren beloved in the Lord, greeting.
You have done well, dearly beloved brethren, that you have given the customary notice of the holy Easter in those districts; for I have seen and acknowledged your exactness. By other letters I have also given you notice, that when this year is finished, ye may know concerning the next. Yet now I have thought it necessary to write the same things that, when you have it exactly, you also may write with care. Therefore, after the conclusion of this feast, which is now drawing to its close, on the twelfth of the month Pharmuthi, which is on the vii Id. Apr.4436, Easter-day will be on the iii Kal, April; the fourth of Pharmuthi, according to the Alexandrians. When therefore the feast is finished, give notice again in these districts, according to early custom, thus: Easter Sunday is on the iii Kal. April, which is the fourth of Pharmuthi, according to the Alexandrian reckoning. And let no man hesitate concerning the day, neither let any one contend, saying, It is requisite that Easter should be held on the twenty-seventh of the month Phamenoth; for it was discussed in the holy Synod4437, and all there settled it to be on the iii Kal. April. I say then that it is on the fourth of the month Pharmuthi; for the week before this is much too early4438. Therefore let there be no dispute, but let us act as becometh us. For I have thus written to the Romans also. Give notice then as it has been notified to you, that it is on the iii Kal. April; the fourth of Pharmuthi, according to the Alexandrian reckoning.
That ye may have health in the Lord, I pray, my dearly beloved brethren.
‘Blessed is God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ4439,’ for such an introduction is fitting for an Epistle, and more especially now, when it brings thanksgiving to the Lord, in the Apostle’s words, because He hath brought us from a distance, and granted us again to send openly to you, as usual, the Festal Letters. For this is the season of the feast, my brethren, and it is near; being not now proclaimed by trumpets, as the history records4440, but being made known and brought near to us by the Saviour, Who suffered on our behalf and rose again, even as Paul preached, saying, ‘Our Passover, Christ, is sacrificed4441.’ Henceforth the feast of the Passover is ours, not that of a stranger, nor is it any longer of the Jews4442. For the time of shadows is abolished, and those former things have ceased, and now the month of new things4443 is at hand, in which every man should keep the feast, in obedience to Him who said, ‘Observe the month of new things, and keep the Passover to the Lord thy God4444.’ Even the heathen fancy they keep festival, and the Jews hypo-critically feign to do so. But the feast of the heathen He reproves, as the bread4445 of mourners, and He turns His face from that of the Jews, as being outcasts, saying, ‘Your new moons and your sabbaths My soul hateth4446.’
2. For actions not done lawfully and piously, are not of advantage, though they may be
reputed to be so, but they rather argue hypocrisy in those who venture upon them. Therefore,
although such persons feign to offer sacrifices, yet they hear from the Father, ‘Your whole
burnt-offerings are not acceptable, and your sacrifices do not please Me; and although ye
bring fine flour, it is vanity, incense also is an abomination unto Me4447.’ For God does not
need anything4448; and, since nothing is unclean to Him, He is full in regard to them, as He
testifies, by Isaiah, saying, ‘I am full4449.’ Now there was a law given about these things, for
the instruction of the people, and to prefigure things to come, for Paul saith to the Galatians;
if he
offered swine’s blood, he that giveth frankincense for a memorial, is as a blasphemer4457.’
Now these things will never please God, neither thus hath the word required of them. But
He saith, ‘These have chosen their own ways; and their abominations are what their soul
delighteth in4458.’
3. And what does this mean my brethren? For it is right for us to investigate the saying of the prophet, and especially on account of heretics who have turned their mind against the law. By Moses then, God gave commandment respecting sacrifices, and all the book called Leviticus is entirely taken up with the arrangement of these matters, so that He might accept the offerer. So through the Prophets, He blames him who despised these things, as disobedient to the commandment saying, ‘I have not required these at your hands. Neither did I speak to your fathers respecting sacrifices, nor command them concerning whole burnt-offerings4459.’ Now it is the opinion of some, that the Scriptures do not agree together, or that God, Who gave the commandment, is false. But there is no disagreement whatever, far from it, neither can the Father, Who is truth, lie; ‘for it is impossible that God should lie4460,’ as Paul affirms. But all these things are plain to those who rightly consider them, and to those who receive with faith the writings of the law. Now it appears to me—may God grant, by your prayers, that the remarks I presume to make may not be far from the truth—that not at first were the commandment and the law concerning sacrifices, neither did the mind of God, Who gave the law, regard whole burnt-offerings, but those things which were pointed out and prefigured by them. ‘For the law contained a shadow of good things to come.’ And, ‘Those things were appointed until the time of reformation4461.’
4. Therefore, the whole law did not treat of sacrifices, though there was in the law a
commandment concerning sacrifices, that by means of them it might begin to instruct men
and might withdraw them from idols, and bring them near to God, teaching them for that
present time. Therefore neither at the beginning, when God brought the people out of Egypt,
did He command them concerning sacrifices or whole burnt-offerings, nor even when they
came to mount Sinai. For God is not as man, that He should be careful about these things
5. Samuel, that great man, no less clearly reproved Saul, saying, ‘Is not the word better
than a gift4466?’ For hereby a man fulfils the law, and pleases God, as He saith, ‘The sacrifice
of praise shall glorify Me.’ Let a man ‘learn what this means, I will have mercy, and not
sacrifice4467,’ and I will not condemn the adversaries. But this wearied them, for they were
not anxious to understand, ‘for had they known, they would not have crucified the Lord of
glory4468.’ And what their end is, the prophet foretold, crying, ‘Woe unto their soul, for
they have devised an evil thought, saying, let us bind the just man, because he is not pleasing
6. Like these too, are the heretics, who, having fallen from true discernment, dare to
invent to themselves atheism. ‘For the fool saith in his heart, There is no God. They are
corrupt, and become abominable in their doings4474.’ Of such as are fools in their thoughts,
the actions are wicked, as He saith, ‘can ye, being evil, speak good things4475;’ for they were
evil, because they thought wickedness. Or how can those do just acts, whose minds are set
upon fraud? Or how shall he love, who is prepared beforehand to hate? How shall he be
merciful, who is bent upon the love of money? How shall he be chaste, who looks upon a
woman to lust after her? ‘For from the heart proceed evil thoughts, fornications, adulteries,
murders4476.’ By them the fool is wrecked, as by the waves of the sea, being led away and
enticed by his fleshly pleasures; for this stands written, ‘All flesh of fools is greatly tempesttossed4477.’
While he associates with folly, he is tossed by a tempest, and perishes, as Solomon
says in the Proverbs, ‘The fool and he who lacketh understanding shall perish together, and
shall leave their wealth to strangers4478.’ Now they suffer such things, because there is not
among them one sound of mind to guide them. For where there is sagacity, there the Word,
who is the Pilot of souls, is with the vessel; ‘for he that hath understanding shall possess
guidance4479;’ but they who are without guidance fall like the leaves. Who has so completely
7. Let us, therefore, in the faith of the disciples, hold frequent converse with our Master.
For the world is like the sea to us, my brethren, of which it is written, ‘This is the great and
wide sea, there go the ships; the Leviathan, which Thou hast created to play therein4482.’
We float on this sea, as with the wind, through our own free-will, for every one directs his
course according to his will, and either, under the pilotage of the Word, he enters into rest,
or, laid hold on by pleasure, he suffers shipwreck, and is in peril by storm. For as in the
ocean there are storms and waves, so in the world there are many afflictions and trials. The
unbelieving therefore ‘when affliction or persecution ariseth is offended4483,’ as the Lord
said. For not being confirmed in the faith, and having his regard towards temporal things,
he cannot resist the difficulties which arise from afflictions. But like that house, built on the
sand by the foolish man, so he, being without understanding4484, falls before the assault of
temptations, as it were by the winds. But the saints, having their senses exercised in selfpossession4485,
and being strong in faith, and understanding the word, do not faint under
trials; but although, from time to time, circumstances of greater trial are set against them,
yet they continue faithful, and awaking the Lord Who is with them, they are delivered. So,
passing through water and fire, they find relief and duly keep the feast, offering up prayers
with thanksgiving to God Who has redeemed them. For either being tempted they are
known, like Abraham, or suffering they are approved, like Job, or being oppressed and deceitfully
treated, like Joseph, they patiently endure it, or being persecuted, they are not
overtaken; but as it is written, through God they ‘leap over the wall4486’ of wickedness, which
8. For what is so fitting for the feast, a turning from wickedness, and a pure conversation, and prayer offered without ceasing to God, with thanksgiving? Therefore let us, my brethren, looking forward to celebrate the eternal joy in heaven, keep the feast here also, rejoicing at all times, praying incessantly, and in everything giving thanks to the Lord. I give thanks to God, for those other wonders He has done, and for the various helps that have now been granted us, in that though He hath chastened us sore, He did not deliver us over to death, but brought us from a distance even as from the ends of the earth, and hath united us again with you. I have been mindful while I keep the feast, to give you also notice of the great feast of Easter, that so we may go up together, as it were, to Jerusalem, and eat the Passover, not separately but as in one house4488; let us not as sodden in water, water down the word of God; neither let us, as having broken its bones, destroy the commands of the Gospel. But as roasted with fire, with bitterness, being fervent in spirit, in fastings and watchings, with lying on the ground, let us keep it with penitence and thanksgiving.
9. We begin the fast of forty days on the sixth day of Phamenoth (Mar. 2); and having passed through that properly, with fasting and prayers, we may be able to attain to the holy day. For he who neglects to observe the fast of forty days, as one who rashly and impurely treads on holy things, cannot celebrate the Easter festival. Further, let us put one another in remembrance, and stimulate one another not to be negligent, and especially that we should fast those days, so that fasts may receive us in succession, and we may rightly bring the feast to a close.
10. The fast of forty days begins then, as was already said, on the sixth of Phamenoth (Mar. 2), and the great week of the Passion on the eleventh of Pharmuthi (Apr. 6). And let us rest from the fast on the sixteenth of it (Apr. 11), on the seventh day, late in the evening. Let us keep the feast when the first of the week dawns upon us, on the seventeenth of the same month Pharmuthi (Apr. 12). Let us then add, one after the other, the seven holy weeks of Pentecost, rejoicing and praising God, that He hath by these things made known to us beforehand, joy and rest everlasting, prepared in heaven for us and for those who truly believe in Christ Jesus our Lord; through Whom, and with Whom, be glory and dominion to the Father, with the Holy Ghost, for ever and ever. Amen.
Salute one another with a holy kiss. The brethren who are with me salute you.
4489I have also thought it necessary to inform you of the appointment of Bishops, which has taken place in the stead of our blessed fellow-ministers, that ye may know to whom to write, and from whom ye should receive letters. In Syene, therefore, Nilammon, instead of Nilammon of the same name. In Latopolis, Masis, instead of Ammonius. In Coptos, Psenosiris4490, instead of Theodorus4491. In Panopolis, because Artemidorus4492 desired it, on account of his old age, and weakness of body, Arius is appointed coadjutor. In Hypsele, Arsenius, having become reconciled to the Church. In Lycopolis, Eudæmon4493 in the stead of Plusianus4494. In Antinoöpolis, Arion4495, instead of Ammonius and Tyrannus4496. In Oxyrynchus, Theodorus, instead of Pelagius. In Nilopolis, instead of Theon, Amatus4497, and Isaac, who are reconciled to each other. In Arsenoitis, Andreas 4498, instead of Silvanus4499. In Prosopitis, Triadelphus, instead of Serapammon4500. In Diosphacus, on the river side, Theodorus, instead of Serapammon. In Sais, Paphnutius, instead of Nemesion. In Xois, Theodorus, instead of Anubion; and there is also with him Isidorus, who is reconciled to the Church. In Sethroitis, Orion4501, instead of Potammon4502. In Clysma, Tithonas4503, instead of Jacob; and there is with him Paulus, who has been reconciled to the Church.
Let us now keep the feast, my brethren, for as our Lord then gave notice to His disciples,
so He now tells us beforehand, that ‘after some days is the Passover4504,’ in which the Jews
indeed betrayed the Lord, but we celebrate His death as a feast, rejoicing because we then
obtained rest from our afflictions. We are diligent in assembling ourselves together, for we
were scattered in time past and were lost, and are found. We were far off, and are brought
nigh, we were strangers, and have become His, Who suffered for us, and was nailed on the
cross, Who bore our sins, as the prophet4505 saith, and was afflicted for us, that He might
put away from all of us grief, and sorrow, and sighing. When we thirst, He satisfies us on
the feast-day itself; standing and crying, ‘If any man thirst, let him come to Me, and drink4506.’
For such is the love of the saints at all times, that they never once leave off, but offer the
uninterrupted, constant sacrifice to the Lord, and continually thirst, and ask of Him to
drink4507; as David sang, ‘My God, my God, early will I seek Thee, my soul thirsteth for
Thee; many times my heart and flesh longeth for Thee in a barren land, without a path, and
without water. Thus was I seen by Thee in the sanctuary4508.’ And Isaiah the prophet says,
‘From the night my spirit seeketh Thee early, O God, because Thy commandments are
light4509.’ And another says, ‘My soul fainteth for the longing it hath for Thy judgments at
all times.’ And again he says, ‘For Thy judgments I have hoped, and Thy law will I keep at
all times4510.’ Another boldly cries out, saying, ‘Mine eye is ever towards the Lord.’ And
with him one says, ‘The meditation of my heart is before Thee at all times.’ And Paul further
advises, ‘At all times give thanks; pray without ceasing4511.’ Those who are thus continually
engaged, are waiting entirely on the Lord, and say, ‘Let us follow on to know the Lord: we
shall find Him ready as the morning, and He will come to us as the early and the latter rain
for the earth4512.’ For not only does He satisfy them in the morning; neither does He give
them only as much to drink as they ask; but He gives them abundantly according to the
multitude of His lovingkindness, vouchsafing to them at all times the grace of the Spirit.
2. It becomes us then in these days of the Passover, to rise early with the saints, and approach
the Lord with all our soul, with purity of body, with confession and godly faith in
Him; so that when we have here first drunk, and are filled with these divine waters which
flow from Him, we may be able to sit at table with the saints in heaven, and may share in
the one voice of gladness which is there. From this sinners, because it wearied them, are
rightly cast out, and hear the words, ‘Friend, how camest thou in hither, not having a wedding
garment4514?’ Sinners indeed thirst, but not for the grace of the Spirit; but being inflamed
with wickedness, they are wholly set on fire by pleasures, as saith the Proverb, ‘All day long
he desires evil desires.’ But the Prophet cries against them, saying, ‘Wo unto those who rise
up early, and follow strong drink; who continue until the evening, for wine inflameth
them4515.’ And since they run wild in wantonness, they dare to thirst for the destruction of
others. Having first drunk of lying and unfaithful waters, those things have come upon
them, which are stated by the Prophet; ‘My wound,’ saith he, ‘is grievous, whence shall I be
healed; it hath surely been to me like deceitful waters, in which there is no trust4516.’ Secondly,
while they drink with their companions, they lead astray and disturb the right mind, and
turn away the simple from it. And what does he cry? ‘Wo unto him who causeth his neighbour
to drink turbid destruction, and maketh him drunk, that he may look upon his caverns4517.’
But those who dissemble, and steal away the truth, quench their hearts. Having
first drunk of these things, they go on to say those things which the whore saith in the Proverbs,
‘Lay hold with delight on hidden bread, and sweet stolen waters4518.’ They lay snares
secretly, because they have not the freedom of virtue, nor the boldness of Wisdom4519, who
praises herself in the gates, and employs freedom of speech in the broad ways, preaching
on high walls. For this reason, they are bidden to ‘lay hold with delight4520,’ because, having
the choice between faith and pleasures, they steal the sweetness of truth, and disguise their
own bitter waters to escape from the blame of their wickedness, which would have been
Where our Lord Jesus Christ, who took upon Him to die for all, stretched forth His hands, not somewhere on the earth beneath, but in the air itself, in order that the Salvation effected by the Cross might be shewn to be for all men everywhere: destroying the devil who was working in the air: and that He might consecrate our road up to Heaven, and make it free.
And at that time when they went forth and crossed over Egypt, their enemies were the sport of the sea; but now, when we pass over from earth to Heaven, Satan himself henceforth falls like lightning from Heaven.
For who is our joy and boast, but our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, Who suffered for us, and by Himself made known to us the Father? For He is no other than He Who of old time spoke by the Prophets; but now He saith to every man, ‘I Who speak am near4526.’ Right well is this word spoken, for He does not at one time speak, at another keep silence; but continually and at all times, from the beginning without ceasing, He raises up every man, and speaks to every man in his heart.
But let us, brethren, who have received the vineyard from the Saviour, and are invited to the heavenly banquet, inasmuch as the Feast is now drawing nigh, take the branches of the palm4528 trees, and proving conquerors of sin, let us too like those, who on that occasion went to meet the Saviour, make ourselves ready by our conduct, both to meet Him when He comes, and to go in with Him and partake of the immortal food, and from thenceforth live eternally in the heavens.
The Lord proved the disciples4530, when He was asleep on the pillow, at which time a miracle was wrought, which is especially calculated to put even the wicked to shame. For when He arose, and rebuked the sea, and silenced the storm, He plainly shewed two things; that the storm of the sea was not from the winds, but from fear of its Lord Who walked upon it, and that the Lord Who rebuked it was not a creature, but rather its Creator, since a creature is not obedient to another creature. For although the Red Sea was divided before by Moses4531, yet it was not Moses who did it, for it came to pass, not because he spoke, but because God commanded. And if the sun stood still in Gibeon4532, and the moon in the valley of Ajalon, yet this was the work, not of the son of Nun, but of the Lord, Who heard his prayer. He it was Who both rebuked the sea, and on the cross caused the sun to be darkened4533.
And whereas what is human comes to an end, what is divine does not. For which reason
also when we are dead, and when our nature is tired out, he raises us up, and leads us up
though born of earth to heaven.
Here begins a letter of S. Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria, to his children. May God
comfort you. I know moreover that not only this thing saddens you, but also the fact that
while others have obtained the churches by violence, you are meanwhile cast out from your
places. For they hold the places, but you the Apostolic Faith. They are, it is true, in the places,
but outside of the true Faith; while you are outside the places indeed, but the Faith, within
you. Let us consider whether is the greater, the place or the Faith. Clearly the true Faith.
Who then has lost more, or who possesses more? He who holds the place, or he who holds
the Faith? Good indeed is the place, when the Apostolic Faith is preached there, holy is it if
the Holy One dwell there. (After a little:) But ye are blessed, who by faith are in the Church,
dwell upon the foundations of the faith, and have full satisfaction, even the highest degree
of faith which remains among you unshaken. For it has come down to you from Apostolic
tradition, and frequently has accursed envy wished to unsettle it, but has not been able. On
the contrary, they have rather been cut off by their attempts to do so. For this is it that is
written, ‘Thou art the Son of the Living God4536,’ Peter confessing it by revelation of the
Father, and being told, ‘Blessed art thou Simon Barjona, for flesh and blood did not reveal
it to thee,’ but ‘My Father Who is in heaven,’ and the rest. No one therefore will ever prevail
against your Faith, most beloved brethren. For if ever God shall give back the churches (for
we think He will) yet without4537 such restoration of the churches the Faith is sufficient for
us. And lest, speaking without the Scriptures, I should seem to speak too strongly, it is
well to bring you to the testimony of Scriptures, for recollect that the Temple indeed was at
Jerusalem; the Temple was not deserted, aliens had invaded it, whence also the Temple being
at Jerusalem, those exiles went down to Babylon by the judgment of God, who was proving,
or rather correcting them; while manifesting to them in their ignorance punishment by
means of blood-thirsty enemies4538. And aliens indeed had held the Place, but knew not
the Lord of the Place, while in that He neither gave answer nor spoke, they were deserted
by the truth. What profit then is the Place to them?
For behold they that hold the Place are charged by them that love God with making it
a den of thieves, and with madly making the Holy Place a house of merchandise, and a house
gain no advantage by the church alone. For the truth of things is judged
1. They have4539 fabricated books which they call books of tables4540, in which they shew stars, to which they give the names of Saints. And therein of a truth they have inflicted on themselves a double reproach: those who have written such books, because they have perfected themselves in a lying and contemptible science; and as to the ignorant and simple, they have led them astray by evil thoughts concerning the right faith established in all truth and upright in the presence of God.
2. But4541 since we have made mention of heretics as dead, but of ourselves as possessing the Divine Scriptures for salvation; and since I fear lest, as Paul wrote to the Corinthians4542, some few of the simple should be beguiled from their simplicity and purity, by the subtilty of certain men, and should henceforth read other books—those called apocryphal— led astray by the similarity of their names with the true books; I beseech you to bear patiently, if I also write, by way of remembrance, of matters with which you are acquainted, influenced by the need and advantage of the Church.
3. In proceeding to make mention of these things, I shall adopt, to commend my undertaking,
the pattern of Luke the Evangelist, saying on my own account: ‘Forasmuch as some
have taken in hand4543,’ to reduce into order for themselves the books termed apocryphal,
and to mix them up with the divinely inspired Scripture, concerning which we have been
fully persuaded, as they who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the
4. There are, then, of the Old Testament, twenty-two books in number; for, as I have heard, it is handed down that this is the number of the letters among the Hebrews; their respective order and names being as follows. The first is Genesis, then Exodus, next Leviticus, after that Numbers, and then Deuteronomy. Following these there is Joshua, the son of Nun, then Judges, then Ruth. And again, after these four books of Kings, the first and second being reckoned as one book, and so likewise the third and fourth as one book. And again, the first and second of the Chronicles are reckoned as one book. Again Ezra, the first and second4544 are similarly one book. After these there is the book of Psalms, then the Proverbs, next Ecclesiastes, and the Song of Songs. Job follows, then the Prophets, the twelve being reckoned as one book. Then Isaiah, one book, then Jeremiah with Baruch, Lamentations, and4545 the epistle, one book; afterwards, Ezekiel and Daniel, each one book. Thus far constitutes the Old Testament.
5. Again it is not tedious to speak of the books of the New Testament. These are, the
four Gospels, according to Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Afterwards, the Acts of the
Apostles and Epistles (called Catholic), seven, viz. of James, one; of Peter, two; of John, three;
after these, one of Jude. In addition, there are fourteen Epistles of Paul, written in this order.
The first, to the Romans; then two to the Corinthians; after these, to the Galatians; next, to
the Ephesians; then to the Philippians; then to the Colossians; after these, two to the Thessalonians,
and that to the Hebrews; and again, two to Timothy; one to Titus; and lastly, that
to Philemon. And besides, the Revelation of John.
6. These are fountains of salvation, that they who thirst may be satisfied with the living words they contain. In these alone is proclaimed the doctrine of godliness. Let no man add to these, neither let him take ought from these. For concerning these the Lord put to shame the Sadducees, and said, ‘Ye do err, not knowing the Scriptures.’ And He reproved the Jews, saying, ‘Search the Scriptures, for these are they that testify of Me4546.’
7. But for greater exactness I add this also, writing of necessity; that there are other
books besides these not indeed included in the Canon, but appointed by the Fathers to be
read by those who newly join us, and who wish for instruction in the word of godliness. The
Wisdom of Solomon, and the Wisdom of Sirach, and Esther, and Judith, and Tobit, and
merely read; nor is there in any place
a mention of apocryphal writings. But they are an invention of heretics, who write them
when they choose, bestowing upon them their approbation, and assigning to them a date,
that so, using them as ancient writings, they may find occasion to lead astray the simple.
‘Ye are they that have continued with Me in My temptations; and I appoint unto you a kingdom, as My Father hath appointed unto Me, that ye may eat and drink at My table in My kingdom4548.’ Being called, then, to the great and heavenly Supper, in that upper room which has been swept, let us ‘cleanse ourselves,’ as the Apostle exhorted, ‘from all filthiness of the flesh and spirit, perfecting holiness in the fear of God4549;’ that so, being spotless within and without,—without, clothing ourselves with temperance and justice; within, by the Spirit, rightly dividing the word of truth—we may hear, ‘Enter into the joy of thy Lord4550.’
For we have been called, brethren, and are now called together, by Wisdom, and according to the Evangelical parable, to that great and heavenly Supper, and sufficient for every creature; I mean, to the Passover,—to Christ, Who is sacrificed; for ‘Christ our Passover is sacrificed.’ (And afterwards:) They, therefore, that are thus prepared shall hear, ‘Enter into the joy of thy Lord4551.’
Of us, then, whose also is the Passover, the calling is from above, and ‘our conversation
is in heaven,’ as Paul says; ‘For we have here no abiding city, but we seek that which is to
come4552,’ whereto, also, looking forward, we properly keep the feast. (And again, afterwards:)
Heaven truly is high, and its distance from us infinite; for ‘the heaven of heavens,’ says he,
‘is the Lord’s4553.’ But not, on that account, are we to be negligent or fearful, as though the
way thereto were impossible; but rather should we be zealous. Yet not, as in the case of those
who formerly, removing from the east and finding a plain in Senaar, began to build a tower,
is there need for us to bake bricks with fire, and to seek slime for mortar; for their tongues
were confounded, and their work was destroyed. But for us the Lord has consecrated a way
through His blood, and has made it easy. (And again:) For not only has He afforded us
consolation respecting the distance, but also in that He has come and opened the door for
us which was once shut. For, indeed, it was shut from the time He cast out Adam from the
delight of Paradise, and set the Cherubim and the flaming sword, that turned every way, to
keep the way of the tree of life—now, however, opened wide. And He that sitteth upon the
Cherubim having appeared with greater grace and loving-kindness, led into Paradise with
himself the thief who confessed, and having entered heaven as our forerunner, opened the
gates to all. (And again:) Paul also, ‘pressing toward the mark for the prize of the high calling4554,’
by it was taken up to the third heaven, and having seen those things which are
above, and then descended, he teaches us, announcing what is written to the Hebrews, and
saying, ‘For ye are not come unto the mount that might be touched, and that burned with
fire, and clouds, and darkness, and a tempest, and to the voice of words. But ye are come
unto Mount Sion, and unto the city of the living God, the heavenly Jerusalem, and to an
innumerable company of angels, and to the general assembly and Church of the first-born,
which are written in heaven4555.’ Who would not wish to enjoy the high companionship
with these! Who not desire to be enrolled with these, that he may hear with them, ‘Come,
ye blessed of My Father, inherit the kingdom prepared for you from the foundation of the
world4556.’
When therefore the servants of the Chief Priests and the Scribes saw these things, and heard from Jesus, ‘Whosoever is athirst, let him come to Me and drink4558;’ they perceived that this was not a mere man like themselves, but that this was He Who gave water to the saints, and that it was He Who was announced by the prophet Isaiah. For He was truly the splendour of the light4559, and the Word of God. And thus as a river from the fountain he gave drink also of old to Paradise; but now to all men He gives the same gift of the Spirit, and says, ‘If any man thirst, let him come to Me and drink.’ Whosoever ‘believeth on Me, as saith the Scripture, rivers of living water shall flow out of his belly4560.’ This was not for man to say, but for the living God, Who truly vouchsafes life, and gives the Holy Spirit.
Let us all take up our sacrifices, observing distribution to the poor, and enter into the
holy place, as it is written; ‘whither also our forerunner Jesus is entered for us, having obtained
eternal redemption4561.’
Athanasius to the presbyters and deacons and the people of the Catholic Church in the Mareotis, brethren beloved and longed for, greeting in the Lord.
The holy council has praised your piety in Christ. They have all acknowledged your spirit and fortitude in all things, in that ye did not fear threats, and though you had to bear insults and persecutions against your piety you held out. Your letters when read out to all produced tears and enlisted universal sympathy. They loved you though absent, and reckoned your persecutions as their own. Their letter to you is a proof of their affection: and although it would suffice to include you along with the holy Church of Alexandria4564, yet the holy synod has written separately to you in order that ye may be encouraged not to give way on account of your sufferings, but to give thanks to God; because your patience shall have good fruit.
Formerly the character of the heretics was not evident. But now it is revealed and laid
open to all. For the holy synod has taken cognisance of the calumnies these men have concocted
against you, and has had them in abhorrence, and has deposed Theodore, Valens,
Ursacius, in Alexandria4565 and the Mareotis by consent of all. The same notice has been
given to other Churches also. And since the cruelty and tyranny practised by them against
the Churches can no longer be borne, they have been cast out from the episcopate and expelled
from the communion of all. Moreover of Gregory they were unwilling even to make
mention, for since the man has lacked the very name of bishop, they thought it superfluous
to name him. But on account of those who are deceived by him they have mentioned his
name; not because he seemed worthy of mention, but that those deceived by him might
thereby recognise his infamy and blush at the kind of man with whom they have communicated.
You will learn what has been written about them from the previous document4566:
I, Protogenes4567, bishop, desire that you may be preserved in the Lord, beloved and longed for.
I, AthenodorusOther signatures Julian, Ammonius, Aprianus, Marcellus, GerontiusAlso Florentius of Meria in Pannonia, Ammianus (9), of Castellum
in Pannonia, Januarius of Beneventum, Prætextatus of Narcidonum in Pannonia, Hyperneris
(48) of Hypata in Thessaly, Castus of Cæsaraugusta, Severus of Calcisus in Thessaly,
Julian of Therae Heptapolis4568, Lucius of Verona, Eugenius (35) of Hecleal Cycbinae4569,
Zosimus (92) of Lychni4570 Sunosion in Apulia4571, Hermogenes of Syceon4572, Thryphos
of Magara, Paregoriusgdunum in
Gaul, Ursacius of Brixia, Amantius of Viminacium, by the presbyter Maximus, Alexander
of Gypara in Achaia, Eutychius of Mothona, Aprianus of Petavio in Pannonia, Antigonus
of Pallene in Macedonia, Dometius
Athanasius to all the presbyters and deacons of the holy Catholic Church at Alexandria and the Parembola, brethren most beloved, greeting.
In writing this I must begin my letter, most beloved brethren, by giving thanks to Christ. But now this is especially fitting, since both many things and great, done by the Lord, deserve our thanks4576, and those who believe in Him ought not to be ungrateful for His many benefits. We thank the Lord therefore, who always manifests us to all in the faith, who also has at this time done many wonderful things for the Church. For what the heretical party of Eusebius and heirs of Arius have maintained and spread abroad, all the bishops who assembled have pronounced false and fictitious. And the very men who are thought terrible by many, like those who are called giants, were counted as nothing, and rightly so, for just as the darkness is illuminated when light comes, so, iniquity is unveiled by the coming of the just, and when the good are present, the worthless are exposed.
For you yourselves, beloved, are not ignorant what the successors of the ill-named heresy
of Eusebius did, namely Theodore, Narcissus, Valens, Ursacius, and the worst of them all,
George, Stephen, Acacius, Menophantus, and their colleagues, for their madness is manifest
to all; nor has it escaped your observation what they committed against the Churches. For
you were the first they injured, your Church the first they tried to corrupt. But they who
did so many great things, and were, as I said above, terrible to the minds of all, have been
so frightened as to pass all imagination. For not only did they fear the Roman Synod, not
only when invited to it did they excuse themselves, but, now also having arrived at Sardica,
so conscience-stricken were they, that when they had seen the judges, they were astonished.
So they fainted in their minds. Verily, one might say to them: ‘Death, where is thy sting,
Death, where is thy victory?’ For neither did it go as they wished, for them to give judgment
as they pleased; this time they could not over-reach whom they would. But they saw faithful
men, that cared for justice, nay rather, they saw our Lord Himself among them, like the
demons of old from the tombs; for being sons of falsehood, they could not bear to see the
truth. So Theodore, Narcissus, and Ursacius, with their friends said as follows4577: ‘Stay,
what have we to do with you, men of Christ? We know that you are true, and fear to be
convicted: we shrink from confessing our calumnies to your face. We have nothing to do
with you; for you are Christians, while we are foes to Christ; and while with you truth is
powerful, we have learned to over-reach. We thought our deeds were hid; we did not think
that we were now coming to judgment; why do you expose our deeds before their time; and
by exposing us vex us before the day?’ and although they are of the worst character and walk
On account of these deeds then, and all the others which they have committed against
the Churches, the holy general council has deposed them all, and not only has judged them
aliens from the Church, but has held them unworthy to be called Christians. For how can
men be called Christians who deny Christ? And how can men be admitted to church who
do evil against the Churches? Accordingly, the holy council has sent to the Churches
everywhere, that they may be marked among all, so that they who were deceived by them
may now return to full assurance and truth. Do not therefore fail, beloved brethren; like
servants of God, and professors of the faith of Christ, be tried in the Lord, and let not
tribulation cast you down, neither let troubles caused by the heretics who plot against you
make you sad. For you have the sympathy of the whole world in your grief, and what is
more, it bears you all in mind. Now I think that those deceived by them will, when they see
the severe sentence of the Council, turn aside from them and reject their impiety. If, however,
even after this their hand is lifted up, do you not be astonished, nor fear if they rage; but
pray and raise your hands to God, and be sure that the Lord will not tarry but will perform
all things according to your will. I could wish indeed to write you a longer letter with a detailed
account of what has taken place, but since the presbyters and deacons are competent
All things made by God are beautiful and pure, for the Word of God has made nothing
useless or impure. For ‘we are a sweet savour of Christ in them that are being saved4584,’ as
the Apostle says. But since the devil’s darts are varied and subtle, and he contrives to trouble
those who are of simpler mind, and tries to hinder the ordinary exercises of the brethren,
scattering secretly among them thoughts of uncleanness and defilement; come let us briefly
dispel the error of the evil one by the grace of the Saviour, and confirm the mind of the
simple. For ‘to the pure all things are pure,’ but both the conscience and all that belongs to
the unclean are defiled4585. I marvel also at the craft of the devil, in that, although he is
corruption and mischief itself, he suggests thoughts under the show of purity; but with the
result of a snare rather than a test. For with the object, as I said before, of distracting ascetics
from their customary and salutary meditation, and of appearing to overcome them, he stirs
some such buzzing thoughts as are of no profit in life, vain questions and frivolities which
one ought to put aside. For tell me, beloved and most pious friend, what sin or uncleanness
there is in any natural secretion,—as though a man were minded to make a culpable matter
of the cleanings of the nose or the sputa from the mouth? And we may add also the secretions
of the belly, such as are a physical necessity of animal life. Moreover if we believe man to
be, as the divine Scriptures say, a work of God’s hands, how could any defiled work proceed
from a pure Power? and if, according to the divine Acts of the Apostles4586, ‘we are God’s
offspring,’ we have nothing unclean in ourselves. For then only do we incur defilement,
when we commit sin, that foulest of things. But when any bodily excretion takes place independently
of will, then we experience this, like other things, by a necessity of nature. But
since those whose only pleasure is to gainsay what is said aright, or rather what is made by
God, pervert even a saying in the Gospels, alleging that ‘not that which goeth in defileth a
man, but that which goeth out4587,’ we are obliged to make plain this unreasonableness,—for
I cannot call it a question—of theirs. For firstly, like unstable persons, they wrest the Scriptures4588
to their own ignorance. Now the sense of the divine oracle is as follows. Certain
For there are two ways in life, as touching these matters. The one the more moderate
and ordinary, I mean marriage; the other angelic and unsurpassed, namely virginity. Now
if a man choose the way of the world, namely marriage, he is not indeed to blame; yet he
will not receive such great gifts as the other. For he will receive, since he too brings forth
fruit, namely thirtyfold4593. But if a man embrace the holy and unearthly way, even though,
I am at a loss how to write. Am I to blame you for your refusal? or for having regard to the trials, and hiding for fear of the Jews4600? In any case, however it may be, what you have done is worthy of blame, beloved Dracontius. For it was not fitting that after receiving the grace you should hide, nor that, being a wise man, you should furnish others with a pretext for flight. For many are offended when they hear it; not merely that you have done this, but that you have done it having regard to the times and to the afflictions which are weighing upon the Church. And I fear lest, in flying for your own sake, you prove to be in peril in the sight of the Lord on account of others. For if ‘he that offendeth one of the little ones, should rather choose that a mill stone were hanged about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depths of the sea4601,’ what can be in store for you, if you prove an offence to so many? For the surprising unanimity about your election in the district4602 of Alexandria will of necessity be broken up by your retirement: and the episcopate of the district will be grasped at by many,—and many unfit persons, as you are well aware. And many heathen who were promising to become Christians upon your election will remain heathen, if your piety sets at nought the grace given you.
2. What defence will you offer for such conduct? With what arguments will you be able
to wash away and efface such an impeachment? How will you heal those who on your account
are fallen and offended? Or how will you be able to restore the broken peace? Beloved Dracontius,
you have caused us grief instead of joy, groaning instead of consolation. For we
expected to have you with us as a consolation; and now we behold you in flight, and that
you will be convicted in judgment, and when upon your trial will repent it. And ‘Who shall
3. I beseech you, spare yourself and us. Yourself, lest you run into peril; us, lest we be grieved because of you. Take thought of the Church, lest many of the little ones be injured on your account, and the others be given an occasion of withdrawing. Nay but if you feared the times and acted as you did from timidity, your mind is not manly; for in such a case you ought to manifest zeal for Christ, and rather meet circumstances boldly, and use the language of blessed Paul: ‘in all these things we are more than conquerors4606;’ and the more so in that we ought to serve not the time, but the Lord4607. But if the organising of the Churches is distasteful to you, and you do not think the ministry of the episcopate has its reward, why, then you have brought yourself to despise the Saviour that ordered these things. I beseech you, dismiss such ideas, nor tolerate those who advise you in such a sense, for this is not worthy of Dracontius. For the order the Lord has established by the Apostles abides fair and firm; but the cowardice of the brethren shall cease4608.
4. For if all were of the same mind as your present advisers, how would you have become
a Christian, since there would be no bishops? Or if our successors are to inherit this state
of mind, how will the Churches be able to hold together? Or do your advisers think that
you have received nothing, that they despise it? If so surely they are wrong. For it is time
5. Or possibly there are some who advise you to hide, because you have given your word
upon oath not to accept the office if elected. For I hear that they are buzzing in your ears to
this effect, and consider that they are thus acting conscientiously. But if they were truly
conscientious, they would above all have feared God, Who imposed this ministry upon you.
Or if they had read the divine Scriptures, they would not have advised you contrary to them.
6. Do not then entertain counsels opposite to this. For the Lord knows our case better than we ourselves, and He knows to whom He is entrusting His Churches. For even if a man be not worthy, yet let him not look at his former life, but let him carry out his ministry, lest, in addition to his life he incur also the curse of negligence. I ask you, beloved Dracontius, whether knowing this, and being a wise man, you are not pricked in your soul? Do you not feel anxious lest any of those entrusted to you should perish? Do you not burn, as with a fire in your conscience? Are you not in fear of the day of judgment, in which none of your present advisers will be there to aid you? For each shall give account of those entrusted to his hands. For how did his excuse benefit the man who hid the money? Or how did it benefit Adam to say, ‘The woman beguiled me4620?’ Beloved Dracontius, even if you are really weak, yet you ought to take up the charge, lest, the Church being unoccupied, the enemies injure it, taking advantage of your flight. You should gird yourself up, so as not to leave us alone in the struggle; you should labour with us, in order to receive the reward also along with all.
7. Make haste then, beloved, and tarry no longer, nor suffer those who would prevent
you: but remember Him that has given, and come hither to us who love you, who give you
Scriptural advice, in order that you may both be installed by ourselves, and, as you minister
in the churches make remembrance of us. For you are not the only one who has been elected
from among monks, nor the only one to have presided over a monastery, or to have been
beloved by monks. But you know that not only was Serapion a monk, and presided over
that number of monks; you were not unaware of how many monks Apollos was father; you
know Agathon, and are not ignorant of Ariston. You remember Ammonius who went
8. Let not monks then prevent you, as though you alone had been elected from among monks; nor do you make excuses, to the effect that you will deteriorate. For you may even grow better if you imitate Paul, and follow up the actions of the Saints. For you know that men like those, when appointed stewards of the mysteries, all the more pressed forward to the mark of their high calling4624. When did Paul meet martyrdom and expect to receive his crown, if not after being sent to teach? When did Peter make his confession, if not when he was preaching the Gospel, and had become a fisher of men4625? When was Elijah taken up, if not after completing his prophetic career? When did Elisha gain a double share of the Spirit, if not after leaving all to follow Elijah? Or why did the Saviour choose disciples, if not to send them out as apostles?
9. So take these as an example, beloved Dracontius, and do not say, or believe those who
say, that the bishop’s office is an occasion of sin, nor that it gives rise to temptations to sin.
For it is possible for you also as a bishop to hunger and thirst4626, as Paul did. You can drink
no wine, like Timothy4627, and fast constantly too, like Paul4628, in order that thus fasting
after his example you may feast others with your words, and while thirsting for lack of drink,
water others by teaching. Let not your advisers, then, allege these things. For we know both
bishops who fast, and monks who eat. We know bishops who drink no wine, as well as
10. Do not then suffer those who give contrary advice. But rather hasten and delay not; the more so as the holy festival is approaching; so that the laity may not keep the feast without you, and you bring great danger upon yourself. For who will in your absence preach them the Easter sermon? Who will announce to them the great day of the Resurrection, if you art in hiding? Who will counsel them, if you are in flight, to keep the feast fittingly? Ah, how many will be the better if you appear, how many be injured if you fly! And who will think well of you for this? and why do they advise you not to take up the bishop’s office, when they themselves wish to have presbyters4632? For if you are bad, let them not associate with you. But if they know that you are good, let them not envy the others. For if, as they say, teaching and government is an occasion of sin, let them not be taught themselves, nor have presbyters, lest they deteriorate, both they and those who teach them. But do not attend to these human sayings, nor suffer those who give such advice, as I have often already said. But rather make haste and turn to the Lord, in order that, taking thought for his sheep, you may remember us also. But to this end I have bidden our beloved Hierax, the presbyter, and Maximus the reader go, and bid you by word of mouth also, that you may be able thus to learn both with what feelings I have written, and the danger that results from gainsaying the ordinance of the Church.
To our lord, and most beloved brother the Bishop and Confessor Lucifer. Athanasius greeting in the Lord.
Being well in body by God’s favour, we have now sent our most beloved deacon Eutyches, that your most pious holiness, as is much desired by us, may be pleased to inform us of the safety of yourself and those with you. For we believe it is by the life of you Confessors and servants of God that the state of the Catholic Church is renewed; and that what heretics have assayed to rend in pieces, our Lord Jesus Christ by your means restores whole.
For although the forerunners of Antichrist have by the power of this world done
everything to put out the lantern of truth, yet the Deity by your confession shews its light
all the clearer, so that none can fail to see their deceit. Heretofore perhaps they were able to
dissimulate: now they are called Antichrists. For who can but execrate them, and fly from
their communion like a taint, or the poison of a serpent? The whole Church everywhere is
mourning, every city groans, aged bishops are suffering in exile, and heretics dissembling,
who while denying Christ have made themselves publicans, sitting in the Churches and
exacting revenue4634. O new kind of men and of persecution which the devil has devised,
namely to use such cruelty, and even ministers as the agents of evil. But although they act
thus, and have gone all lengths in pride and blasphemy, yet your confession, your piety and
wisdom, will be the very greatest comfort and solace to the brotherhood. For it has been
Upon receiving this letter, blessed Lucifer sent the books which he had addressed to Constantius; and when he had read them Athanasius sent the following letter:
To the most glorious lord and deservedly much-desired fellow-Bishop Lucifer, Athanasius greeting in the Lord.
Although I believe that tidings have reached your holiness also of the persecution which
the enemies of Christ have just now attempted to raise, seeking our blood, yet our own most
beloved messengers can tell your piety about it. For to such a length did they dare to carry
their madness by means of the soldiers, that they not only banished the Clergy of the city,
but also went out to the Hermits, and laid their fatal hands upon Solitaries. Hence I also
withdrew far away, lest those who entertained me should suffer trouble at their hands. For
whom do Arians spare, who have spared not even their own souls? Or how can they give
up their infamous actions while they persist in denying Christ our Lord the only Son of
God? This is the root of their wickedness; on this foundation of sand they build up the perversity
of their ways, as we find it written in the thirteenth Psalm, ‘The fool said in his heart
there is no God;’ and presently follows, ‘Corrupt are they and become abominable in their
works4635.’ Hence the Jews who denied the Son of God, deserved to be called ‘a sinful nation,
a people laden with iniquity, a seed of evil doers, children without law4636.’ Why ‘without
law?’—because you have deserted the Lord. And so the most blessed Paul, when he had begun
not only to believe in the Son of God, but also to preach His deity, wrote, ‘I know nothing
against myself4637.’ Accordingly we too, according to your confession of faith, desire to hold
the Apostolic tradition, and to live according to the commands of the divine law, that we
may be found along with you in that band in which now Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles and
Martyrs are rejoicing. So then, though the Arian madness, aided by external power, was so
active that our brethren on account of their fury could not even see the open air with freedom,
yet by God’s favour, according to your prayers, I have been able, though with trouble and
danger, to see the brother who is wont to bring me necessaries and the letters of your holiness,
along with those of others. And so we have received the books of your most wise and religious
soul, in which we have seen the image of an Apostle, the confidence of a Prophet, the
teaching of truth, the doctrine of true faith, the way of heaven, the glory of martyrdom, the
triumphs against the Arian heresy, the unimpaired tradition of our Fathers, the right rule
of the Church’s order. O truly Lucifer, who according to your name bring the light of truth,
and have set it on a candlestick to give light to all. For who, except the Arians, does not
clearly see from your teaching the true faith and the taint of the Arians. Forcibly and admirably,
like light from darkness, you have separated the truth from the subtilty and dishonesty
of heretics, defended the Catholic Church, proved that the arguments of the Arians are
1. To those in every place4642 who are living a monastic life, who are established in the faith of God, and sanctified in Christ, and who say, ‘Behold, we have forsaken all, and followed Thee4643,’ brethren dearly beloved and longed for, heartiest greeting in the Lord.
1. In compliance with your affectionate request, which you have frequently urged upon me, I have written a short account of the sufferings which ourselves and the Church have undergone, refuting, according to my ability, the accursed heresy of the Arian madmen, and proving how entirely it is alien from the Truth. And I thought it needful to represent to your Piety what pains the writing of these things has cost me, in order that you may understand thereby how truly the blessed Apostle has said, ‘O the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God4644;’ and may kindly bear with a weak man such as I am by nature. For the more I desired to write, and endeavoured to force myself to understand the Divinity of the Word, so much the more did the knowledge thereof withdraw itself from me; and in proportion as I thought that I apprehended it, in so much I perceived myself to fail of doing so. Moreover also I was unable to express in writing even what I seemed to myself to understand; and that which I wrote was unequal to the imperfect shadow of the truth which existed in my conception.
2. Considering therefore how it is written in the Book of Ecclesiastes, ‘I said, I will be
wise, but it was far from me; That which is far off, and exceeding deep, who shall find it
out4645?’ and what is said in the Psalms, ‘The knowledge of Thee is too wonderful for me;
it is high, I cannot attain unto it4646;’ and that Solomon says, ‘It is the glory of God to conceal
a thing4647;’ I frequently designed to stop and to cease writing; believe me, I did. But lest I
should be found to disappoint you, or by my silence to lead into impiety those who have
made enquiry of you, and are given to disputation, I constrained myself to write briefly,
3. Accordingly I have written as well as I was able; and you, dearly beloved, receive these
communications not as containing a perfect exposition of the Godhead of the Word, but
as being merely a refutation of the impiety of the enemies of Christ, and as containing and
affording to those who desire it, suggestions for arriving at a pious and sound faith in Christ.
And if in anything they are defective (and I think they are defective in all respects), pardon
it with a pure conscience, and only receive favourably the boldness of my good intentions
in support of godliness. For an utter condemnation of the heresy of the Arians, it is sufficient
for you to know the judgment given by the Lord in the death of Arius, of which you have
already been informed by others. ‘For what the Holy God hath purposed, who shall scatter4651?’
and whom the Lord condemned who shall justify4652? After such a sign given, who
do not now acknowledge, that the heresy is hated of God, however it may have men for its
patrons? Now when you have read this account, pray for me, and exhort one another so to
do. And immediately send it back to me, and suffer no one whatever to take a copy of it,
Athanasius, Archbishop4657 of Alexandria, to the Solitaries.
Athanasius to those who practise a solitary life, and are settled in faith in God, most beloved brethren, greeting in the Lord.
I thank the Lord who hath given to you to believe in Him, that ye too may have with
the saints eternal life. But because there are certain persons who hold with Arius and go
about the monasteries with no other object save that under colour of visiting you, and returning
from us they may deceive the simple; whereas there are certain who, while they affirm
that they do not hold with Arius, yet compromise themselves and worship with his party;
I have been compelled, at the instance of certain most sincere brethren, to write at once in
order that keeping faithfully and without guile the pious faith which God’s grace works in
you, you may not give occasion of scandal to the brethren. For when any sees you, the
faithful in Christ, associate and communicate with such people, or worshipping along with
theme, certainly they will think it a matter of indifference and will fall into the mire of irreligion.
Lest, then, this should happen, be pleased, beloved, to shun those who hold the impiety
of Arius, and moreover to avoid those who, while they pretend not to hold with Arius, yet
worship with the impious. And we are specially bound to fly from the communion of men
whose opinions we hold in execration. If then any come to you, and, as blessed John4658
says, brings with him right doctrine, say to him, All hail, and receive such an one as a
brother. But if any pretend that he confesses the right faith, but appear to communicate
I might greatly
lengthen my letter, adding from the divine Scriptures the outline of this teaching. But since,
being wise men, you can anticipate those who write, and rather, being intent upon selfdenial,
are fit to instruct others also, I have dictated a short letter, as from one loving friend
to others, in the confidence that living as you do you will preserve a pure and sincere faith,
and that those persons, seeing that you do not join with them in worship, will derive benefit,
fearing lest they be accounted as impious, and as those who hold with them.
Athanasius to Serapion4659, a brother and fellow-minister, health in the Lord.
I have read the letters of your piety, in which you have requested me to make known to you the events of my times relating to myself, and to give an account of that most impious heresy of the Arians, in consequence of which I have endured these sufferings, and also of the manner of the death of Arius. With two out of your three demands I have readily undertaken to comply, and have sent to your Godliness what I wrote to the Monks; from which you will be able to learn my own history as well as that of the heresy. But with respect to the other matter, I mean the death, I debated with myself for a long time, fearing lest any one should suppose that I was exulting in the death of that man. But yet, since a disputation which has taken place amongst you concerning the heresy, has issued in this question, whether Arius died after previously communicating with the Church; I therefore was necessarily desirous of giving an account of his death, as thinking that the question would thus be set at rest, considering also that by making this known I should at the same time silence those who are fond of contention. For I conceive that when the wonderful circumstances connected with his death become known, even those who before questioned it will no longer venture to doubt that the Arian heresy is hateful in the sight of God.
2. I was not at Constantinople when he died, but Macarius the Presbyter was, and I
heard the account of it from him. Arius had been invited by the Emperor Constantine,
through the interest of Eusebius and his fellows; and when he entered the presence the
Emperor enquired of him, whether he held the Faith of the Catholic Church? And he declared
the Emperor
dismissed him, saying4660, ‘If thy Faith be right, thou hast done well to swear; but if thy
Faith be impious, and thou hast sworn, God judge of thee according to thy oath.’ When he
thus came forth from the presence of the Emperor, Eusebius and his fellows, with their accustomed
violence, desired to bring him into the Church. But Alexander, the Bishop of
Constantinople of blessed memory, resisted them, saying that the inventor of the heresy
ought not to be admitted to communion; whereupon Eusebius and his fellows threatened,
declaring, ‘As we have caused him to be invited by the Emperor, in opposition to your
wishes, so to-morrow, though it be contrary to your desire, Arius shall have communion
with us in this Church.’ It was the Sabbath when they said this.
3. When the Bishop Alexander heard this, he was greatly distressed, and entering into the church, he stretched forth his hands unto God, and bewailed himself; and casting himself upon his face in the chancel, he prayed, lying upon the pavement. Macarius also was present, and prayed with him, and heard his words. And he besought these two things, saying, ‘If Arius is brought to communion to-morrow, let me Thy servant depart, and destroy not the pious with the impious; but if Thou wilt spare Thy Church (and I know that Thou wilt spare), look upon the words of Eusebius and his fellows, and give not thine inheritance to destruction and reproach4661, and take off Arius, lest if he enter into the Church, the heresy also may seem to enter with him, and henceforward impiety be accounted for piety.’ When the Bishop had thus prayed, he retired in great anxiety; and a wonderful and extraordinary circumstance took place. While Eusebius and his fellows threatened, the Bishop prayed; but Arius, who had great confidence in Eusebius and his fellows, and talked very wildly, urged by the necessities of nature withdrew, and suddenly, in the language of Scripture, ‘falling headlong he burst asunder in the midst4662,’ and immediately expired as he lay, and was deprived both of communion and of his life together.
4. Such has been the end of Arius: and Eusebius and his fellows, overwhelmed with
shame, buried their accomplice, while the blessed Alexander, amidst the rejoicings of the
Church, celebrated the Communion with piety and orthodoxy, praying with all the brethren,
and greatly glorifying God, not as exulting in his death (God forbid!), for ‘it is appointed
unto all men once to die4663,’ but because this thing had been shewn forth in a manner
5. Now this is sufficient to confound the contentious; read it therefore to those who before raised this question, as well as what was briefly addressed to the Monks against the heresy, in order that they may be led thereby more strongly to condemn the impiety and wickedness of the Arian madmen. Do not however consent to give a copy of these to any one, neither transcribe them for yourself (I have signified the same to the Monks also); but as a sincere friend, if anything is wanting in what I have written, add it, and immediately send them back to me. For you will be able to learn from the letter which I have written to the Brethren, what pains it has cost me to write it, and also to perceive that it is not safe for the writings of a private person to be published (especially if they relate to the highest and chief doctrines), for this reason;—lest what is imperfectly expressed through infirmity or the obscurity of language, do hurt to the reader. For the majority of men do not consider the faith, or the aim of the writer, but either through envy or a spirit of contention, receive what is written as themselves choose, according to an opinion which they have previously formed, and misinterpret it to suit their pleasure. But the Lord grant that the Truth and a sound4664 faith in our Lord Jesus Christ may prevail among all, and especially among those to whom you read this. Amen.
To our lord, son, and most desired fellow-minister Rufinianus4665. Athanasius greeting in the Lord.
You write what is proper for a beloved son to write to a father: accordingly, I embraced
you when you came near me in writing, most desired Rufinianus. And I, though I might
write to you as a son both in the opening and the middle and the close, refrained, lest my
commendation and testimony should be made known by writing. For you are my letter, as
it is written4666, known and read in the heart. That you then are in such case, believe, yea
believe. I address you, and invite you to write. For by doing so you afford me the highest
gratification. But since in an honourable and church-like spirit, such as becomes your piety,
you ask me about those who were drawn away by necessity but not corrupted by error, and
wish me to write what resolution has been come to about them, whether in synods or elsewhere;
know, most desired Lord, that to begin with4667, when violence was ceased, a synod4668
has been held, bishops from foreign parts being present; while others have been held
by our fellow-ministers resident in Greece, as well as by those in Spain and Gaul4669: and
the same decision was come to here and everywhere, namely, in the case of those who had
fallen and been leaders of impiety, to pardon them upon their repentance, but not to give
them the position of clergy: but in the case of men not deliberate in impiety, but drawn away
by necessity and violence, that they should not only receive pardon, but should occupy the
Copy of a letter of the Emperor Jovian, sent to Athanasius, the most holy Archbishop of Alexandria.
To the most religious and friend of God, Athanasius, Jovian.
Admiring exceedingly the achievements of your most honourable life, and of your
likeness to the God of all, and of your affection toward our Saviour Christ, we accept you,
most honoured bishop. And inasmuch as you have not flinched from all labour, nor from
the fear of your persecutors, and, regarding dangers and threats of the sword as dung,
holding the rudder of the orthodox faith which is dear to you, are contending even until
now for the truth, and continue to exhibit yourself as a pattern to all the people of the
faithful, and an example of virtue:—our imperial Majesty recalls you, and desires that you
should return to the office of the teaching of salvation. Return then to the holy Churches,
and tend the people of God, and send up to God with zeal your prayers for our clemency.
For we know that by your supplication we, and all who hold with us the Christian faith,
shall have great assistance from the supreme God.
56. Letter of Athanasius to Jovian4673 concerning the Faith.
1. A desire to learn and a yearning for heavenly things is suitable to a religious Emperor;
for thus you will truly have ‘your heart’ also ‘in the hand of God4674.’ Since then your Piety
desired4675 to learn from us the faith of the Catholic Church, giving thanks for these things
to the Lord, we counselled above all things to remind your Piety of the faith confessed by
the Fathers at Nicæa. For this certain set at nought, while plotting against us in many ways,
because we would not comply with the Arian heresy, and they have become authors of
2. For know, most religious Augustus, that these things have been preached from time
immemorial, and this faith the Fathers who met at Nicæa confessed; and to it have assented
all the Churches in every quarter, both those in Spain, and Britain, and the Gauls, and all
Italy and Dalmatia, Dacia and Moesia, Macedonia and all Greece, and in all Africa and
Sardinia, and Cyprus and Crete, as well as Pamphylia, Lycia and Isauria, and those in Egypt
and the Libyas, Pontus and Cappadocia, and those near at hand to us4680, and the Churches
in the East, except a few who hold with Arius. For of all those above mentioned we have
both learnt the opinion by experience, and we have letters. And you know, O most religious
Augustus, that even if some few speak against this faith, they cannot create a demurrer4681,
3. We believe4683, U+0026c., U+0026c.
4. By this faith, Augustus, all must needs abide, as Divine and Apostolic, and none must unsettle it by plausibilities, and contentions about words, which is what the Arian madmen have done, saying that the Son of God is from nought, and that once there was when He was not, and that He is created, and made and changeable. For for this cause, as we said before, the Synod at Nicæa anathematised such heresy, but confessed the faith of the truth. For they have not merely said that the Son is like4684 the Father, lest He should be believed merely like God, instead of Very God from God; but they wrote ‘Coessential,’ which was peculiar to a genuine and true Son, truly and naturally from the Father. Nor yet did they make the Holy Spirit alien from the Father and the Son, but rather glorified Him together with the Father and the Son, in the one faith of the Holy Triad, because there is in the Holy Triad also one Godhead.
Appendix to Letter LVI.
Petition made at Antioch to Jovian the Emperor on the part of Lucius4685 and Bernicianus, and certain other Arians against Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.
First Petition which they made as the Emperor was departing to Camp, at the Roman Gate.
May it please your Might and your Majesty and your Piety to hear us. The Emperor:
‘Who are you and where from?’ The Arians: ‘Christians, my Lord.’ Emperor: ‘Where from,
and from what city?’ The Arians: ‘Alexandria.’—Emperor: ‘What do you want?’ The Arians:
‘May it please your Might and your Majesty, give us a Bishop.’ Emperor: ‘I ordered the former
one, whom you had before, Athanasius, to occupy the See.’ The Arians: ‘May it please your
Might: he has been many years both in banishment, and under accusation.’ Suddenly a soldier
answered in indignation: ‘May it please your Majesty, enquire of them who they are and
where from, for these are the leavings and refuse of Cappadocia, the remains of that unholy
Second Petition of the Arians.
‘We have accusations and clear proofs against Athanasius, in that ten and twenty years ago he was deprived by the ever memorable Constantine and Constantius, and incurred banishment under the most religious and philosophical and blessed Julian.’ Emperor: ‘Accusations ten, twenty, and thirty years old are now obsolete. Don’t speak to me about Athanasius, for I know why he was accused, and how he was banished.’
Third Petition of the Arians.
‘And now again, we have certain other accusations against Athanasius.’ Emperor: ‘The
rights of the case will not appear by means of crowded numbers, and clamours, but choose
two from yourselves, and from the party of the majority other two, for I cannot answer each
one severally.’ Those from the majority: ‘These are the leavings from the unholy George,
who desolated our province, and who would not allow a counsellor to dwell in the cities.’
The Arians: ‘May it please you, any one you will except Athanasius.’ Emperor: ‘I told you
that the case of Athanasius was already settled,’ (and then angrily) ‘feri, feri4686!’ The Arians:
‘May it please you, if you send Athanasius, our city is ruined, and no one assembles with
him.’ Emperor: ‘Yet I took pains, and ascertained that he holds right opinions and is orthodox,
and teaches aright.’ The Arians: ‘With his mouth he utters what is right, but in his soul he
harbours guile.’ Emperor: ‘That will do, you have testified of him, that he utters what is right
and teaches aright, but if he teaches and speaks aright with his tongue, but harbours evil
thoughts in his soul, it concerns him before God. For we are men, and hear what is said; but
what is in the heart God knows.’ The Arians: ‘Authorise our holding communion together.’
Emperor: ‘Why, who prevents you?’ The Arians: ‘May it please you, he proclaims us as sectarians
and dogmatisers.’ Emperor: ‘It is his duty, and that of those who teach aright.’ The
Arians: ‘May it please your Might; we cannot bear this man, and he has taken away the lands
of the Churches.’ Emperor: ‘Oh then, it is on account of property you are come here, and
not on account of the faith’—then he added—‘go away, and keep the peace.’ Once more he
added to the Arians: ‘Go away to the Church, to-morrow you have a Communion, and after
the dismissal, there are Bishops here, and here is Nemesinus4687, each one of you shall sign
as he believes: Athanasius is here too; whoever does not know the word of faith, let him
learn from Athanasius. You have to-morrow and the day after, for I am going out to Camp.’
And a certain lawyer4688 belonging to the Cynics petitioned the Emperor: ‘May it please
your Majesty, on account of Bishop Athanasius, the Receiver-General4689 seized my houses.’
Another petition made at the porch of the palace4690 on the part of Lucius:—‘May it please your Might, listen to me.’ The Emperor stopped and said: ‘I ask you, Lucius, how did you come here, by sea or by land?’ Lucius: ‘May it please you, by sea.’ Emperor: ‘Well, Lucius, may the God of the world, and the radiant sun, and moon, be angry with those men that made the voyage with you, for not casting you into the sea; and may that ship never again have fair winds, nor find a haven with her passengers when in a storm.’ And through Euzoius4691 the unbelieving Arians asked Probatius and his fellows, the successors of Eusebius4692 and Bardio as eunuchs, that they might be granted an audience. The Emperor learned this, and tortured the eunuchs and said: ‘If any one wants to make a petition against Christians let this be his fate.’ And so the Emperor dismissed them.
‘And having spent a few days there, he saith to the Abbat Theodorus: Since the Passover is nigh, visit the brethren after your manner; and as the Lord shall dispose me, I will do. And he embraced him, and sent him away, having written a letter by him to the Abbat Orsisius and the brethren, to the following effect:’—
I have seen your fellow-worker and father of the brethren, Theodorus, and in him the master of our father Pachomius. And I rejoiced to see the sons of the Church, and they made me glad by their presence. But the Lord is their recompenser. And as Theodorus was about to leave me for you, he said to me: Remember me. And I said to him: If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand be forgotten, yea let my tongue cleave to my throat if I remember thee not4694.
‘But the most holy Archbishop Athanasius, when he heard about our father Theodorus, was grieved, and sent this letter to the Abbat Orsisius and the brethren to console them for his decease, as follows:’—
Athanasius to Orsisius, Abbat, father of monks, and to all with him who practise the solitary life, and are settled in faith in God, beloved brethren most longed for in the Lord, greeting.
I have heard about the decease of the blessed Theodorus4695, and the tidings caused me
great anxiety, knowing as I did his value to you. Now if it had not been Theodorus, I should
have used many words to you, with tears, considering what follows after death. But since it
is Theodorus whom you and I have known, what need I say in my letter save ‘Blessed is’
Theodorus, ‘who hath not walked in the council of the ungodly4696?’ But if ‘he is blessed
that feareth the Lord4697,’ we may now confidently call him blessed, having the firm assurance
that he has reached as it were a haven, and has a life without care. Would that the same had
also befallen each one of us; would that each of us in his running might thus arrive; would
that each of us, on his voyage, might moor his own bark there in the stormless haven, so
that, at rest with the fathers, he might say, ‘here will I dwell, for I have a delight therein4698.’
Wherefore, brethren beloved and most longed-for, weep not for Theodorus, for he ‘is not
To my Lord, beloved brother, and most-longed-for fellow-minister Epictetus4700, Athanasius
greeting in the Lord. I thought that all vain talk of all heretics, many as they may
be, had been stopped by the Synod which was held at Nicæa. For the Faith there confessed
by the Fathers according to the divine Scriptures is enough by itself at once to overthrow
all impiety, and to establish the religious belief in Christ. For this reason at the present time,
at the assembling of diverse synods, both in Gaul and Spain, and great Rome4701, all who
came together, as though moved by one spirit, unanimously anathematised those who still
were secretly holding with Arius, namely Auxentius of Milan, Ursacius, Valens, and Gaius
of Pannonia. And they wrote everywhere, that, whereas the above-said were devising the
names of synods to cite on their side, no synod should be cited in the Catholic Church save
only that which was held at Nicæa, which was a monument of victory over all heresy, but
especially the Arian, which was the main reason of the synod assembling when it did. How
then, after all this, are some attempting to raise doubts or questions? If they belong to the
Arians, this is not to be wondered at, that they find fault with what was drawn up against
2. I write this after reading the memoranda submitted by your piety, which I could wish
had not been written at all, so that not even any record of these things should go down to
posterity. For who ever yet heard the like? Who ever taught or learned it? For ‘from Sion
shall come forth the law of God, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem4704;’ but whence
came forth this? What lower region has vomited the statement that the Body born of Mary
is coessential with the Godhead of the Word? or that the Word has been changed into flesh,
bones, hair, and the whole body, and altered from its own nature? Or who ever heard in a
Church, or even from Christians, that the Lord wore a body putatively, not in nature; or
who ever went so far in impiety as to say and hold, that this Godhead, which is coessential
with the Father, was circumcised and became imperfect instead of perfect; and that what
hung upon the tree was not the body, but the very creative Essence and Wisdom? Or who
that hears that the Word transformed for Himself a passible body, not of Mary, but of His
own Essence, could call him who said this a Christian? Or who devised this abominable
impiety, for it to enter even his imagination, and for him to say that to pronounce the Lord’s
Body to be of Mary is to hold a Tetrad instead of a Triad in the Godhead? Those who think
thus, saying that the Body of the Saviour which He put on from Mary, is of the Essence of
the Triad. Or whence again have certain vomited an impiety as great as those already mentioned;
saying namely, that the body is not newer than the Godhead of the Word, but was
coeternal with it always, since it was compounded of the Essence of Wisdom. Or how did
men called Christians venture even to doubt whether the Lord, Who proceeded from Mary,
while Son of God by Essence and Nature, is of the seed of David according to the flesh4705,
and of the flesh of the Holy Mary? Or who have been so venturesome as to say that Christ
Who suffered in the flesh and was crucified is not Lord, Saviour, God, and Son of the Father4706?
Or how can they wish to be called Christians who say that the Word has descended
upon a holy man as upon one of the prophets, and has not Himself become man, taking the
3. Such were the contents of the memoranda; diverse statements, but one in their sense and in their meaning; tending to impiety. It was for these things that men who make their boast in the confession of the fathers drawn up at Nicæa were disputing and quarrelling with one another. But I marvel that your piety suffered it, and that you did not stop those who said such things, and propound to them the right faith, so that upon hearing it they might hold their peace, or if they opposed it might be counted as heretics. For the statements are not fit for Christians to make or to hear, on the contrary they are in every way alien from the Apostolic teaching. For this reason, as I said above, I have caused what they say to be baldly inserted in my letter, so that one who merely hears may perceive the shame and impiety therein contained. And although it would be right to denounce and expose in full the folly of those who have had such ideas, yet it would be a good thing to close my letter here and write no more. For what is so manifestly shewn to be evil, it is not necessary to waste time in exposing further, lest contentious persons think the matter doubtful. It is enough merely to answer such things as follows: we are content with the fact that this is not the teaching of the Catholic Church, nor did the fathers hold this. But lest the ‘inventors of evil things4707’ make entire silence on our part a pretext for shamelessness, it will be well to mention a few points from Holy Scripture, in case they may even thus be put to shame, and cease from these foul devices.
4. Whence did it occur to you, sirs, to say that the Body is of one Essence with the
Godhead of the Word? For it is well to begin at this point, in order that by shewing this
opinion to be unsound, all the others too may be proved to be the same. Now from the divine
Scriptures we discover nothing of the kind. For they say that God came in a human body.
But the fathers who also assembled at Nicæa say that, not the body, but the Son Himself is
coessential with the Father, and that while He is of the Essence of the Father, the body, as
they admitted according to the Scriptures, is of Mary. Either then deny the Synod of Nicæa,
and as heretics bring in your doctrine from the side; or, if you wish to be children of the
fathers, do not hold the contrary of what they wrote. For here again you may see how
monstrous it is: If the Word is coessential with the body which is of earthly nature, while
the Word is, by your own confession, coessential with the Father, it will follow that even
the Father Himself is coessential with the body produced from the earth. And why any
longer blame the Arians for calling the Son a creature, when you go off to another form of
impiety, saying that the Word was changed into flesh and bones and hair and muscles and
all the body, and was altered from its own nature? For it is time for you to say openly that
5. But this is not so, far be the thought. For he ‘takes hold of the seed of Abraham4711,’
as the apostle said; whence it behoved Him to be made like His brethren in all things, and
to take a Body like us. This is why Mary is truly presupposed, in order that He may take it
from her, and offer it for us as His own. And this Isaiah pointed to in his prophecy, in the
words: ‘Behold the Virgin4712,’ while Gabriel is sent to her—not simply to a virgin, but ‘to
a virgin betrothed to a man4713,’ in order that by means of the betrothed man he might
shew that Mary was really a human being. And for this reason Scripture also mentions her
bringing forth, and tells of her wrapping Him in swaddling clothes; and therefore, too, the
paps which He sucked were called blessed4714. And He was offered as a sacrifice, in that He
Who was born had opened the womb4715. Now all these things are proofs that the Virgin
brought forth. And Gabriel preached the Gospel to her without uncertainty, saying not
merely ‘what is born in thee,’ lest the body should be thought to be extraneously induced
upon her, but ‘of thee,’ that what was born might be believed to be naturally from her,
inasmuch as Nature clearly shews that it is impossible for a virgin to produce milk unless
she has brought forth, and impossible for a body to be nourished with milk and wrapped
in swaddling clothes unless it has previously been naturally brought forth. This is the
6. And this above all shews the foolishness of those who say that the Word was changed
into bones and flesh. For if this had been so, there were no need of a tomb. For the Body
would have gone by itself to preach to the spirits in Hades. But as it was, He Himself went
to preach, while the Body Joseph wrapped in a linen cloth, and laid it away at Golgotha4719.
And so it is shewn to all that the Body was not the Word, but Body of the Word. And it was
this that Thomas handled when it had risen from the dead, and saw in it the print of the
nails, which the Word Himself had undergone, seeing them fixed in His own Body, and
though able to prevent it, did not do so. On the contrary, the incorporeal Word made His
own the properties of the Body, as being His own Body. Why, when the Body was struck
by the attendant, as suffering Himself He asked, ‘Why smitest thou Me4720?’ And being by
nature intangible, the Word yet said, ‘I gave My back to the stripes, and My cheeks to blows,
and hid not My face from shame and spitting4721.’ For what the human Body of the Word
suffered, this the Word, dwelling in the body, ascribed to Himself, in order that we might
be enabled to be partakers of the Godhead of the Word4722. And verily it is strange that He
it was Who suffered and yet suffered not. Suffered, because His own Body suffered, and He
was in it, which thus suffered; suffered not, because the Word, being by Nature God, is impassible.
And while He, the incorporeal, was in the passible Body, the Body had in it the
impassible Word, which was destroying the infirmities inherent in the Body. But this He
did, and so it was, in order that Himself taking what was ours and offering it as a sacrifice,
He might do away with it, and conversely might invest us with what was His, and cause the
7. Now this did not come to pass putatively, as some have supposed: far be the thought: but the Saviour having in very truth become Man, the salvation of the whole man was brought about. For if the Word were in the Body putatively, as they say, and by putative is meant imaginary, it follows that both the salvation and the resurrection of man is apparent only, as the most impious Manichæus held. But truly our salvation is not merely apparent, nor does it extend to the body only, but the whole man, body and soul alike, has truly obtained salvation in the Word Himself. That then which was born of Mary was according to the divine Scriptures human by nature, and the Body of the Lord was a true one; but it was this, because it was the same as our body, for Mary was our sister inasmuch as we all are from Adam. And no one can doubt of this when he remembers what Luke wrote. For after He had risen from the dead, when some thought that they did not see the Lord in the body derived from Mary, but were beholding a spirit instead, He said, ‘See My hands and My feet, and the prints of the nails, that it is I Myself: handle Me and see; for a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see Me to have. And when He had said thus, He shewed them His hands and His feet4724.’ Whence they can be refuted who have ventured to say that the Lord was transformed into flesh and bones. For He did not say, ‘As ye see Me to be flesh and bone,’ but ‘as ye see Me to have,’ in order that it might not be thought that the Word Himself was changed into these things, but that He might be believed to have them after His resurrection as well as before His death.
8. These things being thus demonstrated, it is superfluous to touch upon the other
points, or to enter upon any discussion relating to them, since the body in which the Word
was is not coessential with the Godhead, but was truly born of Mary, while the Word Himself
was not changed into bones and flesh, but came in the flesh. For what John said, ‘The Word
was made flesh4725,’ has this meaning, as we may see by a similar passage; for it is written
in Paul: ‘Christ has become a curse for us4726.’ And just as He has not Himself become a
curse, but is said to have done so because He took upon Him the curse on our behalf, so
also He has become flesh not by being changed into flesh, but because He assumed on our
behalf living flesh, and has become Man. For to say ‘the Word became flesh,’ is equivalent
to saying ‘the Word has become man;’ according to what is said in Joel: ‘I will pour forth of
My Spirit upon all flesh4727;’ for the promise did not extend to the irrational animals, but
9. When they argue thus, they fail to perceive the contradiction in which they involve
themselves. For even though they say that the Body is not from Mary, but is coessential with
the Word, yet none the less (the very point they dissemble, to avoid being credited with
their real opinion) this on their own premises can be proved to involve a Tetrad. For as the
Son, according to the Fathers, is coessential with the Father, but is not the Father Himself,
but is called coessential, as Son with Father, so the Body, which they call coessential with
the Word, is not the Word Himself, but a distinct entity. But if so, on their own shewing,
their Triad will be a Tetrad4729. For the true, really perfect and indivisible Triad is not accessible
to addition as is the Triad imagined by these persons. And how do these remain
Christians who imagine another God in addition to the true one? For, once again, in their
other fallacy one can see how great is their folly. For if they think because it is contained
and stated in the Scriptures, that the Body of the Saviour is human and derived from Mary,
that a Tetrad is substituted for a Triad, as though the Body created an addition, they go very
far wrong, so much so as to make the creature equal to the Creator, and suppose that the
Godhead can receive an addition. And they have failed to perceive that the Word is become
Flesh, not by reason of an addition to the Godhead, but in order that the flesh may rise
again. Nor did the Word proceed from Mary that He might be bettered, but that He might
ransom the human race. How then can they think that the Body, ransomed and quickened
by the Word, made an addition in respect of Godhead to the Word that had quickened it?
For on the contrary, a great addition has accrued to the human Body itself from the fellowship
10. For this reason they also will henceforth keep silence, who once said that He who proceeded from Mary is not very Christ, or Lord, or God. For if He were not God in the Body, how came He, upon proceeding from Mary, straightway to be called ‘Emmanuel, which is being interpreted God with us4731?’ Why again, if the Word was not in the flesh, did Paul write to the Romans ‘of whom is Christ after the flesh, Who is above all God blessed for ever. Amen4732?’ Let them therefore confess, even they who previously denied that the Crucified was God, that they have erred; for the divine Scriptures bid them, and especially Thomas, who, after seeing upon Him the print of the nails, cried out ‘My Lord and my God4733!’ For the Son, being God, and Lord of glory4734, was in the Body which was ingloriously nailed and dishonoured; but the Body, while it suffered, being pierced on the tree, and water and blood flowed from its side, yet because it was a temple of the Word was filled full of the Godhead. For this reason it was that the sun, seeing its creator suffering in His outraged body, withdrew its rays and darkened the earth. But the body itself being of mortal nature, beyond its own nature rose again by reason of the Word which was in it; and it has ceased from natural corruption, and, having put on the Word which is above man, has become incorruptible.
11. But with regard to the imagination of some, who say that the Word came upon one
particular man, the Son of Mary, just as it came upon each of the Prophets, it is superfluous
to discuss it, since their madness carries its own condemnation manifestly with it. For if He
came thus, why was that man born of a virgin, and not like others of a man and woman?
For in this way each of the saints also was begotten. Or why, if the Word came thus, is not
the death of each one said to have taken place on our behalf, but only this man’s death? Or
why, if the Word sojourned among us in the case of each one of the prophets, is it said only
in the case of Him born of Mary that He sojourned here ‘once at the consummation of the
ages4735?’ Or why, if He came as He had come in the saints of former times, did the Son of
Mary alone, while all the rest had died without rising as yet, rise again on the third day? Or
12. This proves that while to all the others the Word came, in order that they might prophesy, from Mary the Word Himself took flesh, and proceeded forth as man; being by nature and essence the Word of God, but after the flesh man of the seed of David, and made of the flesh of Mary, as Paul said4736. Him the Father pointed out both in Jordan and on the Mount, saying, ‘This is My beloved Son in whom I am well pleased4737.’ Him the Arians denied, but we recognising worship, not dividing the Son and the Word, but knowing that the Son is the Word Himself, by Whom all things are made, and by Whom we were redeemed. And for this reason we wonder how any contention at all has arisen among you about things so clear. But thanks to the Lord, much as we were grieved at reading your memoranda, we were equally glad at their conclusion. For they departed with concord, and peacefully agreed in the confession of the pious and orthodox faith. This fact has induced me, after much previous consideration, to write these few words; for I am anxious lest by my silence this matter should cause pain rather than joy to those whose concord occasions joy to ourselves. I therefore ask your piety in the first place, and secondly those who hear, to take my letter in good part, and if anything is lacking in it in respect of piety, to set that right, and inform me. But if it is written, as from one unpractised in speech, below the subject and imperfectly, let all allow for my feebleness in speaking. Greet all the brethren with you. All those with us greet you; may you live in good health in the Lord, beloved and truly longed for.
We have read what your piety has written to us, and genuinely approve your piety toward Christ. And above all we glorify God, Who has given you such grace as not only to have right opinions, but also, so far as that is possible, not to be ignorant of the devices4739 of the devil. But we marvel at the perversity of the heretics, seeing that they have fallen into such a pit of impiety that they no longer retain even their senses, but have their understanding corrupted on all sides. But this attempt is a plot of the devil, and an imitation of the disobedient Jews. For as the latter, when refuted on all sides, kept devising excuses to their own hurt, if only they could deny the Lord and bring upon themselves what was prophesied against them, in like manner these men, seeing themselves proscribed on all hands, and perceiving that their heresy has become abominable to all, prove themselves ‘inventors of evil things4740,’ in order that, not ceasing their fightings against the truth, they may remain consistent and genuine adversaries of Christ. For whence has this new mischief of theirs sprung forth? How have they even ventured to utter this new blasphemy against the Saviour? But the impious man, it seems, is a worthless object, and truly ‘reprobate concerning the Faith4741.’ For formerly, while denying the Godhead of the only-begotten Son of God, they pretended at any rate to acknowledge His coming in the Flesh. But now, gradually going from bad to worse, they have fallen from this opinion of theirs, and become Godless on all hands, so as neither to acknowledge Him as God, nor to believe that He has become man. For if they believed this they would not have uttered such things as your piety has reported against them.
2. You, however, beloved and most truly longed-for, have done what befitted the tradition
of the Church and your piety toward the Lord, in refuting, admonishing, and rebuking such
men. But since, instigated by their father the devil, ‘they knew not nor understood,’ as it is
written, ‘but go on still in darkness4742,’ let them learn from your piety that this error of
theirs belongs to Valentinus and Marcion, and to Manichæus, of whom some substituted
the idea of Appearance for Reality, while the others, dividing what is indivisible, denied
the truth that ‘the Word was made Flesh, and dwelt among us4743.’ Why then, as they hold
with those people, do they not also take up the heritage of their names? For it is reasonable,
as they hold their error, to have their names as well, and for the future to be called
Valentinians, Marcionists, and Manichæans. Perhaps even thus, being put to shame by the
ill savour of the names, they may be enabled to perceive into what a depth of impiety they
have fallen. And it would be within our rights not to answer them at all, according to the
apostolic advice4744: ‘A man that is heretical, after a first and second admonition refuse,
knowing that such an one is perverted, and sinneth, being self-condemned;’ the more so,
in that the Prophet says about such men: ‘The fool shall utter foolishness, and his heart shall
imagine vain things4745.’ But since, like their leader, they too go about like lions seeking
whom among the simple they shall devour4746, we are compelled to write in reply to your
piety, that the brethren being once again instructed by your admonition may still further
reprobate the vain teaching of those men.
3. We do not worship a creature. Far be the thought. For such an error belongs to heathens
and Arians. But we worship the Lord of Creation, Incarnate, the Word of God. For if
the flesh also is in itself a part of the created world, yet it has become God’s body. And we
neither divide the body, being such, from the Word, and worship it by itself4747, nor when
we wish to worship the Word do we set Him far apart from the Flesh, but knowing, as we
said above, that ‘the Word was made flesh,’ we recognise Him as God also, after having
come in the flesh. Who, accordingly, is so senseless as to say to the Lord: ‘Leave the Body
that I may worship Thee;’ or so impious as to join the senseless Jews in saying, on account
of the Body, ‘Why dost Thou, being a man, make Thyself God4748?’ But the leper was not
one of this sort, for he worshipped God in the Body, and recognised that He was God, saying,
4. These things then happened, and no one doubted, as the Arians now venture to doubt,
whether one is to believe the incarnate Word; but even from beholding the man, they recognised
that He was their maker, and when they heard a human voice, they did not, because
it was human, say that the Word was a creature. On the contrary, they trembled, and recognised
nothing less than that it was being uttered from a holy Temple. How then can the
impious fail to fear lest ‘as they refused to have God in their knowledge, they may be given
up to a reprobate mind, to do those things which are not fitting4753?’ For Creation does not
worship a creature. Nor again did she on account of His Flesh refuse to worship her Lord.
But she beheld her maker in the Body, and ‘in the Name of Jesus every knee’ bowed, yea
and ‘shall bow, of things in heaven and things on earth and things under the earth, and
every tongue shall confess,’ whether the Arians approve or no, ‘that Jesus is Lord, to the
Glory of God the Father4754.’ For the Flesh did not diminish the glory of the Word; far be
the thought: on the contrary, it was glorified by Him. Nor, because the Son that was in the
form of God took upon Him the form of a servant4755 was He deprived of His Godhead.
On the contrary, He is thus become the Deliverer of all flesh and of all creation. And if God
sent His Son brought forth from a woman, the fact causes us no shame but contrariwise
glory and great grace. For He has become Man, that He might deify us in Himself, and He
has been born of a woman, and begotten of a Virgin, in order to transfer to Himself our
erring generation4756, and that we may become henceforth a holy race, and ‘partakers of
5. Seeing then that Flesh was taken by the Word to deliver all men, raise all from the
dead, and make redemption for sins, must not they appear ungrateful, and be worthy of all
hatred, who make light of the Flesh, as well as those who on account of it charge the Son of
God with being a thing created or made? For they as good as cry to God and say: ‘Send not
Thine Only-begotten Son in the Flesh, cause Him not to take flesh of a virgin, lest He redeem
us from death and sin. We do not wish Him to come in the body, lest He should undergo
death on our behalf: we do not desire the Word to be made flesh, lest in it He should become
our Mediator to gain access to thee, and we so inhabit the heavenly mansions. Let the gates
of the heavens be shut lest Thy Word consecrate for us the road thither through the veil,
namely His Flesh4759.’ These are their utterances, vented with diabolical daring, by the error
they have devised. For they who do not wish to worship the Word made flesh, are ungrateful
for His becoming man. And they who divide the Word from the Flesh do not hold that one
redemption from sin has taken place, or one destruction of death. But where at all will these
impious men find the Flesh which the Saviour took, apart from Him, that they should even
venture to say ‘we do not worship the Lord with the Flesh, but we separate the Body, and
worship Him alone.’ Why, the blessed Stephen saw in the heavens the Lord standing on
God’s right hand4760, while the Angels said to the disciples, ‘He shall so come in like
manner as ye beheld Him going into heaven4761:’ and the Lord Himself says, addressing
the Father, ‘I will that where I am, they also may be with Me4762.’ And surely if the Flesh is
inseparable from the Word, does it not follow that these men must either lay aside their error,
and for the future worship the Father in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, or, if they do
not worship or serve the Word Who came in the Flesh, be cast out on all sides, and count
no longer as Christians but either as heathens, or among the Jews.
6. Such then, as we have above described, is the madness and daring of those men. But
our faith is right, and starts from the teaching of the Apostles and tradition of the fathers,
being confirmed both by the New Testament and the Old. For the Prophets say: ‘Send out
Thy Word and Thy Truth4763,’ and ‘Behold the Virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and
7. But we should like your piety to ask them this. When Israel was ordered to go up to
Jerusalem to worship at the temple of the Lord, where was the ark, ‘and above it the Cherubim
of glory overshadowing the Mercy-seat4767,’ did they do well or the opposite? If they did ill,
how came it that they who despised this law were liable to punishment? for it is written that
if a man make light of it and go not up, he shall perish from among the people4768. But if
they did well, and in this proved well-pleasing to God, are not the Arians, abominable and
most shameful of any heresy, many times worthy of destruction, in that while they approve
the former People for the honour paid by them to the Temple, they will not worship the
Lord Who is in the flesh as in a temple? And yet the former temple was constructed of stones
and gold, as a shadow. But when the reality came, the type ceased from thenceforth, and
there did not remain, according to the Lord’s utterance, one stone upon another that was
not broken down4769. And they did not, when they saw the temple of stones, suppose that
the Lord who spoke in the temple was a creature; nor did they set the Temple at nought and
retire far off to worship. But they came to it according to the Law, and worshipped the God
who uttered His oracles from the Temple. Since then this was so, how can it be other than
8. Therefore he that dishonours the Temple dishonours the Lord in the Temple; and he that separates the Word from the Body sets at nought the grace given to us in Him. And let not the most impious Arian madmen suppose that, since the Body is created, the Word also is a creature, nor let them, because the Word is not a creature, disparage His Body. For their error is matter for wonder, in that they at once confuse and disturb everything, and devise pretexts only in order to number the Creator among the creatures.
But let them listen. If the Word were a creature, He would not assume the created body to quicken it. For what help can creatures derive from a creature that itself needs salvation? But since the Word being Creator has Himself made the creatures, therefore also at the consummation of the ages4773 He put on the creature, that He as creator might once more consecrate it, and be able to recover it. But a creature could never be saved by a creature, any more than the creatures were created by a creature, if the Word was not creator. Accordingly let them not lie against the divine Scriptures nor give offence to simple brethren; but if they are willing let them change their mind in their turn, and no longer worship the creature instead of God, Who made all things. But if they wish to abide by their impieties, let them alone take their fill of them, and let them gnash their teeth like their father the devil, because the Faith of the Catholic Church knows that the Word of God is creator and maker of all things; and we know that while ‘in the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God4774,’ now that He has become also man for our salvation we worship Him, not as though He had come in the body equalising Himself with it, but as Master, assuming the form of the servant, and Maker and Creator coming in a creature in order that, in it delivering all things, He might bring the world nigh to the Father, and make all things to be at peace, things in heaven and things on the earth. For thus also we recognise His Godhead, even the Father’s, and worship His Incarnate Presence, even if the Arian madmen burst themselves in sunder.
Greet all that love the Lord Jesus Christ. We pray that you may be well, and remember us to the Lord, beloved and truly most longed-for. If need be this is to be read to Hieracas4775 the presbyter.
To our beloved and most truly longed-for son, Maximus4776, philosopher, Athanasius greeting in the Lord.
Having read the letter now come from you, I approve your piety: but, marvelling at the
rashness of those ‘who understand neither what they say nor whereof they confidently affirm4777,’
I had really decided to say nothing. For to reply upon matters which are so plain
and which are clearer than light, is simply to give an excuse for shamelessness to such lawless
men. And this we have learned from the Saviour. For when Pilate had washed his hands,
and acquiesced in the false accusation of the Jews of that day, the Lord answered him no
more, but rather warned his wife in a dream, so that He that was being judged might be
believed to be God not in word, but in power. While after vouchsafing Caiaphas no reply
to his folly, He Himself by his promise4778 brought all over to knowledge. Accordingly for
some time I delayed, and have reluctantly yielded to your zeal for the truth, in view of the
argumentativeness of men without shame. And I have dictated nothing beyond what your
letter contains, in order that the adversary may from henceforth be convinced on the points
to which he has objected, and may ‘keep his tongue from evil and his lips that they speak
no guile4779.’ And would that they would no longer join the Jews who passed by of old in
reproaching Him that hung upon the Tree: ‘If thou be the Son of God save Thyself4780.’ But
if even after this they will not give in, yet do you remember the apostolic injunction, and ‘a
man that is heretical after a first and second admonition refuse, knowing that such an one
is perverted and sinneth being self-condemned4781.’ For if they are Gentiles, or of the
Judaisers, who are thus daring, let them, as Jews, think the Cross of Christ a stumbling-
2. But if they are in doubt whether He is God at all, let them reverence Thomas, who handled the Crucified and pronounced Him Lord and God4784. Or let them fear the Lord Himself, who said, after washing the feet of the disciples: ‘Ye call Me Lord and Master4785, and ye say well, for so I am.’ But in the same body in which He was when he washed their feet, He also carried up our sins to the Tree4786. And He was witnessed to as Master of Creation, in that the Sun withdrew his beams and the earth trembled and the rocks were rent, and the executioners recognised that the Crucified was truly Son of God. For the Body they beheld was not that of some man, but of God, being in which, even when being crucified, He raised the dead. Accordingly it is no good venture of theirs to say that the Word of God came into a certain holy man; for this was true of each of the prophets and of the other saints, and on that assumption He would clearly be born and die in the case of each one of them. But this is not so, far be the thought. But once for all ‘at the consummation of the ages4787, to put away sin’ ‘the Word was made flesh4788’ and proceeded forth from Mary the Virgin, Man after our likeness, as also He said to the Jews, ‘Wherefore seek ye to kill Me, a man that hath told you the truth4789?’ And we are deified not by partaking of the body of some man, but by receiving the Body of the Word Himself.
3. And at this also I am much surprised, how they have ventured to entertain such an
idea as that the Word became man in consequence of His Nature. For if this were so, the
commemoration of Mary would be superfluous.4790 For neither does Nature know of a
Virgin bearing apart from a man. Whence by the good pleasure of the Father, being true
God, and Word and Wisdom of the Father by nature, He became man in the body for our
salvation, in order that having somewhat to offer4791 for us He might save us all, ‘as many
as through fear of death were all their life-time subject to bondage.4792’ For it was not some
man that gave Himself up for us; since every man is under sentence of death, according to
4. Let then the unbelievers perceive this, and learn that while as a Babe He lay in a manger, He subjected the Magi and was worshipped by them; and while as a Child He came down to Egypt, He brought to nought the hand-made objects of its idolatry4795: and crucified in the flesh, He raised the dead long since turned to corruption. And it has been made plain to all that not for His own sake but for ours He underwent all things, that we by His sufferings might put on freedom from suffering and incorruption4796, and abide unto life eternal.
5. This then I have concisely dictated, following, as I said above, the lines of your own
letter, without working out any point any further but only mentioning what relates to the
Holy Cross, in order that the despisers may be taught better upon the points where they
were offended, and may worship the Crucified. But do you thoroughly persuade the unbelievers;
perhaps somehow they may come from ignorance to knowledge, and believe aright.
And even though what your own letter contains is sufficient, yet it is as well to have added
what I have for the sake of reminder in view of contentious persons; not so much in order
that being refuted in their venturesome statements they may be put to shame, as that being
reminded they may not forget the truth. For let what was confessed by the Fathers at Nicæa
prevail. For it is correct, and enough to overthrow every heresy however impious, and espe-
Athanasius to John and Antiochus, our beloved sons and fellow-presbyters in the Lord, greeting.
I was glad to receive your letter just now, the more so as you wrote from Jerusalem. I thank you for informing me about the brethren that there assembled, and about those who wish, on account of disputed points, to disturb the simple. But about these things let the Apostle charge them not to give heed to those who contend about words, and seek nothing else than to tell and hear some new thing4798. But do you, having your foundation sure, even Jesus Christ our Lord, and the confession of the fathers concerning the faith, avoid those who wish to say anything more or less than that, and rather aim at the profit of the brethren, that they may fear God and keep His commandments, in order that both by the teaching of the fathers, and by the keeping of the commandments, they may be able to appear well-pleasing to the Lord in the day of judgment. But I have been utterly astonished at the boldness of those who venture to speak against our beloved Basil the bishop, a true servant of God. For from such vain talk they can be convicted of not loving even the confession of the fathers.
Greet the brethren. They that are with me greet you. I pray that ye may be well in the Lord, beloved and much-desired sons.
To our beloved son Palladius, presbyter, Athanasius the Bishop greeting in the Lord.
I was glad to receive also the letter written by you alone, the more so that you breathe orthodoxy in it, as is your wont. And having learnt not for the first time, but long ago, the reason of your staying at present with our beloved Innocent4800, I am pleased with your piety. Since then you are acting as you are, write and let me know how are the brethren there, and what the enemies of the truth think about us. But whereas you have also told me of the monks at Cæsarea, and I have learned from our beloved Dianius4801 that they are vexed, and are opposing our beloved bishop Basil, I am glad you have informed me, and I have pointed out4802 to them what is fitting, namely that as children they should obey their father, and not oppose what he approves. For if he were suspected as touching the truth, they would do well to combat him. But if they are confident, as we all are, that he is a glory to the Church, contending rather on behalf of the truth and teaching those who require it, it is not right to combat such an one, but rather to accept with thanks his good conscience. For from what the beloved Dianius has related, they appear to be vexed without cause. For he, as I am confident, to the weak becomes weak to gain the weak4803. But let our beloved friends look at the scope of his truth, and at his special purpose4804, and glorify the Lord Who has given such a bishop to Cappadocia as any district must pray to have. And do you, beloved, be good enough to point out to them the duty of obeying, as I write. For this is at once calculated to render them well disposed toward their father, and will preserve peace to the churches. I pray that you may be well in the Lord, beloved son.
To my lord, son, and most beloved fellow-minister Diodorus bishop of Tyre4805,
Athanasius greeting in the Lord.
I thank my Lord, Who is everywhere establishing His doctrine, and chiefly so by means
of His own sons, such as actual fact shews you to be. For before your Reverence wrote, we
knew how great grace has been brought to pass in Tyre by means of your perseverance. And
we rejoice with you that by your means Tyre also has learned the right word of piety. And
I indeed took an opportunity of writing to you, longed-for and beloved: but I marvel at your
not having replied to my letter. Be not then slow to write at once, knowing that you give me
refreshment, as a son to his father, and make me exceeding glad, as a herald of truth. And
enter upon no controversy with the heretics, but overcome their argumentativeness with
silence, their ill-will with courtesy. For thus your speech shall be ‘with grace, seasoned with
salt4806,’ while they [will be judged] by the conscience of all.
Memorandum.—On other Letters ascribed to Athanasius.
The above Collection of Letters is complete upon the principle stated in the Introduction (supr., p. 495). But one or two fragments have been excluded which may be specified here.
(1.) Fragment of a letter ‘to Eupsychius;’ probably the Nicene Father referred to Ep. Æg. 8, (cf. D.C.B. ii. 299 (4)). The Greek is given by Montf. in Ath. Opp. 1. p. 1293 (Latin, ib. p. 1287). It was cited in Conc. Nic. II. Act vi., but although it has affinities with Orat. ii. 8 (‘highpriestly dress’), it has the appearance of a polemical argument against Monophysitism. (Migne xxvi. 1245.)
(2.) ‘To Epiphanius’ (Migne xxvi. 1257). Against certain, who contentiously follow the Jews in celebrating Easter. (From ‘Chron. Pasch. pag. 4 postremæ editionis.’)
(3.) Fragments of an ‘Epistola ad Antiochenos’ (not our ‘Tomus,’ supr., p. 483): also a polemic against Monophysitism, and almost Nestorian in doctrine: ‘Jesus Christus…non est Ipse’ [i.e. ante sæcula et in sæcula, Heb. xiii. 8], and ‘duas personas’ asserted of Christ. From Facundus, who says the letter was written against the Apollinarians, and who gives it on the authority of Peter, Ath.’s successor (Migne xxvi. 1259).
(4.) ‘Ad Eusebium, Lucinianum, et socios.’ (In Migne xxvi. 1325 sq., from Mai, Script. Vet. 11. 583 sq.) A minute fragment. Cf. supr., Letter 55, notes 1, 7.
(5.) Spurious letters (in Migne xxviii.) to Jovian, to Castor (2), to a ‘bishop of the Persians,’ and to and from popes Liberius, Marcus, Julius and Felix (made up out of late and spurious decretals, U+0026c., U+0026c.).
Genesis 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:6 1:6-11 1:9 1:11 1:14-18 1:20 1:26 1:26 1:26 1:26 1:26 1:26 1:26 1:28 1:31 2:3 2:5 2:15 2:16 2:17 3 3:9 3:12 3:15 3:19 3:19 3:19 4:1 4:12 4:12 4:16 5:3 6:2 7:1 9:27 11:5 14:14 14:14 15:1 15:8 18:21 19:24 19:24 19:24 19:26 21:5 22:2 22:12 22:15 25:8 25:27 26:13 27 27:2 27:29 27:37 28:3-4 28:15 31:5 31:7 32:11 32:26 32:30 32:30-31 32:31 32:31 42:21 48:5 48:15-16 49:3 49:3 49:10 49:14
Exodus 3:2-6 3:10 3:13 3:14 3:14 3:14 3:14 3:14 3:14-15 3:16 4:12 4:13 8:26 12:2 12:5 12:7 12:8-9 12:11 12:23 12:41 12:41 12:43 12:43-48 12:46 12:47 14:14 14:21 15 15:1 15:1 15:9 15:9 19:8 19:9 19:13 19:16 20:3 20:4 20:13 21:13 21:17 21:17 21:17 21:17 23:1 23:14 23:26 24:2 29:5 33:11 33:20 33:23 34:6
Leviticus 9:7 9:7 11:13 17:9 23:26 23:29 25:21 26:12
Numbers 3 6:25 7 9:2 9:13 10:1-2 10:8 10:9 10:10 11 12 17 18 21 24:5-6 24:5-17 26 28:2
Deuteronomy 4:4 4:4 4:7 4:19 4:24 4:32 6:4 6:4 6:4 6:4 6:4-5 6:7 6:13 6:16 7:8 12:11 12:13 12:14 13:1-3 13:4 13:18 16:1 16:1 16:1 16:1 17:6 18:15 18:15 21:15 21:15 21:23 28:66 28:66 28:66 28:66 30:14 32:4 32:6 32:6 32:6 32:6 32:6 32:8 32:17 32:18 32:20 32:39 32:39 32:39 32:49 34:6
Joshua 1:6 2:1 5:13 7:20 10:12 23:14 24:23
Judges 11:34 13:16 19 19:29 19:29
1 Samuel 2:6 2:27 5 6 12:5 12:5 13:9 15 15:35 16:12 16:14 21:13 22:2 22:9 22:18 26:9 26:10-11 26:21
2 Samuel 6:23 15:13 18:24
1 Kings 1:11 1:19 1:26 8:27 8:59 10:24 12:32-33 13:2 18:15 18:15 19:4-8 21:10 21:18 21:20
2 Kings 1:10 3:11 5:8 5:15 5:26 6:13-17 6:16 6:17 9:35-36 17:9 19:35 20:18
Ezra 3:6
Esther 3:9 4:16 9:20-28 9:21
Job 1 1:2 1:2 1:21 2:7 5:23 5:26 7:1 14:4 14:16-17 14:26 16:14 18:5 18:5 18:14 38:17 38:17 38:17 40:8-9 40:16 40:19-24 40:24 41:1 41:5 41:13 41:13 41:18-20 41:27
Psalms 1:1 1:1 1:1-2 1:5 1:5 1:6 1:16 2:1 2:1 2:1 2:1 2:4 2:6 2:7 2:7 2:7 2:7 2:18 2:18 2:23 2:24 2:25 2:25 2:26-28 3 3 4 4:4 4:4 4:5 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:24 4:25-26 4:34 5:3 6:6 7:3-4 7:20 7:20 9:6 9:9 9:9 9:14 9:15 9:17 10:1 10:1 10:1 10:1 10:1 10:3 10:3 10:3 10:3 10:3 10:3 11:7 12:1 12:6 14:1 14:1 14:1 14:1-2 14:7 15:3 15:3 15:4 15:4-7 15:5 15:8 15:16 15:17-18 15:18 16:3 16:8 16:10 16:10 16:12 16:13 16:15 16:15 16:16 16:16 17:3-4 17:15 18:1-2 18:6 18:7 18:9 18:10 18:13 18:17 18:24 18:27 18:27 18:29 18:29 18:44-45 18:45 19:1 19:1 19:1 19:1 19:3 19:4 19:14 19:14 19:20 19:43 19:44 19:62 19:73 19:73 19:73 19:89 19:89 19:90 19:91 19:91 19:101 19:107 19:143 19:164 20:1-2 20:7 20:7 22:9 22:16 22:22 22:32 23:4 24:3 24:6 24:7 24:7 24:7 24:7 24:7 24:10 25:1 25:1 26:2 27:1 27:1 27:3 30:3 30:9 30:12 31:7 31:7-8 31:15 31:24 32:9 32:9 32:14 32:15 33:1 33:4 33:6 33:6 33:6 33:6 33:9 33:9 34 34:1 34:13 34:21 35:8 35:16 35:28 36:1 36:9 36:9 36:9 36:9 37:6 37:40 38:8 38:8 38:12 38:14 38:14 39:2 39:6 40 40:6 41:9 42:1 42:4 42:4 43:3 43:3 43:4 44:5 44:5 44:17 44:17 44:20 44:22 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:1 45:6 45:6 45:7 45:7 45:7-8 45:7-8 45:7-8 45:8 45:8 45:13 45:13 45:14 46:7 46:7 46:8 47:7-9 48:5 48:5 48:5 49:3 49:10 49:11 49:12 50:1 50:3 50:6 50:14 50:16 50:16 50:16 50:23 51:10 51:11 51:12 51:12 51:13 52 53:1 53:3 54:1 54:7 55:4 55:15 56:11 57:3 57:4 57:4 59:6 59:14 59:15 60:11 60:12 63:1-2 63:6 63:11 66:11-12 68:1 68:5 69:26 71:3 72:1 72:5 72:17 73:20 73:23-24 74:2 74:6 74:11 74:14 76:1 76:1 77:10 78:25 81:3 81:3 82:1 82:5 82:6 82:6 82:6 83:1 83:6 84:7 84:10 84:70 85:8 86:8 86:8 86:8 86:16 87:1-3 87:2 87:4 88:7 89:6 89:6 89:7 89:17-18 89:47 90:2 90:10 90:14 90:17 91:8 94:11 94:17 95:1 95:1 97:1 104:24 110:3 110:3 118 118 119:148 120:5 125:1 132:14 135 143:5 143:5
Proverbs
1:5 1:5-6 1:6 1:7 1:23 2:13-14 3:19 3:19 3:19 3:19 3:19 4:1 4:23 5:3 5:22 7:22
7:22-23 8:2 8:9 8:10-11 8:12 8:12 8:14 8:14 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22
8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22
8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22 8:22
Ecclesiastes 3:2 3:7 4:8 5:8-9 7:17 7:23-24 7:26 7:29 7:29 8:1 9:12 10:8 10:20 12:14
Song of Solomon 1:6-7 2 3:1-2 5:2 6:1 8:1
Isaiah 1:2 1:2 1:2 1:2 1:4 1:6 1:10-11 1:11 1:11 1:11 1:12 1:12 1:14 1:14 1:22 1:22 1:22 1:22 2:3 2:3 2:4 3:9-10 3:9-10 5:1 5:7 5:11 5:20 5:20 6 6:5 6:8 6:9 7:14 7:14 7:14 7:14 7:14 8:4 8:4 9:5 9:6 9:6 9:6 9:6 9:6 10:14 10:14 11:5 11:8 11:9 11:9 11:10 14:12 14:14 14:14 14:27 14:27 19:1 22:13 22:13 22:14 23:2 25:8 26:9 26:10 26:13 26:20 26:20 26:20 32:6 32:6 35:3 38:18 38:19 38:20 39:7 40:8 40:18 40:28 40:28 40:28 40:29 42:8 42:8 42:12 44:6 44:6 44:9 44:23 44:24 44:24 45:5 45:14 47:6 48:13 48:22 48:22 49:5 49:5 49:5 49:8 49:13 50:6 50:6 50:6 51:16 52 52:5 52:11 52:11 53 53:3 53:4 53:4 53:4 53:5 53:7 53:7 53:7 53:7 53:8 53:8 54:13 54:13 55:6-7 56:4-5 58:5 58:9 58:11 59:3-4 59:4-5 59:9-11 60:8 61:1 61:1 61:8 63:1 63:9 64:4 65:1-2 66:2 66:2 66:2 66:2 66:3 66:3
Jeremiah 1:5 1:5 1:5 1:5 2:1 2:12 2:13 2:13 2:18 3:3 4:3 5:8 5:8 5:30 6:16 6:20 7:18 7:21-22 7:22 7:22-23 7:28 7:34 7:34 9:2 9:2 9:3 9:10 11:19 13:23 14:10 15:5 15:18 17:10 17:11 17:12-13 20:9 20:9 20:12 22:10 23:18 23:22 23:23 23:29 25:10 31:22 31:22 31:34 48:10
Lamentations 3:27 4:6 4:20
Ezekiel 3:12 9:4 11:13 16:25 16:48 18:23 18:26 18:32 28:2 34:2 34:2 44
Daniel 3:18 3:25 4:3 4:19 6:5 6:11 6:11 6:13 7:5 7:7 7:13 7:14 7:25 9:24 9:24 9:27
Hosea 4:12 6:3 6:6 7:13 7:15 8:7 9:4 11:1
Joel 1:7 2:15 2:17 2:17 2:25 2:25 2:25 2:25 2:25 2:25 2:28 2:28 2:28 2:32
Amos
Micah 4:2 7:18 7:18
Nahum 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15
Habakkuk 2:5 2:15 2:15 2:15 2:15
Zechariah 1:3 1:12 2:10 8:19
Malachi 1:2-3 1:11 1:11 2:10 3:3 3:6 3:6 3:6 3:6 4:2 4:2
Matthew 1 1:17 1:23 1:23 1:23 1:23 1:23 1:25 1:25 2:13 3:3 3:7 3:7 3:9 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:17 4:3 4:3 4:7 4:10 4:10 4:10 4:11 4:19 4:20 4:23 5:6 5:8 5:8 5:10 5:11-12 5:15 5:21-44 5:22 5:28 5:36 5:48 5:48 6:6 6:7 6:7 6:9 6:30 6:31 6:33 6:34 7:2 7:6 7:6 7:6 7:13 7:15 7:15 7:22 7:25 7:25 8:2 8:26 8:29 8:29 8:31 9:3 9:5 9:5 9:13 9:20 9:20 9:24 9:36 10:8 10:16 10:17 10:22 10:22 10:23 10:23 10:23 10:29 10:29 10:29 10:40 10:40 10:40 10:40 10:40 10:40 11:13 11:25 11:25 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:27 11:28 11:28 11:28 11:29 11:29 12:8 12:15 12:19 12:28 12:28 12:32 12:32 12:34 12:34 12:36 12:40 12:43-45 13:8 13:21 13:22 13:25 13:52 14:13 14:28 15:3 15:4 15:11 15:13 15:13 15:19 15:26 15:28 16:13 16:13 16:16 16:16 16:16 16:16 16:16 16:16-17 16:18 16:22-23 16:23 16:23 16:24 16:24 17:5 17:5 17:5 17:20 18:6 18:6 18:6 18:19 18:20 18:20 18:24 19:4 19:4 19:4 19:6 19:21 19:27 20:16 20:22-23 20:28 20:32 21:2 21:19 21:33 21:37 22:12 22:12 22:21 22:21 22:29 22:29 22:29 22:29 22:29 23:19 23:34 24:2 24:3 24:24 24:24-25 24:31 24:35 24:39 24:42 24:42 24:42 24:42 24:44 25:1-12 25:11 25:13 25:21 25:21 25:21 25:21 25:21 25:23 25:23 25:26 25:26-30 25:27 25:31-36 25:34 25:34 25:34 25:34 25:35 25:40 25:45 26:2 26:17 26:26 26:26-28 26:28 26:38 26:39 26:39 26:39 26:39 26:39 26:41 26:41 26:45 26:64 26:64 26:65 27:24 27:40 27:42 27:45 27:46 27:46 27:52-53 27:54 27:54 27:60 28:5 28:18 28:18 28:18 28:18 28:19 28:19 28:19 28:19 28:19 28:19 28:20 28:20
Mark 1:7-11 1:24 1:24 1:31 2:11 4:17 4:20 4:20 4:37-41 4:37-41 6:38 6:38 8:22 8:29 8:38 10:21 10:28 10:45 11:13 12:25 12:29 12:29 12:29 13:9 13:31 13:32 13:32 13:32 13:32 13:32 13:32 13:32 13:32 15:5 15:34 15:46
Luke
John
1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1
1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1 1:1-3 1:1-3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3
1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:8 1:9 1:9
1:9 1:9 1:10 1:12 1:12 1:12 1:12-13 1:12-17 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14
1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14
1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:14 1:15 1:16 1:16 1:16
1:17 1:17 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:22 1:45
2:4 2:4 2:19 2:25 3:2 3:3 3:5 3:16-19 3:17 3:17 3:17 3:18-19 3:31 3:35 3:35
3:35 3:35 3:35 3:36 4:14 4:20 4:20 4:24 4:26 4:34 5:16 5:17 5:17 5:17 5:17
5:17 5:18 5:19 5:19 5:19 5:22 5:22 5:23 5:23 5:23 5:23 5:25 5:26 5:26 5:26
5:30 5:36 5:37 5:39 5:39 5:39 5:46 5:46 6:4 6:6 6:30 6:35 6:37 6:38 6:38 6:38-40
6:42 6:44 6:44 6:45 6:45 6:46 6:46 6:46 6:48 6:48-51 6:51 6:51 6:51 6:53 6:62-64
6:63 6:63 6:67 6:68 6:68 6:69 7:6 7:17 7:30 7:37 7:37 7:37 7:37 7:37 7:37 7:37
7:37 7:37-38 7:38 7:38 7:39 7:46 8:12 8:12 8:35-36 8:36 8:40 8:40 8:42 8:43
8:44 8:44 8:44 8:44 8:44 8:56 8:56 8:58 8:58 8:58 8:58 8:58-59 9 9:6 9:28-29
9:32 9:39 10:15 10:15 10:16 10:17-18 10:18 10:18 10:18 10:18 10:29 10:29 10:29
10:29 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30
10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30
10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:30 10:32-38 10:33 10:33 10:33 10:33
10:35 10:35 10:36 10:37 10:37-38 10:38 10:38 10:38 10:38 11:14 11:25 11:34
11:34 11:34 11:35 11:43 11:47 11:50 11:53-54 12:13 12:27 12:27 12:27 12:27-28
12:28 12:28 12:32 12:34 12:45 12:46 12:46-48 12:47 13:12 13:13 13:13 13:18
13:21 13:31 14:2 14:3 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6
14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:6 14:8-9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9
14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9 14:9-10 14:9-10 14:9-10
14:9-10 14:9-10 14:9-10 14:9-10 14:9-13 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10
14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:10 14:11 14:11 14:16 14:20
14:23 14:23 14:26 14:27 14:28 14:28 14:28-29 14:30 14:48 15:1 15:20 15:22
15:26 15:26 15:26 16:7 16:13 16:14 16:15 16:15 16:15 16:15 16:15 16:15 16:15
Acts 1:1 1:7 1:7 1:11 1:18 1:18 1:18 2:1 2:22 2:22 2:24 2:24 2:36 2:36 2:36 2:36 2:36 2:36 2:38 3:9 3:15 3:20 3:26 4:4 4:10 4:12 4:32 4:35 5 5:29 5:39 5:39 5:39 6 6 7:55 8:4 8:20 8:20 8:27 8:30 8:34 8:37 9:4 9:5 10:26 10:36 10:36 10:38 10:38 10:38 13:22 13:33 14:15 15 17:5 17:21 17:27 17:28 17:28 17:28 17:28 17:28 17:28 17:30 17:31 20:28 20:29 21:20 23:9 23:11 23:22-24 24:18-19 25:16 26:2 26:26
Romans 1:1 1:1-2 1:2 1:3 1:3 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:7 1:7 1:12 1:15 1:17 1:19-20 1:19-25 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:20 1:21-22 1:22 1:23 1:25 1:25 1:25 1:25 1:25 1:25 1:25 1:26 1:26 1:28 1:28 1:28 1:30 1:30 1:30 2:5 2:13 2:16 2:21 2:23 2:24 2:24 3:10 3:21 3:22 3:26 3:26 3:29-30 4:20 4:25 5:1-8 5:3 5:3 5:3 5:4 5:5 5:5-8 5:12 5:14 5:14 5:14 5:14 5:14 6:9 6:14 7:12 7:14 8 8 8:1 8:3 8:3 8:3 8:3 8:3 8:3 8:3 8:3 8:3-4 8:9 8:13 8:15 8:17 8:18 8:18 8:19 8:19-21 8:21 8:21 8:22 8:24-25 8:26 8:28 8:29 8:29 8:29 8:29 8:29 8:32 8:33-34 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:35 8:37 8:37 8:37 8:37 8:38-39 9:3 9:5 9:5 9:5 9:5 9:5 9:19 9:19 9:32 9:33 10:4 10:9 10:9 10:11 10:13 10:13 10:18 10:20 11:7 11:23 11:32 11:33 11:34 11:34 11:36 12:11 12:12 12:15 13:7 13:7 13:14 14:1 14:1 14:2 14:10 15:19 15:19 15:28 16:18 16:22
1 Corinthians 1:1 1:4 1:5 1:5 1:7-8 1:10 1:10 1:21 1:21 1:21 1:21 1:23 1:23-24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:24 1:30 1:30 1:30 1:30 1:30 2:4 2:4 2:8 2:8 2:8 2:8 2:8 2:8 2:9 2:9 2:9 2:10 2:16 3:1 3:2 3:10-11 3:12 3:16 3:16 4:1 4:4 4:4 4:5 4:6 4:6 4:16 5:3 5:4 5:4 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7 5:7-8 5:8 5:8 5:8 5:13 6:10 6:13 6:17 6:18 6:20 7:1 7:2 7:5 7:5 7:7 7:17 7:18 7:27 8:5 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:6 8:8 8:9 9:16 9:22 9:24-27 9:27 9:27 10:4 10:13 10:23 11:1 11:1 11:1 11:1 11:2 11:2 11:2 11:2 11:2 11:3 11:7 11:7 11:7 11:9 11:12 11:25 11:27 12:4 12:4 12:26 13:9 13:9 13:12 14:9 14:25 14:25 14:33 15 15 15:3 15:3 15:3 15:3-4 15:3-4 15:5 15:9 15:9 15:10 15:20 15:21 15:21 15:22 15:25 15:28 15:28 15:31 15:32 15:33 15:53 15:53 15:53 15:53 15:53 15:55 16:22-23
2 Corinthians
Galatians 1:8-9 1:8-9 1:9 1:9 1:16 1:24 2 2:5 2:5 2:6 2:13 2:20 2:20 3:11 3:13 3:13 3:13 3:13 3:16 3:19 3:23-24 4:4 4:4 4:4 4:6 4:6 4:6 4:8 4:10 4:10-11 4:19 5:13 5:15 5:22 5:25 6:6 6:15 6:17
Ephesians 1:3 1:3-5 1:5 1:10 1:10 1:13 1:13-14 1:20 2:2 2:2 2:2 2:4-5 2:10 2:10 2:14 2:14-15 2:15 2:15-16 2:19 3:15 3:15 3:15 3:18 4:3 4:4 4:5 4:5 4:10 4:13 4:14 4:20-24 4:22 4:22-24 4:24 4:26 4:30 5:1-2 5:14 5:14 5:25 5:27 6:11 6:12 6:12 6:12 6:13 6:14 6:15 6:15
Philippians 1:13 1:29 2:5-11 2:6 2:6 2:6 2:6 2:6 2:6 2:6 2:6-7 2:6-8 2:6-8 2:7 2:7 2:7 2:8 2:9 2:9 2:9 2:9 2:9-10 2:9-10 2:9-10 2:10-11 2:11 2:26 3:13 3:13 3:13 3:13 3:14 3:14 3:14 3:14 3:14 3:15 3:20 3:20 3:21 4:5 4:6 4:12 4:13
Colossians 1:12 1:12-17 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15 1:15-17 1:15-18 1:16 1:16 1:16 1:16 1:16 1:16 1:16 1:16 1:17 1:17 1:17 1:17 1:18 1:18 1:18 1:20 2 2 2:3 2:5 2:9 2:9 2:9 2:14 2:15 2:15 2:15 3:4 3:5 3:5 3:5 3:5 3:17 4:6
1 Thessalonians 2:19 3:11 4:13 5:16-17 5:16-18 5:17 5:17 5:17 5:17 5:18 5:18 5:18 5:19 5:23 5:24
2 Thessalonians 2:1 2:1-2 2:3 2:4 2:8 2:8 2:8 3:10
1 Timothy 1:4 1:7 1:7 1:7 1:7 1:8 1:10 1:15 1:17 1:17 1:19 1:19 1:19 1:20 2:5 2:7 2:7 2:7 2:9 3:2 3:2 3:8 3:16 3:16 3:16 4:1 4:1 4:1 4:1-2 4:2 4:4 4:6 4:6 4:7 4:7 4:7-8 4:7-8 4:12 4:14 4:14 4:14 4:15 5:16 5:23 6:5 6:5 6:10 6:15
2 Timothy 1:8-10 1:10 1:10 1:13 2:8 2:8 2:13 2:14 2:16-17 2:17 2:17 2:17-18 2:18 2:18 2:19 3:8 3:11 3:11 3:12 3:12 3:12 3:13 3:14 3:14 3:15 3:16 3:17 4:2 4:6 4:7 4:7-8 4:8
Titus 1:8 1:12 1:13 1:14 1:14 1:15 2:2 2:8 2:13-14 3:8 3:10-11 3:10-11 3:11
Philemon 1:10
Hebrews 1:1-2 1:1-2 1:2 1:2 1:2 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3 1:3-4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:6 1:6 1:6 1:6 1:6 1:7 1:10 1:12 1:14 2:1-3 2:7 2:9 2:9 2:10 2:12 2:14 2:14 2:14 2:14 2:14-15 2:14-18 2:15 2:15 2:16 2:16 3:1-2 3:2 3:2 3:2 3:2 3:2 3:2 3:2 3:5-6 3:6 4:12 4:12 4:12 4:12-13 4:12-13 4:14 5:13 5:14 5:14 6:4 6:18 6:20 6:20 7:19 7:19 7:22 8:3 9:1 9:5 9:10 9:10 9:10 9:13 9:14 9:26 9:26 9:26 9:26 9:26 9:27 10:1 10:20 10:20 10:20 10:20 10:24 10:29 11:3 11:3 11:3 11:6 11:6 11:16 11:17 11:32 11:37-38 12:1 12:18-23 12:23 12:29 13:4 13:4 13:8 13:8 13:8 13:8 13:8 13:8 13:14
James 1:2 1:8 1:12 1:14 1:17 1:18 1:20 1:21 2:7 5:13
1 Peter 1:7 1:12 1:13 1:25 2:21-23 2:22 2:23 2:24 2:24 2:24 3:19 3:22 4:1 4:1 4:1 4:1 4:19 5:8 5:8 5:8
2 Peter 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:4 1:17 2:22 2:22 2:22 3:16
1 John 1:1 1:1-2 2:7 2:13 2:20 2:23 2:23 3:2 3:5 3:8 3:8 3:24 3:24 4:1 4:1 4:9 4:13 4:15 5:20 5:20 5:20 5:20 5:20
2 John 1:10 1:10
Revelation 1:4 1:5 1:8 1:8 3:14 3:14 4:8 8:9 18:6 19:13 22:9 22:13-17
Tobit 4:18 12:7
Judith 9 13:8 15
Wisdom of Solomon 1:5 1:11 1:11 2:12 2:12 2:21 2:23 3:57 6:18 6:24 7:25 7:25 7:25 7:25 7:27 7:27 9:2 13:5 13:5 14:12 14:12 14:12 14:21
Baruch 3:12 3:12 3:12 3:35 3:37 4:20 4:22 6
1 Esdras 4:36 4:40 4:41
2 Esdras 7:28-29
Sirach 1:9-10 1:25 4:24 4:28 7:5 7:5 15:9 15:9 18:17 30:4
ἀΐδια: 1034 1034
ἀΐδιον γέννημα: 1174
ἀΐδιος: 1034
ἀγάπη ἐξ ἀγάπης: 1075
ἀγάπην πατρός: 1071
ἀγέν: 1174
ἀγένητον: 530 530 531 531 857 858 858 899 899 899 900
ἀγένητος: 37 485 485 485 486 486 513 515 815 857 857 900 1174 1174 1174 1174 1174
ἀγέννητον: 530 857 858 858 861
ἀγέννητος: 486 486 839 857 1174 1174 1174 1174 1174
ἀγέννητος, (ὁ Θεός: 45
ἀγέν[ν]ητος: 51
ἀγαθότητος: 1071
ἀγαθοῦ πατρὸς ἀγαθὸν βούλημα: 1075
ἀγαπὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀχώριστον καὶ οὐκ ἀφοσιουμένην: 1302
ἀγγέλων μὲν παραβαντων, ἀνθρώπων δὲ παρακουσαντων: 880
ἀγγέν: 857
ἀγενητόν: 884
ἀγεννήτως: 947
ἀγεννησία: 51 109
ἀγεννητογενής: 836
ἀγεντισηρίβους: 680
ἀγορὰ: 788
ἀδεῶς: 527
ἀδελφοὶ: 836
ἀδιάλειπτος ἀγάπη: 1258
ἀδιαίρετον, ἄναρχον, ἀειγενες: 527
ἀεὶ ὁ θεός, ἀεὶ ὁ υἱU+0026 231·ς ἅμα πατήρ, ἅμα υἱU+0026 231·ς: 1138
ἀεὶ γεννᾶται ὁ σωτὴρ ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός: 539
ἀεὶ μὲν προφάσεις: 537
ἀειγεννής: 836
ἀειπαῖς: 986
ἀθεότητος: 488 953
ἀθεΐας: 821
ἀκαθήκων, ἀποξενίζειν, ἐπακούειν: 132
ἀκεραίων: 339
ἀκοὰς: 339
ἀκοὰς βύει: 339
ἀκουσίως: 873
ἀλήθεια, λόγος: 945
ἀληθῶς: 37 847
ἀληθῶς Εὐσέβιε: 780
ἀληθῶς, φυσικῶς, κυρίως: 534
ἀληθως εὐσέβιε: 487
ἀλλ᾽ ἃ: 527
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεδήμησεν ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν ᾽Ιησοῦς Χριστὸς λυτρούμενος τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, καὶ
ζωοποιῶν τοὺς τεθανατωμένους: 1269
ἀλλοιούμενος: 912
ἀλογίαν: 507
ἀλογίας: 488
ἀμέριστος ἐν μεμερισμένοις ἡ θεότης: 525
ἀνὰ τὰς ἐξόδους: 792
ἀνέξοδοι: 792
ἀνὴρ ἄθεος: 821
ἀνόμοιον: 1004
ἀνόμοιος: 105 495
ἀνόμοιος κατὰ πάντα: 1004
ἀνόμων: 807
ἀναβὰς: 873
ἀνακερασθῶμεν: 879
ἀνακεφαλαίωσις: 67 67
ἀνακτίσαι: 252
ἀνακτίσαι τὰ ὅλα, ὑπερ πάντων, παθεῖν: 144
ἀναρίθμητον πλῆθος: 123
ἀναστάς: 873
ἀναφύρει ἑαυτὸν ἡμῖν: 879
ἀνεξόδων: 753
ἀνεπίμικτοι: 51
ἀνεπιμικτοί: 823 1136
ἀνεργάστου γῆς: 913
ἀνθ᾽ ἡμῶν τὴν ὀφειλὴν ἀποδιδούς: 982
ἀνθρώπινον: 958
ἀνθρώπους ἀθέους: 821
ἀνομοιότης: 1004
ἀνουσίου, ἀνυποστάτου: 1191
ἀντὶ πάντων: 141
ἀντίδοσις: 1037
ἀντίψυχον: 271
ἀντιμαχόμενοι τῷ σωτῆρι: 492
ἀνυπόστατος λόγος: 926
ἀπάρτισμα ἀφθαρσίας: 140
ἀπέριττον: 132
ἀπὸ τῆς νῦν ὑπατείας: 1116
ἀπόU+0026 207·ῥοια: 520
ἀπαράλλακτον: 515 1143
ἀπαράλλακτον εἰκόνα: 50
ἀπαράλλακτος: 517 1006
ἀπαράλλακτος εἰκὼν κατ᾽ οὐσίαν: 1143
ἀπαράλλακτος εἴκων: 908
ἀπαραλλάκτως ὅμοιος: 517
ἀπαραλλακτος εἰκών, ἀπηκριβωμένη ἐμφέρεια: 336
ἀπεῤU+0026 191·ηγμένας: 525
ἀπεξενωμένας ἀλλήλων καὶ διεσπασμένας: 525
ἀπογράμμων: 1345
ἀποδείξις: 664
ἀποδεικτικῶς οὐκ ἀποφαντικῶς: 989
ἀποκρέως: 1288
ἀπολύτως: 977
ἀπολελυμένως: 888 977
ἀπομαφοριζόμεναι: 383
ἀπορίαι: 53
ἀποσυνάγωγος: 49
ἀργός: 836
ἀρειομανιτῶν: 379
ἀρχὴ: 879 904 905
ἀρχὴ ὁδῶν εἰς τὰ ἔργα: 903
ἀρχὴ ζωῆς,: 142
ἀρχὴ τέκνων: 961
ἀρχὴ τῆς κτίσεως: 903
ἀρχὴν: 900 900
ἀἀρχὴν ὁδῶν·: 961
ἀἀρχή: 969 1011
ἀἀρχόμενοι τῆς ἁγίας τεσσαρακοστῆς—ἐπισυνάπτοντες—συνάπτοντες ἐξῆς—: 1250
ἀvἀρχῇ: 972
ἀἀρχιερεσίαν: 454
ἀἀρχικαὶ ὑποστάσεις: 39
ἀἀρχιτεκτόνημα: 351
ἀἀσεβὴς: 487
ἀἀσεβήματα: 794
ἀἀσχηματιστός: 374
ἀἀτελῆ πρότερον, εἶτα τέλειον, ὥσπερ νόμος τῆς ἡμετέρας γενέσεως: 837
ἀἀυὴν: 686
ἀἀφθαρσία: 140 141 142 143
ἀἀφθαρτοὶ διὰ τῆς ἀναστάσεως: 142
ἀἀχώριστα πράγματα δύο· ὁ υἱU+0026 232·ς τὴν κατὰ πάντα ὁμοιότητα αὐτοῦ ἐκ φύσεως
ἀἀπομαξάμενος· δι᾽ ἐσόπτρου ἀκηλιδώτου καὶ ἐμψύχου θείας εἰκόνος· μεσιτεύουσα φύσις
ἀμονογενής· τὰς τῇ ὑποστάσει δύο φύσεις: 342
ἀἀχρόνως γεννηθεὶς καὶ πρὸ αἰU+0026 240·νων κτισθεὶς καὶ θεμελιωθείς·: 927
ἀἁγίων: 645
ἀἁγνεύοντες: 568
ἀἁμαρτίαν, καὶ οὐ τὴν πρᾶξιν: 872
ἀἁπλῶς: 918
ἀἁπλῶς, οὐκ ἁπλῶς ὡρίσθη, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκριβῶς ἐξητάσθη: 883
ἀἃ θέλουσι πράττει, ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἅπερ ἤθελεν ἤκουσε παρ᾽ αὐτῶν: 786
ἀἃ μὲν ὡς ζητῶν καὶ γυμνάζων ἔργαψε, ταῦτα μὴ ὡς αὐτοῦ φρονοῦντος δεχέσθω τις, ἀλλὰ
ἀτῶν πρὸς ἔριν φιλονεικούντων ἐν τῷ ζητεῖν, ἀδεῶς ὁρίζων ἀποφαίνεται, τοῦτο τοῦ
ἀφιλοπόνου τὸ φρόνημα ἐστι. ῾ἀλλὰ: 527
ἀἄγγελος, ὑπηρέτης: 38
ἀἄγονος: 908
ἀἄθεοι: 489
ἀἄκαρπος: 908
ἀἄλλη ἐκκλησία: 164
ἀἄλλος ὁ Πατήρ ἄλλος ὁ υἱU+0026 231·ς: 59
ἀἄλογα κατὰ τοῦ Λόγου τοῦ Πατρός.: 1303
ἀἄλογον: 844
ἀἄλογον καὶ ἄσοφον τὸν θεόν: 341
ἀἄλογος: 556
ἀἄλογος, ἄσοφος: 507
ἀἄλυπος ἀνώδυνος ἀμέριμνος ζωή: 143
ἀἄμεσος συνάφεια: 1071
ἀἄναρχὸν καὶ ἀειγενές: 837
ἀἄνθρωπον: 364
ἀἄνθρωπον ὅλον: 1064
ἀἄνθρωπος: 155 155 362 362 363 958
ἀἄνθρωπος τέλειος: 127
ἀἄνομος: 1002
ἀἄνω καὶ κάτω: 1063
ἀἄνω καὶ κάτω περιφέροντες: 818
ἀἄρουραι: 574
ἀἄρρητος: 37
ἀἄρτοι: 1357
ἀἄρχῃ: 1221
ἀἄρχη: 39
ἀἄσκησ
ἀἄτρεπτος καὶ μὴ ἀλλοιούμενος: 912
ἀἄϋλος: 303
ἀἅπερ ἔγραψα τοῖς μοναχοῖς: 742
ἀἅτε τὸν Κύριον ἔνοικον ἔχουσα: 149
ἀἐβδομὰς τῶν πασχῶν: 1288
ἀἐγὼ ἀποστέλλω: 34
ἀἐγὼ γὰρ δώσω: 34
ἀἐγώ εἰμι ὁ ὣν: 534
ἀἐγγραφῶς: 528
ἀἐγγραφῶς ἐξετέθη: 528
ἀἐγενήθη: 366 366
ἀἐγεννήθη: 366
ἀἐγκυκλεῖν: 132
ἀἐθεοποίησε: 1178
ἀἐκ: 1021 1029
ἀἐκ βουλήσεως τινός: 1074
ἀἐκ βουλῆς: 1074
ἀἐκ θελήματος: 1070
ἀἐκ θεοῦ: 350
ἐκ μεταφορᾶς: 1179
ἐκ προκοπῆς: 48 1148
ἐκ τῆς ὁμοιότητος: 357
ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας: 60 119 357 857
ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρὸς εἶναι, καὶ μὴ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως τὸν υἱον: 357
ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρός, ὁμοούσιαν τῷ Πατρί: 56
ἐκ τῆς ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρὸς: 59
ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων: 1124
ἐκ τοῦ θελήματος: 45
ἐκ τοῦ θελήματος τοῦ Πατρός: 44
ἐκ τοῦ περιτροχάζειν πᾶσαν ἀγυιὰν ἀσέμνως: 848
ἐκέλευσαν: 786
ἐκείνων: 1113
ἐκκλησιαστικὸς: 873
ἐκπορευτὸν: 1155
ἐκτὸς κατ᾽ οὐσίαν: 252
ἐκτεῖναι τὴν μανίαν: 771 777
ἐκυοφορήθη ὑπὸ Μαρίας κατ᾽ οἰκονομίαν: 545
ἐλάττωμα: 874
ἐλάττων παρὰ τὸν πατέρα ὁ υἱU+0026 232·ς: 44
ἐλεύθερον τὸ φρόνημα: 969
ἐμφιλοχωρεῖν: 525
ἐμφιλοχωρεῖν τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι: 1001
ἐν: 871 978
ἐν ἐμοί: 871
ἐν ἑαυτῷ θεοποιήσῃ: 985
ἐν ἴσῳ: 295
ἐν ὁμοιώματι ἀνθρώπου: 127
ἐν ὑποστάσει τριάδα: 123
ἐν γυμνασίU+0026 139· ἐξέτασας: 524
ἐν μόνῳ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ Πατρὶ ὅλος ὢν κατὰ πάντα: 154
ἐν μεμερισμένοις τόποις: 1001
ἐν σαρκὶ: 127
ἐν τῇ ἰδίU+0026 139· εἰκόνι, ἥτις ἐστὶν ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ: 930
ἐν τῷ γίνεσθαι: 900
ἐν τῷ λόγῳ ἦν τὸ πνεῦμα: 832
ἐν τῷ τοιχίU+0026 251·: 383
ἐν τῷ υἱU+0026 254·: 1002
ἐν τριταίU+0026 251· διαστήματι: 295
ἐν υἱU+0026 254·: 1002
ἐνάρετοι: 1025
ἐνέργεια: 1095
ἐνέργεια δραστικὴ: 68
ἐνέργεια δραστική: 68
ἐνέργειαι: 357
ἐνανθρωπήσαντα: 29
ἐνδιάθετος: 1149 1149 1149
ἐνεπομπεύσατε: 999
ἐνεργὸς: 836
ἐνεργεία: 1115
ἐνεργείU+0026 139·: 68
ἐνεργείU+0026 139· γεννητικῇ: 357
ἐννοιῶν μᾶλλον δὲ παρανοιῶν: 884
ἐνούσιος: 908
ἐντέλλεται: 929
ἐντὸς ὑμῶν: 871
ἐντελλεται: 1153
ἐντρέπει: 1048
ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως: 356 356 356 358 359
ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας: 56 355 356 897
ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ: 356
ἐξ ἑτέρας οὐσίας: 356 359
ἐξ ἑτέρας τινὸς ὑποστάσεώς τε καὶ οὐσίας: 359
ἐξ ὁλοκλήρου γένους: 1366
ἐξ ὁμιλιας γυναικὸς οὐ σεμνῆς ουδὲ κατὰ νόμον συνελθούσης: 748
ἐξ ὑποστάσεως: 356 356 356 356 356 357 358 358 361
ἐξ ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας: 525
ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς πατρικῆς: 1001
ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων: 51 350 512 527 855 855 1148 1160
ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἔχει τὴν ὑπόστασιν: 899
ἐξ οὐσίας: 350 350 356 356 356 356 356 357 357 357 358 358 358 361 361 514
ἐξ οὐσίας τοῦ πατρός: 357
ἐξ οὗ ἔχει τὸ εἶναι: 1002
ἐξαίρετον: 927
ἐξαιρέτου: 1108
ἐξομολογούμενος ἐν μετανόιᾳ δία τοῦ ἱU+0026 153·ρεως λαμβάνει τὴν ἄφεσιν χάριτι Χριστοῦ: 159.
ἐξουσίU+0026 139· ὁμοῦ καὶ οὐσίU+0026 139· πατρὸς μονογενοῦς υἱοῦ: 358
ἐπάγγελμα: 1002
ἐπέκεινα πάσης οὐσίας: 57
ἐπέλαμψε: 965
ἐπέπληττε: 1048
ἐπήκουσε γὰρ ἁπλῶς: 479
ἐπὶ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀναφερέσθω: 1049
ἐπὶ τῶν ἁμαξῶν εἰσὶ πομπεῖαί τινες: 999
ἐπίβασις: 286 287
ἐπ™κεινα οὐσίας: 44
ἐπακούειν: 479
ἐπακούουσιν: 1033
ἐπεὶ μάλισται, ὅτι μάλιστα: 530
ἐπετίμησε: 1048
ἐπιβέβηκεν: 240
ἐπιβαίνειν: 286 287
ἐπιβαίνων: 315
ἐπιβατήριος: 685
ἐπιβεβηκέναι: 314
ἐπιγέγονε: 1071
ἐπιγεγονώς: 1075
ἐπιδημία: 888 888
ἐπινοήσαντες: 817
ἐπινοήσασαι: 817
ἐπινοίαις: 1136
ἐπιπλήττει: 1048
ἐπισπείραντος τοῦ διαβόλου: 491
ἐπισπείρουσι, ἐπινοοῦσι, γογγύζουσι, καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς, ἄτοπον, λεξείδιον, εἷς τῶν πάντων: 1069
ἐπισυμβεβηκότα αὐτῶ: 519
ἐπιτείχισμα: 1174
ἐπιτιμᾶ οὐκ ἀτιμάζων ἀλλὰ διορθούμενος: 1048
ἐπιτιμᾷ: 1048
ἐπιχείρημα: 488 1020
ἐπιχειρήματα: 488
ἐργαζομένου τοῦ πατρὸς, ἐργάζεσθαι καὶ τὸν υἱU+0026 231·ν: 1015
ἐργασίας: 788
ἐρωτῶντες ἐμανθάνον: 906
ἐσκήνωσεν ἐν ἡμῖν: 871
ἐταράχθησαν: 1218
ἑαυτῶν ἀεὶ κατήγοροι: 492
ἑαυτοῦ κύριος: 883
ἑξυπηρετῶν θελήματι: 1153
ἑτερογενὴς καὶ ἑτεροούσιος τῶν γενητῶν, καὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς οὐσίας ἴδιος καὶ ὁμοφυής: 891
ἓν θέλημα πατρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ καὶ βούλημα, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἡ φύσις μία: 1015
ἓν μὲν τὸ ἀγέννητον, ὁ παντοκράτωρ θεὸς, ἓν δὲ καὶ τὸ προγεννηθὲν δι᾽ οὖ τὰ πάντα
ἐγένετο, καὶ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο οὐδὲ ἕν: 1175
ἓν τὸ ἀγένητον ἢ δύο: 899
ἓν τὸ ἀγέννητον ἓν δὲ τὸ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀληθῶς, καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας αὐτοῦ γεγονός: 857
ἓν τῇ ἰδιότητι καὶ οἰκειότητι τῆς φύσεως, καὶ τῇ ταὐτότητι τῆς μιᾶς θεότητος: 1092
ἔγραψα δί ὀλίγων: 743
ἔθος ἐστὶ τῇ θείU+0026 139· γραφῇ: 966
ἔκθεσις”: 362
ἔκτισε: 956
ἔμελε γὰρ αὐτοῖς: 567
ἔμετοι καὶ ναυτίαὶ ναυτίαι: 939
ἔνδοξον: 292
ἔννοια: 839
ἔνσαρκος παρουσία: 881
ἔξω: 821
ἔξωθεν: 836
ἔργα: 836
ἔργον: 904
ἔργον πρωτότοκον τοῦ πατρὸς γίνεται. τοῦτον ἴσμεν τοῦ κόσμου τὴν ἀρχήν: 904
ἔτι δὲ ἧττον τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον: 44
ἔχει: 985
ἕνος ὄντος εἴδους θεότητος: 1180
ἕνωσις: 524
ἕνωσις τῆς μοναδικῆς οὐσίας: 516
ἕξιν: 1077
ἕτερα ἀνθ᾽ ἑτέρων: 591
ἕτερον ἔχουσα τὸ κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ὑποκείμενον,: 352
ἕτερον πρὸς ἕτερον σημαίνετε: 1393
ἕτερος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν καὶ ὑποκειμένον: 58
ἕτερος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν καὶ ὑποκειμένον ὁ υἱU+0026 232·ς τοῦ πατρός: 44
ἕτερος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν τοῦ πατρός: 539
ἕτερος παρὰ τὸν πατέρα: 352
ἠγάπησεν, ὁρῶν, κ. τ. λ: 804
ἠθέλησεν: 929
ἠκούσθη: 564
ἠφανίζετο: 142
ἡ: 1208
ἡ ἀγεννησία: 857
ἡ ἀνθρωπότης: 958
ἡ ἄνω ῾Ιερουσαλήμ: 150
ἡ ἰδέα ὅπερ λόγον εἰρήκασι: 980
ἡ ὑποκειμένη οὐσία ὡς ὕλη, ὕλη: 57
ἡ δὲ ἀρχὴ ἀγέννητος: 530
ἡ δέ γε ἀναίμακτος θυσία ἐξιλασμός: 159
ἡ κτιστικὴ: 357
ἡ οὐσία αὕτη τῆς οὐσίας τῆς πατρικῆς ἐστὶ γέννημα: 1012
ἡ πατρικὴ ὑπόστασις: 1077
ἡ πατρικὴ θεότης: 1002
ἡ πατρικὴ υἱοῦ θεότης: 1021
ἡ τοῦ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα χάρις: 251
ἡ τοῦ κρείττονος γνῶσις: 702
ἡ φίλαρχος καὶ φιλάργυρος πρόθεσις· χριστεμπορίαν· φρενοβλαβοῦς· ἰδιότροπον·
ὁμοστοίχοις συλλαβαῖς· θεηγόρους ἀποστόλους· U+0026 135·ντιδιαστολήν τῆς πατρικῆς
μαιεύσεως· μελαγχολικήν· φιλόθεος σαφήνεια ἀνοσιουργίας· φληνάφων μύθων: 342
ἡ φυσικὴ γονιμότης: 908
ἡγούμενος: 182
ἡμεῖς υἱοὶ, οὐκ ὡς ἐκεῖνος φύσει καὶ ἀληθεία: 534
ἢ ὑποστάσεως: 359
ἤδη πάλαι: 544
ἥκω: 652 1138
ἦν ὅτε οὐκ ἦν: 44 527 538 899
ἦν ποτὲ ὅτε οὐκ ἦν: 539
ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῇ: 900
ἰδέα: 980
ἰδέαν ἰδεῶν καὶ ἀρχὴν λεκτέον τὸν πρωτότοκον πάσης κτίσεως: 980
ἰδίαν: 1064
ἰδίους: 1205
ἰδίου; θεότης: 1004
ἰδίως: 1124
ἰδιοποιεῖται: 1046
ἰδιοποιουμένου: 1039
ἰδιωμάτων: 1037
ἱερὰ ἀναγραφὴ: 202
ἱερατεῖον: 159
ἱερατικοὶ: 1140
ἱερατικοί: 1140
ἴδεαι: 512 823
ἴδιον: 534 1039 1039
ἴδιον τοῦ Λόγου: 154
ἴδιος τοῦ Πατρός: 154
ἴδιος υἱU+0026 232·ς: 535
ἴδιος·: 1013
ἴδοντες καὶ τοὺς παρ᾽ αὐτῶν παθόντας, τοὺς κατηγόρους, τοὺς ἐλέγχους πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχοντες: 1356
ἵνα γένητυι θεία: 43
ὀλίγοι τινές: 1125
ὀμοούσιον: 58 58 58
ὀνόματα μόνον: 926
ὀπίσθια: 1007
ὀργάνου: 1153
ὀργανον ἄψυχον: 1153
ὀρθὴν ἔχον τὴν διάνοιαν: 956
ὁ ἀληθῶς ῞Οσιος. κατάσκοποι, οὐ γὰρ ἐπίσκοποι: 780
ὁ ἄθεος: 488
ὁ ἄνθρωπος: 958
ὁ ἄνθρ. τοῦ σωτῆρος: 362
ὁ ὄντως θεός: 38
ὁ ὢν θεὸς τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος: 848
ὁ ὢν θεὸς τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος πεποίηκεν: 900
ὁ ὢν τὸν ὄντα: 900
ὁ ὢν τὸν μὴ ὄντα: 900
ὁ ὢν τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ ὄντος: 900
ὁ ὢν τὸν μὴ ὄντα ἐκ τοῦ ὄντος ἢ τὸν ὄντα: 899
ὁ ὤν: 1004
ὁ Θεός: 44
ὁ Κυριακός ἄνθρωπυς: 362
ὁ δὲ ᾽Αρ. μεταγράψας δέδωκε τοῖς ἰδίοις: 51
ὁ δεύτερος θεός: 44
ὁ θεὸς πέπονθεν: 1037
ὁ θεός: 59
ὁ κρείττων, τὸν κρείττονα: 702
ὁ κτίσας: 958
ὁ κυριακὸς ἄνθρωπος: 365
ὁ λόγος ἑαυτὸν γεννᾷ: 957
ὁ μόνος λεγόμενος κυρίως υἱU+0026 232·ς: 534
ὁ νοῦς ἁμαρτητικός ἐστι: 854
ὁ πάνυ βοώμενος: 23
ὁ σωτὴρ ἀεὶ γεννᾶται: 837
ὁ τῆς ἀληθείας λόγος ἐλέγχει: 945
ὁμώνυμος: 57
ὁμοίας οὐσίας: 845
ὁμοῦ: 839
ὁμογενής: 889
ὁμοιότητά πως: 1027
ὁμοιούσιον: 106 106 351 357
ὁμοιούσιον, ἀπαράλλακτος εἴκων: 1178
ὁμοιούσιος: 812 1143 1166
ὁμοιοπαθοῦς ἡμῖν: 567
ὁμοούσιοι: 1151
ὁμοούσιον: 262829303030334141565758858694108109112119119149149347347347351357 358 501 516 516 517 538 538 539 552 812 818 838 845 845 845 891 1081 1092 1116 1117 1118 1136 1151 1175 1178 1182 ὁμοούσιον ἢ ταὐτοούσιον: 109
ὁμοούσιον ᾽Απαράλλακτον: 1143
ὁμοούσιον τῷ πατρί: 29
ὁμοούσιον, ὁμοιούσιον: 107
ὁμοούσιος: 44 60 138 358 827 889 1094
ὁμο-: 365
ὁρισθῇ: 901
ὄντα: 702
ὄντα γεγέννηκε ἢ οὐκ ὄντα: 848
ὄντα πρότερον, γεννηθέντα εἰς υἱU+0026 231·ν: 899
ὄντως: 847
ὄντως ἐν ὑμῖν ὁ θεός: 871
ὄργανον: 497 851 938 986 1035 1037 1153
ὄργανον ἔμψυχον: 1153
ὄργανον πρὸς τὴν ἐνέργειαν καὶ τὴν ἔκλαμψιν τῆς θεότητος: 1035 1037
ὅλος ὅλου εἰκών: 947
ὅλος Θεός: 949
ὅλος θεὸς: 1012
ὅλος θεός: 1001 1007
ὅλου τοῦ χρίοντος: 878
ὅμοιον: 106 106 107 107 107 1117 1117
ὅμοιον κατὰ πάντα: 106 109 1150
ὅμοιον κατὰ τας γραφάς: 106
ὅμοιον κατ᾽ οὐσίαν: 109 119 845
ὅμοιος: 106 362 929
ὅμοιος κατὰ πάντα: 868 929
ὅμοιος κατὰ παντα: 924
ὅμοιος κατὰ τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ πατρός: 845
ὅμοιος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν: 336 845 1166
ὅμοιος τῆς οὐσίας: 845 1166
ὅμοιου κατὰ πάντα: 1117
ὅπερ ἐγὼ βούλομαι τούτο κανών: 95
ὅπερ ἦν πρὶν γένηται σάρξ: 43
ὅσον οὐδέπω: 753 768
ὅταν μάλιστα: 530
ὅτι ἦν ποτὲ: 899
ὅτι ὁ λόγος καὶ ὅτι τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ ἐσταυρώθη καὶ ἐσφάγη καὶ ἀπέθανεν καὶ ἀνέστη: 1157
ὐποστάσεις: 1190
ὑγίοῦς: 342
ὑγιαινούσης διδασκαλίας: 342
ὑγιαινουσαν: 1379
ὑγιανούσης: 342
ὑγιοῦς διδ: 342
ὑμῖν: 232
ὑμῶν: 232
ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ: 303
ὑπόθεσις: 129 1309
ὑπόστασιν, ἣν αὐτοὶ οἱ αἱρετικοὶ οὐσίαν προσαγορεύουσι: 359
ὑπόστασις: 585959595960145340352355355355355355355356356356356357358359359361361361538 539 1021 1077 1178 1186 1186 1186 1200 1205 1208
ὑπόστασις τοῦ λόγου: 958
ὑπό, μόνον: 1159
ὑπ᾽ ὄψει πάντων: 29
ὑπακούειν: 479
ὑπακούων: 929
ὑπεκρίναντο: 1160
ὑπερ: 303
ὑπεράυλον: 303
ὑπεράU+0026 203·λον: 303
ὑπερέκεινα πάσης οὐσίας: 145
ὑπεραὺλως: 303
ὑπεροχὴ: 539
ὑπερφυές: 874
ὑπηρέτης: 929
ὑπηρετῶν: 929
ὑπηρετῶν τῇ βουλῇ: 1153
ὑπηρετοῦντα: 929
ὑποῦργος: 929
ὑποδέκτην: 1132
ὑποκρίτης: 804
ὑποπιάζω: 579
ὑποστάσει: 1106 1204
ὑποστάσεις: 51 530
ὑποστάσεως: 357 361
ὑποστήματι: 1203
ὑποταγή: 929
ὑπουργὸν τελειότατον: 1153
ὕλη: 56
ὕπαρξις: 1204
ὠνομάσθη: 102
ὡμοιώθη κατὰ πάντα: 127
ὡς ἀνθρώπους ἀθέους: 488
ὡς ἂν τοὺς ἀπείρους ταῖς πλατωνικαῖς καλλιφωνίαι περιβομβήσειεν: 505
ὡς ἐθέλησεν, ἅπερ ἐθέλησαν, ὅταν θέλωσιν, οὒς ἐθέλησαν: 786
ὡς ἐπὶ σώματος ἕνος: 260
ὡς ἠθέλησαν: 395 1133
ὡς ἠθέλησεν: 1064 1070 1133
ὡς ἡ σοφία τοῦ σοφοῦ υἱU+0026 232·ς, οὐσία οὐσίας: 357
ὡς αὐτοὶ θέλουσι: 1013
ὡς αὐτοὶ θέλουσι᾽: 929
ὡς δὲ ἐζητεῖτο τῆς πίστεως ὁ τρόπος: 29
ὡς δεσπότης ἐπιτιμᾷ: 1048
ὡς διὰ χειρός: 940
ὡς οἷU+0026 231·ν τε ἦν: 119
ὡς τοὺς γίγαντας: 942
ὥρα: 1013 1163
ὥσπερ ἐξ ἁλύσεω: 60
ὥσπερ κανόνι χρησάμενοι προσέχωμεν τῇ ἀνάγνωσει τῆς θεοπνεύστου γραφὴς: 907
ὦν μία ἐνέργεια, τούτων καὶ οὐσία μία: 1015
ὧν ἂν ἐθέλοι: 786
ᾗ λόγος ἐστι: 914
᾽Αὐτοί: 1383
᾽ΑῤU+0026 191·αβών: 1321
᾽Αλεξανδρεὺς τῷ γένει, ἀνὴρ λόγιος, δυνατὸς ὢν ἐν ταῖς γραφαῖς: 18
᾽Ανόμοιον: 110
᾽Ανόμοιος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν: 836
᾽Αρὲς ἄρειε: 1133
᾽Αρειομανῖται: 132 1132
᾽Αρχαί: 1081
᾽Εν τῇ παλαιᾷ: 1189
᾽Επικτητόν τινα: 804
᾽Ονήσιμον, τόν ποτέ σοι ἄχρηστον, νυνὶ δὲ εὔχρηστον: 780
῎Αλογος: 1303
῎Ανθρωπος: 127 128 1390
῎Ατρεπτος: 912
῎Εχων οὖν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ λόγον ἐνδιάθετον ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις σπλάγχνοις, ἐγέννησεν αὐτὸν
μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ σοφίας ἐξερευξάμενος πρὸ τῶν ὅλων…ὁπότε δὲ ἠθέλησεν ὁ θεὸς ποιῆσαι
ὅσα ἐβουλεύσατο, τοῦτον τὸν λόγον ἐγέννησε προφορικὸν, πρωτότοκον πάσης κτίσεως: 897
ῥύπον: 339
ῥύσιν: 502
ῥῆμα: 509 878
ῥαντιζόμενον: 953
ῥευστὴ: 846
ῥημάτια.: 339
ῥυπώσῃ: 339
῾Ερμείαν λούοντα τοὺς ἀνεξόδους: 792
῾Ερμηνεία: 128
῾Ιερός: 1248
῾Ο Πατὴρ ἐν τῷ ῾Υιῷ τῶν πάντων τὴν πρόνοιαν ποιεῖται: 567
῾Ο λόγος ἦν πρὸς τὸν Θεόν, καὶ Θεὸς ἦν ὁ Λόγος: 44
῾Ομοιούσιος: 108
῾Ομοούσιον: 106
῾Υπ: 1077
῾τὸ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα᾽: 143
Αὐγούστου τοῦ αἰωνίου: 1118
Αρχιεπίσκοπος: 70
Βαλλέσθωσαν παρὰ πάντων: 531
Διατομῖται: 1297
Διδαχὴ τῶν ιβ' ἀποστόλων: 116
Εἴτε οὖν φιλοσοφητέον εἴτε μὴ φιλοσοφητέον, φιλοσοφητέον: 62
Εἶπον, καὶ: 1258
Ζεφυρῖνον ἄνδρα ἰδιώτην καὶ ἄπειρον τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ὅρων: 41
Θεέ: 1291
Θεός: 44
Κύριον: 36
Κύριον ᾽Ιησοῦν: 36
Λόγοι: 112
Λόγος: 48 51 123 925
Λόγος ἀπὸ σιγῆς προελθών: 52
Μίαν φύσιν τοῦ Λόγου σέσαρκωμένην: 128
Μόνως: 1151
Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, οὐ πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ὕστερον: 740
Μονάς: 45 552 552
Μονὴ: 422
Ομοούσιον: 17
Ομοούσιος τῷ Πατρί, ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρός: 62
Ορ: 1075
Παρθενών: 575
Περὶ ἀγαλμάτων: 213
Στῦλοι: 35
Συγκαταβῆναι: 976
Σχολαστικός: 1385
Τάνις: 1312
Τέλειος: 1145
Τῶν δὲ γινομένων ἀρχηγὸν καὶ σύμβουλον καὶ ἐργατὴν ἐγέννα λόγον, ὃν λόγον ἔχων ἐν
ἑαυτῶ ἀU+0026 231·ρατόν τε ὄντα τῷ κτιζομένῳ, κόσμῳ, ὁρατὸν ποιεῖ· προτέραν φωνὴν
φθεγγόμενος, καὶ φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς γεννῶν, προῆκεν τῇ κτίσει κύριον: 897
Τριὰς: 552
Τριὰς δέ ἐστιν οὐχ ἕως ὀνομάτος μόνον
πάλιν
Τριάς: 552
Τριβέρων: 450
Τροπικοί: 125
Χαρακτήρ: 1144
Χριστός: 38
Χριστοφόρος: 615
α: 8 150 1229
αἰτία τῆς θεότητος: 60
αἰωνότοκε: 512
αἰU+0026 240·νιος: 512 513
αἱ μὲν γὰρ κατὰ νόμον: 159
αἴνιγμα: 994
αἴων: 512
αὐτὸν ἀντὶ σπορᾶς συλλαβοῦσα τὸν λόγον, κεκύηκε: 832
αὐτὸς: 968
αὐτὸς τοῦ πατρὸς θέλημα: 941
αὐτόθεος: 45
αὐτόθεος, αὐτοαγαθός, ἀληθινὸς θεός: 44
αὐτόν: 36
αὐτός τε καί: 785
αὐτῶν: 274
αὐτοῦ: 303
αὐτοζωὴν καὶ αὐτοάγαθον: 1070
αὐτοζωή: 286
αὐτοκατάκριτος: 492
αὐτοπροσωπῶς: 1150
αὐτοσοφία: 994
ακάριε: 258
β: 8 152 566 1229
βάλλεται: 643
βῆλον: 132
βελτιώσει πράξεως: 1029
βελτιοῦσθαι: 508
βετερᾶνος: 132
βλέποντες: 567
βλέπων ὑμῶν τὴν τάξιν: 1254
βλαπτόμενος: 1041
βούλησιν: 1071
βούλησις: 941
βούληται: 34
βουλὴ: 1036
βουλή: 941
βουλήν: 1070
βουληθείς: 1070
γ: 8 153 831 1229
γένεσθαι: 539
γένεσις: 53
γένητα: 1174
γένητος: 485 1174
γέννημα: 518
γέννημα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ὡς ἓν τῶν γεννημάτων: 857
γέννησις: 67 68 68 86 87 154 154 876 898 903 903 904 904 904 908 976 997 1003 1074 1074 1081 1082 1083 1137 1179
γέννητος: 486 1174
γένος: 57
γίγαντας θεομαχοῦντας: 1049
γίγας: 942
γίνεσθαι: 900
γίνεται: 904
γεγεννῆσθαι: 526
γεγονέναι: 526 526
γενέσθαι: 51
γενόμενον: 904
γενόμενος: 37
γενητὰ: 857
γενητά: 44 45
γενητὸν: 888
γενητὸς: 857
γεν.ητόν: 51
γενητός: 347 514 814
γενητῆς: 145
γενητῆς οὐσίας: 145
γενητῶν: 492
γεννήθεντα: 486
γεννᾶσθαι: 51
γεννηθέντα: 29 29
γεννηθέντα ἢ ποιηθέντα: 927 927
γεννησις: 836
γεννητά: 44 514
γεννητή: 839
γεννητὸν: 888
γεννητὸς: 514
γεννητός: 814
γεννητικὸς: 908
γνήσιος: 358
γνῶσις: 53 56 56 56
γοραῖον: 790
γπόστασις: 26
γράμμα: 29
γοὐ ποιηθέντα: 29
δὲ ὡς: 527
δέσποτα: 457
δίθεοι ἔστε: 538
δύναμιν δὲ μίαν: 1021
δύναμις: 353 353 1205
δύναμις κυρίου: 28
δύναμις λόγος: 1021
δύο ἀχώριστα πράγματα: 145
δύο τῇ ὑποστάσει πράγματα ἓν δὲ τῇ ὁμονοίU+0026 139· καὶ τῇ ταύτότητι τοῦ βουλήματος: 44
δῆλον ἂν εἴη: 817 817
δῶρον τοῦ θεοῦ τὸ πνεῦμα: 924
δαίμονες: 274
δεξιόν: 893
δεσποτὴν: 1065
δεσποτὴς: 1056
δευτέρα οὐσία: 538
δευτεραίου: 295
δευτερεύων θεός: 44
δεχέσθω τις: 527
δημιούργημα: 351
δημιουργὸς: 872
διὰ: 978 979
διὰ πάθους: 535
διὰ τὰ πολλὰ γίνεται πολλά: 45
διὰ τούτου: 281 281
διάβολος: 1010
διάθεσις: 490
διάνοιαν: 1032
διάνοιαν, ἐπίνοιαν: 999
διόρθωσις: 1277
δι᾽ ἐντυχίας γυναικαρίων ἀτακτων ἃ ἠπάτησαν: 848
δι᾽ ἑτέρου τινος: 1076
διαίρουσιν: 934
διαῤU+0026 191·αγῶσιν: 511
διαῤU+0026 191·ηγύωσιν ἑαυτούς: 511
διαῤU+0026 191·ηγνύωνται: 511 931
διαῤU+0026 191·ηγνύωσιν ἑαυτούς·: 931
διαβάλλων: 1010
διαβέβλημαι: 1010
διαβολικήν: 1022
διαβολικοί: 1010
διαθέσει: 1025
διαλελυμένως: 888
διαμείνῃ: 1048
διαμείνωμεν: 991
διαμείνωσιν: 985
διανοίας: 1070
διανοίU+0026 139·: 1063
διατάξεις: 427 427 427
διαταγῇ: 769
διγάμοις: 802
διγαμία: 802
διγυναίοις: 802
διδάσκοντος περὶ τοῦ πατρός: 567
διδαχαὶ: 427
διεβλήθην: 1010
διελεῖν: 943
διεφθαρμένη: 1059
δτε οὐκ ἦν· U+0026 234·τι πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν· U+0026 234·τι ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἐγένετο: 899
δυνάμει καὶ βουλῇ αὐτοῦ: 1070
δυνάμει τε καὶ ἐνεργείU+0026 139· πατήρ: 836
δυνάμεων: 1205
δυναμει: 68
δυναστεία: 544
δωροδόκοι: 827
εἰ ἄγονος καὶ ἀνενέργητος: 908
εἰ δὲ θεὸς ὁ υἱU+0026 232·ς, οὐκ ἐπεὶ υἱU+0026 231·ς· ὁμοίως καὶ ὁ πατὴρ, οὐκ ἐπεὶ πατὴρ, θεός· ἀλλ᾽
ἐπεὶ οὐσία τοιάδε, εἷς ἐστὶ πατὴρ καὶ ὁ υἱU+0026 232·ς θεός: 846
εἰδώλων ἀθεότητα: 489
εἰκών: 141 1252
εἰκών ἐστι χρόνος τῷ ἀγεννάτῳ χρόνῳ, ὃν αἰωνα ποταγορεύομες: 834
εἰς ἀρχὴν ἀναφέρεται: 1049
εἰς ἄπειρον: 984 1094
εἰς τὰ ἔργα: 905
εἰς τὸ εἶναι: 260
εἴ τινες καὶ ἄλλοι: 64
εἴ τις χωρὶς γνώμης: 544
εἴδους: 1004
εἴκων, σφραγίς, βουλή, ἐνέργεια: 1052
εἴς τι χώριον ἐκρύπτετο: 121
εἴτε ἀρχὴν εἴτε ἀρχάς: 530
εἶδος: 56 57 59 659 1004 1006 1007 1007 1007 1007 1007 1019 1021 1180
εἶδος·: 1021
εἶναι: 502
εἷς τῶν ἀσκηῶν: 20
εὐαγγελικὸς ὅρος: 1013
εὐγενοῦς: 873
εὐσέβεια: 378
εὐσέβεια, ἀσέβεια: 487 972
εὐσέβεια, ἀσεβοῦντες: 789
εὐσεβείας: 487
εὑρίσκει: 985
εωτέρα: 202
ζῶν ὄργανον: 1075
ζῶν καὶ ὑφεστὼς καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ὑπάρχων ἔκτος.: 352
ζῶν λόγος: 1075
ζῶον ἐπιστήμης δεκτικόν: 212
ζῶσα ἐνέργεια: 1075
ζῶσα ἴσχυς: 1075
ζῶσα βουλή: 941 1075
ζῶσα δύναμις: 1075
ζῶσα εἴκων: 1075
ζῶσα σοφία: 1075
ζητεῖν: 527
ζωὴ: 141 502
ζωὴν ἰδίαν ἔχων: 352
θάνατος: 141
θέα νεωτέρα: 202
θέλημα: 44 1070
θέλησις: 155
θύος: 381
θαῤU+0026 191·οῦντες: 446
θεάνθρωπος: 43
θεία: 147
θεὸν κατὰ φύσιν τέλειον καὶ ἀληθῆ: 1149
θεὸν τὸν: 702
θεὸς ἐν σαρκὶ: 916
θεὸς διφυής: 1081
θεόν: 29
θεόπνευστα: 147
θεός: 59 127
θεότης: 1173
θεότητος: 821
θεανδρικὴ ἐνέργεια: 1038
θελήματι καὶ βουλῇ ὑπέστη: 1070
θελήματι προπηδᾷ ὁ λόγος: 1070
θελήσει: 1070 1071
θελήσει γεννηθὲν: 1151
θεληγής ἐστι: 1074
θελημα οὐσιῶδες: 155
θεοὶ: 985
θεοὶ κατὰ χάριν: 985
θεοί: 1024 1029
θεούμεθα: 985
θεοῦ ἦν σῶμα: 1037
θεοῦ δῶρον: 924
θεοῦσθαι: 1040
θεογονία: 1176
θεολογῶν: 972
θεολογεῖν: 534
θεολογούμενος: 987
θεομάχοι: 492 652 1009 1069
θεομάχος: 942
θεομάχος γλῶσσα: 492
θεομαχεῖν: 1182
θεομαχεῖν, θεομάχοι: 492
θεοποιεῖσθαι: 43
θεοποιηθῶμεν: 332
θεοστυγεῖς: 1020 1048 1069
θεοτόκον: 1018
θεοτόκος: 156 596 813 874 1018 1040
θεοτόκου: 1034 1039 1040
θεοφορούμεθα: 985
θεοφορουμένους: 1028
θεραπεύειν: 544
θεωθὲν ὅλον: 1066
θεωρία τῶν θείων: 141
θνητοί: 143
θρυλληταὶ φωναὶ, λέξεις, ἔπη, ῥητὰ: 817
θρυλλοῦντες: 1005
θυσία: 141
θ. ἐν σωματι: 916
κάθαρσις προεόρτιος: 1279
κάλυμμα: 913
κέρδος τῆς φιλοχρηματίας: 827
κόπτουσιν ἑαυτούς: 932
κύριος: 534 534
καὶ ἐβουλόμην μὲν σιωπῇ
καὶ διαῤU+0026 191·αγοῖεν: 931
καὶ μάλιστα: 530
καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ: 356
καὶ τὰ: 253
καὶ τὸ σῶμα: 253
καίρος: 1163
καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν οὐσιωμένος: 352
καθολικός: 1385
καινοί: 857
κακόνοιαν: 339
καλῶς ἀναγινώσκειν: 956
κανὼν: 1034
κανών: 72
καναλίU+0026 251· ἤτοι παρόδῳ: 444
καρπογόνον: 508
καρπογόνος: 508
καρπογόνος ἡ οὐσία: 908
κατὰ βούλησιν: 941
κατὰ γνώμην καὶ προαίρεσιν: 350
κατὰ γνώμην καὶ προαίρεσιν βουληθεὶς ὁ θεός· ἐκ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς βουλῆς καὶ δυνάμεως: 1070
κατὰ κατάληψιν: 1136
.κατὰ μίμησιν: 1025
κατὰ πάντα: 110
κατὰ πάντα ὅμοιον: 1132
κατὰ πάντα καὶ ἐν πᾶσι: 929
κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ μίμησιν: 1025
κατὰ τὴν δύναμιν: 1015
κατὰ τὴν προτέραν γένεσιν ἐν τῷ ᾽Αδάμ: 143
κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰκόνα: 141
κατὰ τὸ βούλημα: 941 1036 1036
κατὰ τῆς εἰδ·: 253
κατὰ τοὺς μυθευομένους γίγαντας: 535
κατὰ τοῦ πύρος: 253
κατὰ τοῦ πυρός κατὰ: 297
κατὰ φύσιν: 1029
κατὰ χάριν: 534
κατά τι θεωρούμενον: 1027
κατάληψις: 823 823
κατάλυσις: 36
κατ᾽ ἐπίνοιαν: 828 926 948 948
κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀμπέλου τὴν φυλακὴν παρὰ τοῦ σωτῆρος ἐπιτετραμμένου τὴν μανίαν
ἐξέτεινε, λέγομεν δὴ τῆς σῆς ὁσιότητος: 771
κατ᾽ εἰκόνα χάρις: 251
κατ᾽ εὐδοκίαν: 917
κατ᾽ οἰκονομίαν: 524 538 544
κατ᾽ οὐσίαν: 517 1004
κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ἀπαράλλακτος εἰκὼν: 517
κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ἐστὶ θεὸς: 539
κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ὅμοιος: 1015
κατ᾽ οὐσίαν υἱU+0026 232·ν τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ πατρός,: 358
καταβολὴ κόσμου: 43
καταπέτασμα: 913
κατασκόπου, οὐκ ἐπίσκοπος: 784
καταχρῶνται: 950
καταχρηστικῶς: 339 495 1014
κελεύοντος: 1153
κελεύων: 929
κενωθῆναι τοῦ εἶναι ἀεί: 251
κεφάλαιον: 1157
κεφάλαιον τῆς πίστεως: 140
κεχρεωστημένην: 693
κηδεμονίας: 446
κινήσει: 1176
κοινόν: 1039
κοινωνία φωτί: 340
κρατήσει τῆς ὁμολογίας τῆς πίστεως: 1307
κρατῆσαι τοῦ θείου: 821
κραταιὰ χεὶρ τοῦ πατρός: 940
κρατούσῃ: 702
κρατούσῃ πίστει: 693
κτίζειν, ποιεῖν, δημιουργεῖν: 486
κτίσις: 908
κτίσμα: 45
κτίσμα ὁ υἱU+0026 231·ς: 45
κτίσματα: 51
κτιστὸν καὶ θεμελιωτὸν καὶ γεννητόν: 927
κυλιόμενοι: 906
κυρίως: 500 502 502 534 534 534 837 847 847 847 1179
κυρίως καὶ πρώτως: 1014
κυρίως λόγος: 1015
κυρίως υἱU+0026 231·ς: 1015
κυριώνυμος: 1288
κυριώτατον: 534
κυριακὴ: 1288 1288
κυριακὸν δεῖπνον: 362
κυριακὸς ἄνθρωπος: 362 366
κυριολογεῖν: 534 987
λέγει: 831
λόγοι: 125 129 555 947
λόγος: 29 60 507 507 814 878 903 947 958 1149
λόγος ἀπὸ σιγῆς προελθών: 37
λόγος ἀρχιερεὺς: 914
λόγος ἐν σ.: 916
λόγος ἐν τῷ θεῷ ἀτελὴς, γεννηθεὶς τέλειος: 1145
λόγος ἐν τῷ πνεύματι ἔπλαττε τὸ σῶμα: 832
λόγος ἐνδιάθετος: 38 897
λόγος γνώσεως: 62
λόγος πρῶτος: 814
λόγος προφορικὸς: 897
λόγος προφορικός: 38
λόγος σοφίας: 62
λόγος σπερματικός: 37
λόγος φυσικός: 237
λόγωσις: 1040
λύτρον καθάρσιον: 982
λύτρον πάντων: 982
λαύρα: 568
λαυβάνοντες παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τὸ λῆμμα: 907
λεξείδια: 911
λληνικὴ χρῆσις: 119
λούοντα: 792
λογίσασθαί τινα βούλησιν: 1075
λογικά: 948
λογικὸς ὢν: 904
λογικοί: 251
λογιστῇ: 689
λογοθεταὶ: 680
λογομαχεῖν μελετήσαντες, καὶ λοιπὸν πνευματομαχοῦντες, ἔσονται μετ᾽ ὀλίγον νεκροὶ
τῇ ἀλογίU+0026 139·: 1182
λογωθείσης τῆς σαρκὄς: 1040
λογωθείσης τῆς σαρκός: 143
λοιπόν: 156
λ. ἐν σώμ: 916
μάγιστρος: 132
μάγιστρος ἐκεῖ: 680
μάθημα: 30
μέμφεται: 1048
μὴ φαντασίU+0026 139· ἀλλ᾽ ἀληθῶς: 1038
μή: 253
μήτε τὴν ὡρισμένην παρὰ τῆς Προνοίας κρίσιν προλαμβάνειν: 567
μίαν τὴν θεότητα καὶ τὸ ἴδιον τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρός: 1173
μόνος ἐκ μόνου: 1159
μόνος ἐν μόνῳ: 947
μόνος ὑπὸ μόνου: 933
μόνος γεννηθεὶς: 933
μόνος γεννητὸς ἐν τοῖς γενητοῖς: 903
μόνος μόνον: 933
μόνος παρά: 1159
μόνως οὐχ ὡς τὰ σώματα: 933
μόνως,: 933
μῆνας πέντε: 32
μαθὼν ἐδίδαξε: 1011
μαθὼν ἐδίδασκεν: 497
μαθὼν ἐδιδάσκεν: 906
μακρὰν ἀπέφυγον: 1356
μανικώτερον: 489
μαντευόμενος καὶ προγιγνώσκων: 595
μαρτ: 663
μαφόριον: 383
μεγάλη: 528
μεινεν: 49
μεμ: 525
μεμερισμέναι: 374
μεμερισμέναι ὑποστάσεις: 58
μεμερισμένας: 525
μεσιτεύουσα φύσις μονογενής: 44 145 188
μετὰ θαλλῶν; φαλλῶν: 790
μετὰ παρατηρήσεως: 918
μετέχειν: 317
μετέχεσθαι: 317
μετ᾽ εὐσεβείας: 956
μεταξὺ τῆς τοῦ ἀγεννήτου καὶ τῆς τῶν γενητῶν φύσεως: 44
μετουσίας, ὥσπερ ἀπὸ πηγῆς, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν προχεομένης πληρούμενον: 1001
μετοχή: 247
μηδ᾽ ἄλλοτε ἄλλην κ.τ.λ: 1137
μοῦνος ἐU+0026 241·ν ἀγαπητός: 1110
μονὰς: 525
μονὴ: 458
μονή: 564 564
μονήν: 754
μονότης: 525
μοναὶ: 421 421
μοναστήριον: 597
μοναχοί: 563
μονο: 365
μονογενὲς: 1151
μονογενὴς: 535 903 903 1159
μονογενὴς Θεός: 36
μονογενὴς θεός: 51
μονογενὴς πρωτεύων ἐν τῇ κτίσει: 903
μονογενής: 933
μονογενῆ: 29
μονοούσιον καὶ οὐχ ὁμοούσιον: 365
μονοούσιος: 60
μοούσιον: 60
μορφὴ: 1021
μυστικωτέρα χειροτονία: 31
ν: 857 858
νέα ῎Ισις ἐχρήματιζε: 202
νόθοις ὥσπερ ὀνόμασι: 926
νόμῳ φύσεως: 883
νῦν γενομένων: 1390
νῦν δὲ καὶ διαβάλλειν τοὺς πατέρας τετολμήκασι: 537
νεύματα: 1036
νεώτερον: 804
νεῦμα: 238
νεανίσκος, ῾Ο δὲ ᾽Ιησοῦς ἐμβλέψας αὐτῷ, ἠγάπησεν αὐτόν: 804
νεανιεύησθε: 1059
νν: 858
νοεῖ: 1030
νομιζομένῃ: 1066
νυκτομαχίας τε οὐδὲν ἀπεῖχε τὰ γινόμενα: 66
ξένας ἀλλήλων παντάπασι κεχωρισμένας: 525
ξένον κατ᾽ οὐσίαν κ.τ.λ: 538
ξένος τοῦ υἱοῦ κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ὁ Πατὴρ ὅτι ἄναρχος: 51
ξητῶν καὶ γυμνάζων: 524
ξυνωρίς: 132 1113
οἰκείωσις φύσεως: 1179
οἰκείωται: 1039
οἰκειώσεως: 500
οἰκονομία: 156 544 1381
οἰκονομίαν: 1411
οἰκονομικῶς: 544 1053
οἱ ἐν τῷ καναλίU+0026 251· τῆς ᾽Ιταλίας: 444
οἱ δόλιοι: 1022
οἱ νῦν: 1010
οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον: 64
οἱ πλεῖστοι: 923
οἱ χριστόμαχοι: 1313
οἷς ἂν ἐθέλωσι: 786
οὐ κατὰ μετουσίαν ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ οὐσίαν θεός: 247
οὐ τρεῖς ὑποστάσεις μεμερισμένας: 525
οὐδὲ κατὰ μετουσίαν αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ὅλον ἴδιον αὐτοῦ γέννημα: 1001
οὐδὲν ἐβλάπτετο: 1037
οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ ὄντος: 59
οὐδὲν γὰρ ὄνομα ἐπὶ θεοῦ κυριολογεῖσθαι δυνατὸν: 534
οὐδ᾽ ἐκ πολλῶν εἷς: 947
οὐδ᾽ ὁ υἱU+0026 231·ς, εἰ μὴ ὁ πατήρ: 1049
οὐδ᾽ ὁ υἱU+0026 232·ς ἢ ὡς ὅτι ὁ πατήρ: 1049
οὐκ ἀεὶ ἦν ὁ θεὸς πατήρ, οὐκ ἀεὶ ἦν ὁ ὑιός: 538
οὐκ ἀεὶ πατήρ: 339
οὐκ ἄλλου, ἀλλὰ τοῦ κυρίου·: 1039
οὐκ ἐδούλον τὸν λόγον·: 920
οὐκ ἐν διαιρέσεῖ προσώπων: 505
οὐκ ἐπέπληξεν: 1048
οὐκ ἑτέρου τινός: 1039
οὐκ ἦν πρὶν: 900 901
οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γένηται: 51
οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννήθῃ: 538 539 848
οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννήθῃ, ἀλλ᾽ ἦν ποτὲ ὅτε οὐκ ἦν κ.τ.λ: 538
οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῆναι: 899 899 900 900 900
οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῇ: 855
οὐκ ἦν πρίν γεννηθῆναι: 900
οὐκ ὀκνεῖ θεόν: 996
οὐκ εἶχον τὸ πιστόν, καθ᾽ ἡμέραν παρερχόμεναι· U+0026 211· δὲ τοῦ Σωτῆρος θυσία ἅπαξ γενομένη τετελείωκε τὸ πᾶν: 159
οὐσία: 21 44 44 56 57 57 57 57 58 58 58 58 58 59 59 59 59 59 59 59 60 60 107 108 109 109 145 347 355 355355356356356357358359359359359359359360361365512538539539857874874958958958958958101510211077 1178 1180 1181 1181 1181 1186 1186 1200
οὐσία ἐξ οὐσίας: 874
οὐσία τοῦ λόγου: 957
οὐσίαι: 356 839 874
οὐσίαι, ὅμοιαι: 1151
οὐσίαν· οὐσία τοῦ λόγου or τοῦ υἱοῦ: 340
οὐσίας: 360 361 1001
οὐσίας ἀπαράλλακτον εἰκόνα: 107
οὐσιωδὴς σοφία: 937
οὐχ ἁπλῶς ἀU+0026 188·διος: 1034
οὐχὶ ἐπίνοια, παράνοια δὲ μᾶλλον: 868
οὑσία: 26
οὓς ἤθελον: 1010
οὔτε τὸν Θεὸν φοβηβεὶς ὁ ἄθεος, οὔτε τοῦ πατρὸς τὴν διάθεσιν αἰδεσθεὶς ὁ ἀνόσιος, οὔτε
τὸ γῆρας αἰσχυνθεὶς ὁ ἄστοργος: 781
οὔτε τὸν θεὸν φοβηθεὶς ὁ ἄθεος: 489
οὕτως ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις διατάσσομαι: 427
οὕτως καὶ ὁ: 159
οὗτος τὴν ἐν ΝικαίU+0026 139· πίοτιν ἐξέθετο: 26
πάθη: 873
πάθος Χριστοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ μου: 1037
πάλιν: 1044
πάντα γινώσκειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος: 1002
πάντα δοκιμάζετε: 140
πάντα τάξει καὶ προνοίU+0026 139· κινούμενα: 567
πάπας: 540
πάρεργον: 74
πάρεστιν ἀU+0026 204·λως τοῖς ἐνύλοις τὰ ἄU+0026 203·λα: 213
πέμψας: 142 872
πέπαυται: 944
πέρυσιν: 387
πίστις: 53 56 56 56 56
πόλις περιοχῆς: 150
πύκτια: 87 674
πᾶσα γὰρ ἡ ῞Ελλας ἐσιδηροφόρει,: 329
πῦρ ὥσπερ νοητόν, τὴν τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος μέθεξιν ἐμβαλών: 1260
πῶς δύναται τὸ κτιζόμενον κτίζειν; ἢ πῶς ὁ κτίζων κτίζεται: 928
παύγασμα: 520
παῦλα: 1094
παθῶν: 1038
παλατῖνοι: 453
πανάρετος: 1025
πανευδαίμων πατρίς: 77
παντελῶς: 552
παρὰ μόνου: 933
παρὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν: 945
παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς: 903
παρά: 1010
παράδοσις: 37 772
παράδοσις ἄγραφος: 149
παράνομοι: 338
παράνομος: 1002
παρέλαβον: 34
παρ᾽ ἐαυτοῦ: 292
παρανομίαν: 1056
παραπέτασμα: 913 914
παραπεπετασμένην: 913
παρασκευὴ: 383
παρατηρήσεως: 973
παρουσία: 888
παρρησιαζόμεθα: 501
πατὴρ τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν υἱοῦ: 1014
πατρικὴ θεότης τοῦ υἱοῦ: 1004
πατρικήν: 990
πατρικῶς: 1153
πεποιηκέναι: 253 315
περὶ ἔκεινον: 958
περὶ ὧν παρὰ τῶν: 989
περὶ αὐτὸν: 519
περὶ θεὸν: 519
περὶ πάντων πρεσβεῦσυι πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα: 144
περὶ τὸν θεόν: 1077
περὶ τῶν τολμώντων ἑαυτοὺς ἐκτέμνειν: 765
περὶ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος εἰς τὸ πάθος: 137
περιέρχεται: 795
περιέρχονται: 944
περιέρχονται ὡς οἱ κάνθαροι: 505
περιέρχονται περιβομβοῦντες: 505
περιβολὴ: 519
περιβομβεῖν: 712
περιβομβοῦσι: 1069
περιβομβοῦσιν: 505
περιεργάζεσθαι: 990
περιεργάζεσθαι·: 1023
περιεργάζονται: 944
περιλύοντες τὰς νηστείας—καταπαύοντες τὰς νηστείας—ἑσπέρᾳ βαθείU+0026 139· σαββάτου—τῇ
ἐπιφωσκούσῃ κυριακῇ: 1250
περιτιθέμενος τὴν ἐσθῆτα, ἐκαλύπτετο, ἐνδυσάμενος σῶμα: 913
περιφέρουσι: 954
περιχ: 952
περιχώρησις: 59 60 823 861 952 1000 1002 1003 1003 1005 1136 1151
πηγὴ ἐκ πηγῆς: 508
πηγὴ θεότητος: 508 1021
πηγὴ ξηρά: 508
πηγή: 60
πλὴν τῆς ἀγεννησίας καὶ τῆς πατρότητος: 1176
πλήρης εἰμί: 147
πλῆθος: 118 119
πλανηθεῖσαν γέννησιν: 1401
πλατυσμὸς: 68 1082
πλείστην ἢ ἔμπροσθεν: 978
πληρωθείσης τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐν τῷ κυριακῷ σώυατι: 142
πνεῦμα: 124 125 127 155 252 832
ποίεω: 1207
ποιήματα: 1174
ποιόν: 57
ποιεῖν: 539
ποιητής: 554
ποιηταί: 555
ποιητικὸν αἴτιον: 928
πολύθεος ἀθεΐα: 821
πολλάκις ἀπολωλέναι δίκαιοι: 910
πολλοὶ λόγοι: 947
πολυειδοῦς: 1020
πολυθρύλλητον: 848
πολυκέφαλος αἵρεσις: 1076
πολυκ. πανουργία: 1076
πολυκ. σοφιστής: 1076
πομπεία: 999
πομπεύειν: 999
πομπεύετε: 960
πουργόν: 1153
πρέδα: 132
πρὶν γενέσθαι ταῦτα: 741
πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν: 897 897 898
πρὶν γεννηθῇ ἤτοι κτισθῇ, ἢ ὀρισθῇ, ἢ θεμελιωθῇ: 927
πρὶν ποιηθῇ: 901
πρίν γενέσθαι: 900
πρὸ τῆς γεννήσεως: 902 902
πρὸ τοῦ βήλου: 673
πρόδρομον ᾽Αντιχρίστου: 338
πρόδρομος: 1125
πρόκριμα: 1383
πρόνοια: 567 567
πρόνοια τῶν πάντων: 567
πρόσωπα: 41 505
πρόσωπον: 59 1150 1186
πρόφασις: 30
πρώτη οὐσία: 538
πρώτως: 57 534 534
πρῶτον ἡμῖν: 53
πρῶτον γέννημα: 904 904
πρῶτος: 978
πρῶτος ἡμῶν: 938
πρεπτότης: 155
προέλευσις: 903 903 903 903
προαιώνιος: 512
προβάλλειν: 1071
προβάλλεσθαι: 1137
προβάλλετε: 1002
προβληθὲν γέννημα: 1137
προβληθεις: 38
προβολὴ: 524 1137 1137
προβολή: 39 44 364 1137
προβολεὺς: 1137
προελθὼν: 904
προηγουμένη: 1071 1071
προηγουμένην: 1071
προθεσμία: 418
προθεσμίαν: 752
προκάλυμμα: 913 914
προκοπή: 44 48 49 50 51 155
προκοπῆς: 872
προνόμια: 446
προπίνοντες: 493
προπετεύσαιντο: 342
προσώπου: 543
προστάσσοντα: 1153
προστασίας φίλων: 827
προσταττόμενος καὶ ὑπουργῶν: 499 929
προσταττόμενος, καὶ ὑπουργῶν: 1153
προσφορὰ: 141
προσφωνήσω: 697
προφορικὸς λόγος: 1149
προφορικός: 1149 1149
πρωτότοκος: 143 143 143 903 903 903 903 903 903 904 904 914 923 977 978
πρωτότοκος πάσης κτίσεως: 143
πρωτότοκος πασῆς κτίσεως: 903
πρωτότοκος τοῦ Θεοῦ: 903
πρωτότυπον γέννημα: 904
πρωτοτόκος: 975 997
πρωτοτόκος τῆς κτίσεως: 975
πωλήσ: 463
ρη: 202
σὰρξ: 155
σὰρξ τοῦ λόγου: 1037
σάρξ: 127 128 958 958
σύμβαμα: 1077
σύμφωνος: 1013
σύνδεσμον πίστεως: 1174
σύνδεσμον τῆς ἀγαπῆς: 1028
σύνδρομος: 1071 1074
σύνδρομος θέλησις: 1071
σῶμα: 128 155 963
σῶμα σοφίας: 1037
σαθρωθέντα: 1112
σαρκωθέντα: 29
σεβαστός: 163
σημεῖα: 566 1366
σκανδαλίζεται: 1260
σκοπὸς: 1034
σκοπός: 1034
σκοτοδινιῶντες: 1049
σκοτοδινιῶσι: 951
σοφίας ἐξηγητὰς: 702
σοφία, χρηστότης, δύναμις, θέλημα παντοκρατορικόν: 1075
σπαραττέτωσαν ἑαυτούς: 511
σπερματικός: 238
στιχάρια: 453
στολή: 914
στρατόπεδον: 429 478
στρατόπεδον·: 461
στρατεία: 461
στρατηγοὶ: 811 811
στρατηγοῦ: 794 811 811
στρατιώτου: 811
στροβίλους: 381
συγκατάβασιν: 903
συγκατάβασις: 903 903 903 904 976 976 979 997 1137
συγκριτικῶς: 888
συγκυλίονται: 1020
συμβαινούσαν καὶ ἀποσυμβαινούσαν: 1077
συμβεβηκὸς: 519
συμβεβηκός: 519
συμβεβηκότα: 519
συμφωνία: 1013 1027
συνάξεις: 629
συνήσει: 1030
συνείσακται: 765
συνετῶν θεοῦ: 702
συνηγόρου: 1002
συνιέντας: 702
συνούσιον: 839
συστολή: 68 1082
σφόδρα ἐπλημμέλησαν: 1356
σφόδρα λοίδοροι: 999
σφραγίς: 508
σχίζειν: 1297
σχῆμα ὀργανικὸν: 1035 1037
σχηματισάμενος: 1254
τἀγαθόν: 530
τὰ ἱερὰ γράμματα: 1248
τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ διατάξομαι: 427
τὰ θειᾶ τῶν πρηγμάτων: 566
τὰ καί: 253
τὰ πρός τι: 1138
τάδε λέγει: 831
τάξις: 1254
τέκνον: 518
τέλειον: 837
τέλειος: 837 1151
τέλειος κτισθείς: 143
τέλειος τέλειον γεγέννηκεν, πνεῦμα πνεῦμα: 947
τέλος: 837
τὴν ἐν θανάτῳ κατὰ φύσιν φθόραν: 141
τὴν ἰδιότροπον αὐτοῦ ὑπόστασιν· τῆς ὑποστάσεως αὐτοῦ ἀπεριεργαστοῦ· νεωτέραν τῆς
ὑποστάσεως γένεσιν· ἡ τοῦ υονογενοῦς ἀνεκδιήγητος ὑπόστασις· τὴν τοῦ λόγου υπόστασιν: 340
τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτου δύναμιν: 303
τὴν θρυλλουμένην ἀποῤU+0026 191·οήν: 818
τὴν κατὰ πάντα ὁμοιότητα: 929
τὴν κατὰ πάντα ὁμοιότητα αὐτοῦ ἐκ φύσεως ἀπομαξάμενος: 1144
τὴν μανίαν ἐξέτειναν: 771
τὴν πατρικὴν ἑαυτοῦ θεότητα: 875
τὴν πολυθρύλλητον διαλεκτικήν: 818
τὴν πολυθρύλλητον φώνην: 818
τὴν πτωχεύσασαν φύσιν θεοῦ ὅλην γενομένην: 1037
τὴν π. ὑγιαινούσαν: 953
τὴν τῆς ὁμοιώσεως ἑνότητα: 1173
τὴν τῶν ὅλων πρόνοιαν καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν οὐκ εἶναι μοθολογοῦσιν: 567
τὴν τοῦ ἀρχετύπου πλάσιν ἀναστήσασθαι ἑαυτῷ: 980
τὴν φύσιν: 872
τί δεῖ νοεῖν κ.τ.λ: 956
τί μοι καί σοι: 1048
τίς ἔγνω νοῦν Κυρίου: 156
τίς γὰρ ἤκουσε: 340
τὸ ἀκίνητον: 57
τὸ ἐν αὐτῷ: 1169
τὸ ἐξ αὐτοῦ: 1169
τὸ ἱδιον: 1004
τὸ ἴδιον τῆς οὐσίας, ταὐτότης: 59
τὸ ὀφειλόμενον: 141
τὸ ὂν: 515
τὸ ὄντως ὂν: 519
τὸ ὑποκειμένον: 57
τὸ αὐτὸ γὰρ λέγειν οὐκ ὀκνητέον: 996
τὸ βραβεῖον τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως: 1316
τὸ γὰρ ἐξελθεῖν: 817
τὸ δὲ διώκειν διαβολικόν ἐστιν ἐπιχείρημα: 710
τὸ δὲ καὶ προσκυνεῖσθαι: 817
τὸ διαλυθέντας μένειν ἐν τῷ θανάτῳ καὶ τῇ φθόρᾳ: 251
τὸ εὐαγγέλιον: 140
τὸ καλὸν κατέχετε: 140
τὸ κτιστὸν: 963
τὸ λεγόμενον κτίζεσθαι τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ οὐσίU+0026 139· κτίσμα: 957
τὸ λογικόν: 369
τὸ μονοφυὲς: 519
τὸ πάθος τοῦ λόγου: 1037
τὸ παρὰ πάντων ὀφειλόμενον: 249
τὸ ποιὸν τὸ ἐν τῇ οὐσίU+0026 139·, τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι,: 57
τὸ πολυθρύλλητον σόφισμα: 818
τὸ τέλειον: 1145
τὸ κυριακὸν σῶμα: 362
τὸν ἀληθῶς υἱU+0026 232·ν: 534
τὸν ἄνθρωπον: 875
τὸν ἄνθρωπον σαθρωθέντα: 981
τὸν ἐν ἡμῖν υἱU+0026 231·ν: 974
τὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς οἰκοῦντα λόγον: 974
τὸν ἕνα κύριον: 1384
τὸν Πατέρα συμπεπονθέναι τῷ υἱU+0026 254·: 41
τὸν Χρ: 1114
τὸν διαβόλου πρόπον ἀναλαβών: 1010
τὸν κρείττονα: 702
τὸν λόγον: 903
τὸν λόγον τροπὴν ὑπομεμενηκοτα: 912
τὸν πρὸ αἰU+0026 240·νων εὐδοκίU+0026 139· τοῦ πατρὸς γεννηθέντα: 1070
τὸν προστάττοντα κύριον: 929
τὸν προστάττοντα κύριον, τὸν δημιουργοῦντα λόγον, τὸ στερεοῦν πνεῦμα: 876
τὸν τῆς τάξεως: 811
τόδε τι: 57
τόμος: 1185
τόπος: 1001
τότε καὶ: 785
τότε καὶ νῦν: 492
τῆς ἀθέου πηγῆς: 821
τῆς ὑποστάσεως ὑπαρχούσης, πάντως εὐθὺς εἶναι δεῖ τὸν χαρακτῆρα καὶ τὴν εἰκόνα ταύτης: 844
τῆς αὐτῆς οὐσίας: 1132
τῆς γραφῆς ἔθος ἐχούσης: 966
τῆς εἰς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον διαβολῆς: 1010
τῆς εὐσεβείας: 258
τῆς θεοτόκου Μαρίας: 1018
τῆς κτ: 978
τῆς κτίσεως: 978
τῆς μονῆς τοῦ κυρίζου: 8
τῆς οἰκονομίας: 368
τῆς οὐσίας: 1004
τῆς οὐσίας ὅμοια: 1079
τῇ ἀU+0026 187·διότητι τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ μονογενοῦς συνάπτων τὴν γέννησιν: 902
τῇ ὁμονοίU+0026 139· καὶ τῇ συμφωνίU+0026 139·: 539
τῇ ὑποστάσει δύο φύσεις: 145
τῇ μὲν ὑποστάσει τρία, τῇ δὲ συμφωνίU+0026 139· ἕν: 86
τῶν ἀγοραίων: 788
τῶν ἀποστόλων διάταξις: 772
τῶν ἐγκυκλίων: 531
τῶν ἐξηγητῶν τοὺς ἄκρους εἵλεσθε: 702
τῶν ἐργασιῶν: 788
τῶν ᾽Αρειομανιτῶν τὴν ἀλογίαν: 1133
τῶν γενητῶν: 51
τῶν λόγων καιρόν: 697
τῶν νῦν ᾽Ιουδαίων: 906
τῶν πάλαι καὶ πρόπαλαι: 1018
τῶν σοφίας μεταχόντων, κατὰ πάντα σοφῶν: 702
τῶν χαμαί: 701
τῷ: 817
τῷ ἁγίU+0026 251·: 1363
τῷ ῥU+0026 208·τῳ τεθρυλλήκασι τὰ πανταχοῦ: 818
τῷ σκοπῷ: 907
τα ὅμοια τοῖς ὁμοίοις: 274
ταὐτὸν τῇ ὁμοιώσει: 517 1169
ταὐτότης βουλήματος: 45
ταὐτότης οὐσίας: 1004
ταὐτότητα τῆς οὐσιάς: 1173
ταὐτότητα τῆς φύσεως: 1173
ταὐτοούσιον: 839 1173
ταῖς ἐννοίαις χρώμενοι, πρός τὰς ἐπινοίας ἀπηντήσαμεν: 868
ταῖς λογομαχίαις: 1182
ταῦτα: 740
ταπειναὶ λέξεις: 49
τεκνογονία: 1137
τιή: 25
τινές: 1125
τινὸς φιλοπόνου γέροντος: 129
τοὺς ἄρτους: 794
τοὺς ἐν τῇ ξένῃ μοναχούς: 564
τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων,.
τ. λ: 357
τοὺς λογιμωτέρους τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἐγείρας: 118
τοὺς μυθευομένους γίγαντας: 942
τοὺς πατέρας διαβαλλόντων: 1010
τούτῳ: 907
τούτῳ χρώμενος ὀργάνῳ: 1035 1037
τούτεστιν ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ πατρός: 29
τούτους καὶ παρόντας παρέδωκεν τῷ ᾽Αλεξάνδρῳ: 32
τούτων κατ᾽ ἴχνος ἦλθον: 702
τοῖς ὀνόμασι: 926
τοῖς τῆς σαρκὸς ἐπιτιμῶντες πάθεσιν: 1264
τοῦ διὰ τῆς ἰδίας προνοίας: 567
τοῦ κατ᾽ εἰκόνα χάρις: 142
τοῦ λόγου: 903
τοῦ λεγομένου φωτεινοῦ: 69
τοῦ μοναδικοῦ βίου νομοθεσίαν ἐν πλάσματι διηγήσεως: 562
τοῦ πατρὸς: 357 1021
τοῦ πατρὸς ὅμοιος: 929
τοῦ πνεύματος: 1404
τοῦτο τὸ ἡρῶον στεφανοι ἡ ἐργασία τῶν βαφέων: 788
τον: 857
τονθορύζετε: 1059
τρίας: 39
τρίζωσι τοὺς ὀδόντως: 931
τρόπων βελτίωσις: 1029
τρεὶς ὐποστάσεις: 26v
τρεῖς ἀρχικαὶ ὑποστάσεις: 525
τρεῖς ὑποστάσεις: 41 374 1077
τρεῖς μεμερισμένας ὑποστάσεις: 552
τρεπτὸν: 1143
τρεπτὸς: 52 862 899 912
τρεπτόν: 899
τριὰς: 525 525 525
τριὰς ἀδιαίρετος τῇ φύσει, καὶ μία ταύτης ἡ ἐνέργεια: 1015
τριζέτω τοὺς ὀδόντας: 511
τριζέτωσαν: 932
τροπικῶς: 534 1179
υἱοπάτωρ: 41
υἱοπατόρα: 1137
υἱοπατώρ: 1082
υἱοποιούμεθα ἀληθῶς: 534
υἱU+0026 231·ς: 29 60 534
υἱU+0026 232·ν ὅμοιον καὶ κατ᾽ οὐσίαν ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς: 357
υἵον χρηματίζειν: 926
φάσκοντες, οὐ λέγομεν δύο ἀγένητα, λέγουσι δύο θεούς: 857
φήμη: 167 168 566 1197 1197
φύσει: 500
φύσις: 145 212 958 1178 1180 1181 1181 1181
φύσις τοῦ λόγου: 874
φανέρωσις: 1035 1037 1061
φανερῶς: 495
φθόνος: 746
φθόρα: 53 140 141 141 141 142 144
φθαρτοί: 143
φθορέας τῶν ψυχῶν: 342
φθοροποιός: 342
φιλοπόνου: 527
φιλοπτωχία: 1357
φιλοχρύσους μᾶλλον ἢ φιλοχρίστους: 827
φροντιστήριον: 414
φυσικὴν εἶναι τὴν ἁμαρτίαν: 872
φυσικὸς λόγος: 187
φυσικῆς τινος γυμνασίας ἕνεκα: 524
φυσικῶς: 534 534
φυσιολογεῖν: 854
χάρις τῆς κλήσεως: 143
χαμαιλέοντες: 341
χαρακτὴρ: 837
χαρακτῆρα: 509
χείρ: 467
χεῖρ δημιουργικὴ: 940
χρῃζόντων τῆς αὐτοῦ θεότητος διὰ τοῦ ὁμοίου: 141
χριστόφοροι: 985
χριστομάχοι: 492
χριστομάχων: 492
χριστομαχεῖν: 1182
ψύχεσθαι: 43
ψυχὴ λογικὴ: 155
ψυχή: 43
ψυχικόν: 1397
i iii v vi vii viii xi xii xiii xiv xv xvi xvii xviii xix xx xxi xxii xxiii xxiv xxv xxvi xxvii xxviii xxix xxx xxxi xxxii xxxiii xxxiv xxxv xxxvi xxxvii xxxviii xxxix xl xli xlii xliii xliv xlv xlvi xlvii xlviii xlix l li lii liii liv lv lvi lvii lviii lix lx lxi lxii lxiii lxiv lxv lxvi lxvii lxviii lxix lxx lxxi lxxii lxxiii lxxiv lxxv lxxvi lxxvii lxxviii lxxix lxxx lxxxi lxxxii lxxxiii lxxxiv lxxxv lxxxvi lxxxvii lxxxviii lxxxix xc xci 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208 209 210 211 212 213 214 215 216 217 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242 243 244 245 246 247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 311 312 313 314 315 316 317 318 319 320 321 322 323 324 325 326 327 328 329 330 331 332 333 334 335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342 343 344 345 346 347 348 349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364 365 366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 386 387 388 389 390 391 392 393 394 395 396 397 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405 406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417 418 419 420 421 422 423 424 425 426 427 428 429 430 431 432 433 434 435 436 437 438 439 440 441 442 443 444 445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 482 483 484 485 486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500 501 502 503 504 505 506 507 508 509 510 511 512 513 514 515 516 517 518 519 520 521 522 523 524 525 526 527 528 529 530 531 532 533 534 535 536 537 538 539 540 541 542 543 544 545 546 547 548 549 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558 559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571 572 573 574 575 576 577 578 579 580 581
Conferences of John Cassian offer the modern Christian a glimpse into the lives of second and third century Christian monastics. It documents the thoughts of Christians who took Jesus' instructions to take up our own cross, leave our family, and renounce our possessions literally. The Conferences of John Cassian is an early archetype of the monastic way of life where the theology of denying self is implemented in daily living. Cassian's work was highly respected by his contemporaries, as well as those who went on to have enormous influence on the monastic movement. St. Benedict referenced Cassian's work while writing The Rule of St. Benedict, which went on to be the rule of life for countless Benedictine monks.
Andrew Hanson CCEL Intern Formats available: PDF, Web, ePub, Kindle, mp3, and others. Visit the Kindle store or see http://www.ccel.org/ccel/cassian/conferences.html.
With over twenty volumes, the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers is a momentous achievement. Originally gathered by Philip Schaff, the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers is a collection of writings by classical and medieval Christian theologians. The purpose of such a collection is to make their writings readily available. The entire work is divided into two series, each with fourteen volumes. The second series focuses on a variety of important Church Fathers, ranging from the fourth century to the eighth century. This volume contains the writings of the Seven Ecumenical Councils. Spanning four centuries, they are: the First Council of Nicaea, the First Council of Constantinople, the Council of Ephesus, the Council of Chalcedon, the Second Council of Constantinople, the Third Council of Constantinople, and the Second Council of Nicaea. The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers are comprehensive in scope, and provide keen translations of instructive and illuminating texts from some of the great theologians of the Christian church. These spiritually enlightening texts have aided Christians for over a thousand years, and remain instructive and fruitful even today!
Tim Perrine CCEL Staff Writer Formats available: PDF, Web, ePub, iBook, Kindle, and others. Visit the Kindle or iBook store or see http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf214.html.